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Collected Works 

Edward Sapir 

de Gmyter 



Collected Works 


Edward Sapir 


The Collected Works of Edward Sapir 
Editorial Board 

Philip Sapir 

William Bright 

Regna Darnell 

Victor Golla 

Eric P. Hamp 

Richard Handler 

Judith Irvine 


Collected Works 


Edward Sapir 


Southern Paiute and Ute 
Linguistics and Ethnography 

Volume Editor 

WiUiam Bright 


Mouton deGruyter 

Beriin • New York 

Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague) 
is a Division of Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin. 

@ Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the 
ANSI to ensure permanence and durability. 

Library of Congress Calaloging-in-Puhlication-Data 

Sapir, Edward, 1884-1939. 

Southern Paiute and Ute : linguistics and ethnography / 
volume editor, William Bright. 

p. cm. — (The collected works of Edward 

Sapir : 10) 

Includes bibliographical references and index. 
ISBN 3-11-013543-4 (alk. paper) 

1. Southern Paiute language. 2. Ute language. 3. Pai- 
ute Indians. 4. Ute Indians. I. Bright, WiUiam, 
1928- . II. Title. III. Series: Sapir, Edward, 
1884-1939. Works. 1990:10. 
PM2094.S258 1992 

497',45-dc20 92-22947 


Die Deutsche Bibliothek — Cataloging-in- Publication-Data 

Sapir, Edward: 

[The collected works] 

The collected works of Edward Sapir / ed. board Philip Sapir 

ed. -in-chief. ... — Berlin ; New York : Mouton de Gruyter. 

ISBN 3-11-010104-1 (Berlin) 
ISBN 0-89925-138-2 (New York) 
NE: Sapir, Edward: [Sammlung] 

10. Southern Paiute and Ute linguistics and ethnography / 
vol. ed. William Bright. - 1992 
ISBN 3-11-013543-4 
NE: Bright, William [Hrsg.] 

© Copyright 1992 by Walter de Gruyter & Co., Beriin 30. 

All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of 
this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic 
or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and 
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. 
Disk conversion/Typesetting (partly): Arthur Collignon GmbH, Berlin. — Printing: 
Gerike GmbH, Berlin. — Binding: Liideritz & Bauer, Berlin. Printed in Germany. 

Edward Scipir, 1909 

In glasses, with group at Mrs. Dodd's, 

Uintah Ute Reservation, White Rock, Utah 

J. Alden Mason peering from bushes. 

(Courtesy of Sapir family) 

Edward Sapir (1884-1939) has been referred to as "one of the most brilliant 
scholars in linguistics and anthropology in our country" (Franz Boas) and as 
"one of the greatest figures in American humanistic scholarship" (Franklin 
Edgerton). His classic book, Language (1921), is still in use, and many of his 
papers in general linguistics, such as "Sound Patterns in Language" and "The 
Psychological Reahty of Phonemes," stand also as classics. The development of 
the American descriptive school of structural linguistics, including the adop- 
tion of phonemic principles in the study of non-literary languages, was pri- 
marily due to him. 

The large body of work he carried out on Native American languages has 
been called "ground-breaking" and "monumental" and includes descriptive, 
historical, and comparative studies. They are of continuing importance and 
relevance to today's scholars. 

Not to be ignored are his studies in Indo-European, Semitic, and African 
languages, which have been characterized as "masterpieces of brilliant associa- 
tion" (Zellig Harris). Further, he is recognized as a forefather of ethnolinguistic 
and sociolinguistic studies. 

In anthropology Sapir contributed the classic statement on the theory and 
methodology of the American school of Franz Boas in his monograph, "Time 
Perspective in Aboriginal American Culture" (1916). His major contribution, 
however, was as a pioneer and proponent for studies on the interrelation of 
culture and personality, of society and the individual, providing the theoretical 
basis for what is known today as humanistic anthropology. 

He was, in addition, a poet, and contributed papers on aesthetics, literature, 
music, and social criticism. 




Frontispiece: Edward Sapir, 1909 6 

Preface 21 

Introduction 13 

Southern Paint e, a S/ios/wnecm Language (1930) 17 

Texts of the Kaihah Pamtes and Uintah Utes (1930) 315 

Southern Paiute Dictionary (1931) 557 

English Index to the Southern Paiute Dictionary 

( Wick R. Miller) 753 

Kaibab Paiute and Northern Ute Ethnographic Field Notes 

(edited by Catherine S. Fowler and Robert C. Euler) 779 

Kaibab Paiute Ethnographic Field Notes 785 

Northern Ute Ethnographic Field Notes, 1909 867 

Maps/Figures 889 

Editorial Notes 903 

References 917 

Index 923 


Volumes I-VI of The Collected Works of Edward Sapir consist, for 
the most part, of shorter papers; by contrast. Volumes VII-XV are 
devoted to longer works of monographic nature — grammars, diction- 
aries, text collections, and extended ethnographic accounts. Many of 
these were published by Sapir during his lifetime; others were edited by 
his students and published after his death; still others are now being 
edited and published for the first time. The organization of each indi- 
vidual volume in this latter group brings together, in most instances, 
works on a single language and culture; in a few volumes, however, the 
unifying element is one of linguistic family or of culture area. 

Preparation of these monographic volumes has been aided by grants 
from the National Science Foundation (grant no. BNS-8609411), the 
Phillips Fund of the American Philosophical Society, and the Wenner- 
Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. 

Sapir received his doctorate at Columbia University in 1908, and 
took up a position at the University of Pennsylvania. His first field 
work thereafter, in 1909, was in Utah, with the Uncompahgre and 
Uintah Utes. Back in Philadelphia in 1910, be obtained a much 
greater amount of data on a closely related dialect, the Kaibab variety 
of Southern Paiute, as spoken by Tony Tillohash, then a student at 
Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania. The major publication which 
resulted from this work, Sapir's Southern Paiute Language — gram- 
mar, texts, and dictionary — was written in 1917, but not published 
until 1930 — 31; it is reprinted in the present volume. Permission for 
this reprinting has kindly been granted by the American Academy of 
Arts and Sciences. In addition, we publish here for the first time an 
English index to Sapir's Southern Paiute dictionary, prepared by Wick 
Miller, as well as ethnographic notes gathered by Sapir from his Ute 
and Paiute consultants, here edited and annotated by Catherine S. 
Fowler and Robert C. Euler. A topic index for the present volume 
has been prepared by Jane McGary. 

The Editorial Board is grateful to Robert C. Euler, Catherine S. 
Fowler, Jane McGary, and Wick Miller for their participation in the 
preparation of this volume. 

12 ^ Southern Faiulc and lite 

Editorial work on this volume was carried out by William Bright 
while a Research Fellow of the Center for the Study of Native American 
Languages of the Plains and Southwest, Department of Linguistics, 
University of Colorado, Boulder; thanks is given for the help of that 


The Great Basin of the western United States was, aboriginally, 
occupied mainly by tribes who spoke languages of the Uto-Aztecan 
family, specifically of the Numic branch. In older literature, this branch 
is also referred to as "Plateau Shoshonean," and the term "Shoshonean" 
has been used for a putative larger grouping within Uto-Aztecan. 

Within Numic, three divisions are generally recognized. The Western 
group includes language varieties labeled as Mono (or Monache) and 
Owens Valley Paiute, in eastern CaHfornia — plus Northern Paiute in 
Nevada and Oregon, and Bannock in Idaho. Central Numic includes 
Panamint (or Koso) in CaHfornia; Shoshone in Nevada, Utah, and 
Wyoming; and Comanche in the southern Plains. Finally, Southern 
Numic consists of Kawaiisu in California; Chemehuevi and Southern 
Paiute in southern California, Nevada, Utah, and northwestern Arizona; 
and Ute in Utah and Colorado. 

The term "Paiute" itself, unfortunately, has no clear ethnic or lin- 
guistic reference; nevertheless, the term "Southern Paiute" is well estab- 
lished as referring to some sixteen Numic "bands" or subgroups which 
share a geographical center in southern Utah. (For a survey of Numic 
hnguistics, see Miller 1986.) Among linguists, at least, it seems likely 
that the currency of the term "Southern Paiute" has been reinforced by 
its use in the title of one of Edward Sapir's most important works. 

Sapir's research on Numic began with a field trip undertaken early 
in his career. After fieldwork on Wishram Chinook in 1905, on Takelma 
in 1906, and on Yana in 1907, Sapir completed his doctorate at Colum- 
bia University in 1908 and accepted a position at the University of 
Pennsylvania. In the summer of 1909, with his student J. Alden Mason, 
Sapir arrived in Utah to study Southern Numic speech, beginning with 
the Uncompahgre Utes at Ouray Reservation. Finding that few Indians 
there spoke adequate English, he soon moved to the Uintah Utes at 
White Rocks (see Sapir's letter to A. L. Kroeber dated 7 September 
1909, in Golla 1984: 43). A brief report, "Some Fundamental Charac- 
teristics of the Ute Language," was published in 1910 (Sapir 1910c, 
reprinted in Volume V of The Collected Works). 

Back at the University of Pennsylvania in 1910, Sapir hoped to find 
a Ute speaker at Carlisle Indian School near Harrisburg; instead, he 

14 A' Southern Paiutc and Ute 

found Tony Tillohash, who spoke the Kaibab dialect of Southern Paiute. 
Tillohash moved to Philadelphia for four months, providing Sapir with 
much more comprehensive data than had been obtained on Ute (see 
Fowler and Fowler 1986). Four short papers resulted shortly thereafter: 
"Song Recitative in Paiute Mythology" (Sapir 1910d), "Two Paiute 
Myths" (19100, "The Mourning Ceremony of the Southern Paiutes" 
(1912c), and "A Note on Reciprocal Terms of Relationship" (1913c); 
these are reprinted in Volume IV of The Collected Works. However, the 
major descriptive result was Sapir's Southern Paiute Language — a 
grammar, a text collection, and a dictionary — written in 1917, but not 
published until 1930 — 31. This work is reprinted in the present volume, 
along with a previously unpublished English index to the dictionary, 
prepared by Wick R. Miller. 

Sapir's work on Numic linguistics is noteworthy from three viewpoints 
in particular. First, his 1910 report on Ute described the typical Numic 
phonological alternation of voiceless stops (p t k k\v) , voiced stops (h 
d g g\v), voiced fricatives ( fi r y y\v), and voiceless fricatives ((p R x 
Xyv); in his work on Southern Paiute, Sapir not only found the same 
alternation, but also confirmed Tony Tillohash's intuitive awareness of 
the relationship. Reported in Sapir's famous article, "La realite psycho- 
logique des phonemes" (1933c, in Volume I), this finding remains one 
of the paradigmatic examples of modern phonological theory. Second, 
Sapir's Numic data made possible a historical study, "Southern Paiute 
and Nahuatl" (1913f and 19151) — his first important work in the 
comparative/historical study of American Indian languages, and a pi- 
oneering application in the New World of the Neogrammarian meth- 
odology established in the Indo-European field. All subsequent activity 
in comparative Uto-Aztecan linguisfics is founded on this work of 
Sapir's. Third and finally, the Southern Paiute grammar itself has come 
to be recognized as a monument of American descriptive linguistics: a 
model of accuracy, clarity, thoroughness, and insight which later schol- 
ars have striven to emulate. 

In addition to data on language, Sapir collected ethnographic infor- 
mation from his Numic consultants, and organized these materials with 
eventual publication in mind. The resulting manuscripts had an "un- 
derground'' existence after Sapir's death, being consulted by several 
ethnographers. They have at last been edited for publication in this 
volume, by Catherine S. Fowler and Robert C. Euler, whose introduc- 
tory essay explains the detailed circumstances. 

Introduction 15 

Little has been published on the Southern Paiute language since 
Sapir's day; however, there is significant work on the Ute dialect of 
southern Colorado by Goss (1972) and Givon (1979, 1980); and on 
Chemehuevi by Press (1979). There is an unpublished dissertation on 
Southern Paiute by Bunte (1979); see also Bunte (1986) and Bunte and 
Franklin (1988). Proposals for the reanalysis of Sapifs data on Southern 
Paiute phonology have been published by Harms (1966), Rogers (1967), 
Chomsky and Halle (1968: 345-351), Lovins (1972), Cairns (1978), 
and Franklin and Bunte (1980). Manuscript vocabularies for a number 
of Numic dialects, collected by J. W. Powell during his nineteenth- 
century expeditions, are given by Fowler and Fowler (1971). 

Important ethnographic sources include Stewart (1942) for both the 
Ute and the Southern Paiute, Kelly (1964) for the Southern Paiute, and 
Smith (1974) for the Ute. Volumes on Chemehuevi ethnography and 
oral hterature have been published by Laird (1976, 1984). Recent surveys 
of ethnographic and historical information are provided by Kelly and 
Fowler (1986) for the Southern Paiute, and by Calloway et al. (1986) 
for the Ute. 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 



Preface 3 

Distribution and literature (§1) 5 

Phonology (§ § 2-16) 6 

Vowels (§ § 2-8) 6 

Fundamentals vowels (§2) 6 

Qualitative vocalic changes (§3) 7 

Quantitative vocalic changes (§4) 16 

Glide vowels (§5) 21 

Nasahzation of vowels (§6) 22 

EUsion of final vowels (§7) 24 

Vocalic unvoicing (§8) 27 

Syllabic structure and accent (§ § 9-11) 37 

Syllables and moras (§9) 37 

Accent (§10) 39 

Loss of one or more moras (§11) 43 

Consonants (§ § 12-16) 44 

Survey of consonants (§12) 44 

Consonantal processes (§13) 48 

Glide consonants (§14) 56 

The glottal stop (§15) 59 

Treatment of consonants in composition (§16) 62 

Morphology (§ § 17-63) 70 

Grammatical processes (§17) 70 

Compounding of stems (§18) 73 

Enclitics (§19) 87 

Prefixes (§ § 20-22) 98 

Adverbial prefixes (§ 20) 98 

Instrumental prefixes (§ 21) 101 

Reflexive and reciprocal na- (§ 22) 108 

Derivative and formal suffixes (§ § 23-37) 110 

Types of suffixes (§23) HO 

Noun suflSxes (§24) Ill 

NominaHzing suffixes (§ 25) 123 

Verbalizing suffixes (§ 26) 132 

Verb suffixes (§ § 27-34) 138 

General remarks (§ 27) 138 

Suffixes of movement (§ 28) 139 

Suffixes of voice (§29) 143 

Suffixes of verbal aspect (§ 30) 148 

Suffixes of number (§31) 159 

20 ^ Southern Paiutc and Ute 



Temporal suffixes (§32) 162 

Modal suffixes (§33) 168 

Order of verbal elements (§ 34) 169 

The diminutive (§ 35) 171 

Numeral suffixes (§ 36) 174 

Suffixes of quasi-pronominal force (§ 37) 175 

Pronouns (§ § 38-46) 176 

Classification of pronouns (§ 38) 176 

Personal pronouns (§ § 39-41) 177 

Independent personal pronouns (§ 39) 177 

Enclitic personal pronouns (§ 40) 182 

Combinations of enclitic pronouns (§41) 192 

Post-nominal pronouns (§ 42) 199 

Demonstrative pronouns (§ 43) 204 

Interrogative pronouns (§ 44) 207 

The relative pronoun (§ 45) 21 1 

Reflexive pronouns (§ 46) 211 

Noun morphology (§ § 47-50) 212 

Noun and verb stem (§ 47) 212 

Plurality of nouns (§48) 213 

Syntactical cases (§ 49) 215 

Postpositions (§50) 217 

Verb morphology (§ § 51-56) 234 

General remarks on verbal form (§ 51) 234 

The imperative (§52) 235 

Internal stem changes (§ 53) 336 

Singular and plural stems (§ 54) 241 

Verb syntax (§ 55) 243 

Substantive verbs (§56) 249 

Negation (§57) 252 

Reduplication (§58) 256 

Numerals (§59) 262 

Adverbs (§60) 266 

Interjections (§61) 272 

Idiomatic usages (§ 62) 273 

Text with Analysis 276 

Southern Paint e, a Shoshonean Language 21 


The following sketch of Southern Paiute, which was completed in 
December, 1917, is offered as a contribution to the scientific study of 
the Shoshonean languages. Whether or not it proves to be fairly 
typical of the whole group in phonologic and morphologic respects 
must be left to future research. 

My first field acquaintance with Shoshonean linguistics was gained 
in a short trip during August and September of 1909 among the 
Northern Utes of Uintah Reserve, Utah. This trip was undertaken, 
with the collaboration of Dr. J. A. Mason, under the auspices of the 
Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. A number of Ute texts 
were secured, supplemented by considerable grammatical information. 
To extend and deepen the insight into Plateau Shoshonean linguistics 
then obtained it seemed advisable, indeed necessary, to undertake 
further researches. Hence arrangements were made by the late 
Dr. G. B. Gordon, Director of the Museum of the University of 
Pennsylvania, with the authorities of the Indian school at Carlisle 
to have one of their Paiute students, Tony Tillohash, put at my 
disposal for the ethnologic and linguistic study of his tribe. I worked 
with Tony, who proved to be an excellent informant, in Philadelphia 
from February to May of 1910. A series of texts, much supple- 
mentary grammatical material, a large number of songs, and con- 
siderable ethnological information were obtained. The Paiute 
linguistic data proved so much superior to the Ute which I had 
previously secured that I have decided in this sketch to limit myself 
to the former. Moreover, there is enough phonetic, lexical, and 
morphologic difference between Ute and Southern Paiute to render 
the attempt to describe both at the same time confusing. I hope to 
publish a briefer sketch of the Ute language at some future date. 

The present volume is to be followed by a series of Southern Paiute 
and Ute texts and by a Southern Paiute vocabulary. It is a great 
pleasure to recall the unflagging patience and helpfulness of Tony 
Tillohash and the kindness with which Dr. Gordon did all that lay 
in his power to make these studies possible. My thanks are due Miss 
Jane McHugh, the Secretary and at that time Acting Director of the 
Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, and the authorities of the 
Museum for permission to have these Paiute studies published by the 

22 ^ Southern Paiiite and Ute 


American Academy of Arts and Sciences. To Professor Franz Boas I 
owe a special debt of gratitude for arranging with the Bureau of Ameri- 
can Ethnology that I prepare the present paper, later transferred to 
the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, and for his more 
recent efforts in enlisting the interest of the Academy in the publi- 
cation of my Southern Paiute manuscripts. 

Edward Sapir. 
University of Chicago, 
Chicago, III., 
April 14, 1929. 

Southern Paiule, a Shoshunean Language 23 


§ 1 . Distribution and Literature. 

The Shoshonean dialect that is more particularly treated in this 
paper is Kaibab Paiute, spoken in southwestern Utah and north- 
western Arizona. The name Kaibab is an Anglicized form of the 
native qa'ivavitci "mountain-lying, plateau." The Kaibab Paiutes 
are only one of a large number of tribes or bands in southwestern 
Utah, northwestern Arizona, southern Nevada, and southeastern 
California that have been loosely grouped together as Paiute proper 
or Southern Paiute. The linguistic differences found in the speech 
of the various Paiute bands are slight. Paiute itself belongs, accord- 
ing to Kroeber's terminology, to the Ute-Chemehuevi branch of 
Plateau Shoshonean, a branch that includes, besides the Paiute 
dialects, the Ute dialects of western Colorado and most of Utah, 
Kawaiisu (spoken in south-central California), and Chemehuevi 
(spoken in southeastern California along the Colorado; the Cheme- 
huevi are probably nothing but a Paiute band that have been sub- 
jected to strong Yuman influences). It is doubtful if even the geo- 
graphically extreme Ute-Chemehuevi dialects, say Uncompahgre 
Ute and Chemehuevi, are not mutually intelligible with considerable 
ease. The two other branches of Plateau Shoshonean are Shoshone- 
Comanche (including Shoshone proper, Comanche, Gosiute, and 
Shikaviyam, spoken in California) and Mono-Paviotso (including 
Mono, Northern Paiute or Paviotso, "Snake" of eastern Oregon, 
and Bannock). Southern Paiute and Northern Paiute should be 
carefully distinguished; they are not dialects of the same language, 
but distinct and mutually unintelligible languages. Indeed, Ute- 
Chemehuevi differs from both Shoshone-Comanche and Mono- 
Paviotso in important morphological as well as phonetic respects. 
Thus, pronominal elements are suffixed (or enclitically affixed) in 
Ute-Chemehuevi, but prefixed (or proclitically affixed) in the other 
two branches of Plateau Shoshonean. 

The Shoshonean languages, according to Kroeber, comprise four 
groups: the Plateau Shoshonean languages; Tiibatulabal or Kern 
River, spoken in south-central California; Hopi; and a group of 
southern Californian languages comprising the Serrano dialects, the 
dialects of the San Luiseho-Cahuilla branch, and the Gabrielino 

24 A' Southern Paiute and Ute 


dialects. The phonetic, lexical, and morphologic differences between 
these four groups of Shoshonean languages are evidently considerable. 
All the Shoshonean languages, taken as a unit, comprise the northern- 
most representative of the Uto-Aztekan stock. This stock includes, 
besides Shoshonean, Nahuatl or Aztec and the Sonoran or Piman 
languages spoken in the long stretch of country between the Mexican 
state of Jalisco and the Rio Gila (among these languages are Cora; 
Huichol ; Yaqui-Opata-Cahita-Tarahumare ; Pima-Papago-Tepehuane- 
Tepecano). So far as is at present known, the Uto-Aztekan languages 
are not genetically related to any other American languages. 

The published material dealing with the Ute-Chemehuevi dialects 
is scanty. We have some sketchy material of Kroeber's;^ a phonetic 
study of Southern Ute by J. P. Harrington ;2 and a brief abstract on 
Ute by Sapir.^ Some linguistic material on Southern Paiute is also 
contained in Sapir's Song Recitative in Paiute Mythology.^ A compara- 
tive treatment of Uto-Aztekan, primarily from the point of view of 
Southern Paiute, is given in Sapir's Southern Paiute and Nahuatl, 
a Study in Uto-Aztekan} 

Phonology (§ § 2-16). 

VOWELS (§ § 2-8). 

§ 2. Fundamental Vowels. 

Southern Paiute recognizes five primary or organically distinct 
vowels. These are a (as in German Mann); i (as in French fini), 
which interchanges freely with i (as in English fin) ; u (open as in 
English put, rarely close as in French bout), which interchanges freely 

1 A. L. Kroeber, Notes on the Ute Language (American Anthropologist, n. s., 
1908, pp. 74-87); notes on Chemehuevi and Kawaiisu (pp. 256-262) in Notes 
on Shoshonean Dialects of Southern California (University of California 
Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 8, no. 5, 1909). 

2 J. P. Harrington, The Phonetic System of the Ute Language (University 
of Colorado Studies, vol. VIII, 1911, pp. 199-222). 

' E. Sapir, Some Fundamental Characteristics of the Ute Language (American 
Anthropologist, n. s., 1910, pp. 66-69). 

* Journal of American Folk-Lore, 1910, pp. 455-72. 

^ Part I (Vowels): Journal de la Soci6t6 des Ara^ricanistes de Paris, N. S., 
X, 1913, pp. 379-425; Part II (Consonants): American Anthropologist, N. S., 
1915, pp. 98-120, 306-328, also in Journal de la Soci6t6 des Am^ricanistes 
de Paris, N. S., XI, 1919, pp. 443-488. Part III, to be devoted to morphol- 
ogy, is still due. 

Southern Paint e, a Shoshonean Language 25 


with close o (as in French bean); o (as in German voll, hut much 
less clearly rounded, hence tending acoustically towards a); and i 
(high back unrounded, probably like ao of Gaelic aon). Of these 
vowels, 'i is characteristic of most Shoshonean languages. It is often 
heard as a dull or muddied il or o, but is really not at all related to 
these vowels, as it is totally unrounded, the lips being perfectly 
passive. It is most easily acquired by setting the back of the tongue 
in position for u and carefully unrounding the lips without at the 
same time disturbing the tongue position. 

Each of the vowels may be short or long. The long vowels are 
indicated as a-, v (or r), v (or o), o-, and v. Diphthongs are common : 
ai (also modified forms di, ti), ui (or oi), or, 'ii; and au. Long diph- 
thongs, e. g. a'i {aai), o'i {o'oi, ooi), are also frequent. Such diph- 
thongs, however, are only secondary developments of short diphthongs ; 
no three-moraed syllables are allowed (see § 9, 1). Triphthongs some- 
times arise when diphthongs combine with simple vowels, e. g. ooi. 

Actually there are many more than five vocalic qualities to be 
recognized in Southern Paiute. According to their vocalic or con- 
sonantic surroundings, each of these is subject to a considerable 
gamut of modifications, running from comparatively slight changes 
of nuance to complete assimilation to other primary vowels. The 
following section gives examples of all the types of vocalic modification 
that have been noted. 

§ 3. Qualitative Vocalic Changes. 

Many of the modifications here listed are optional; that is, they 
tend to take place in fairly rapid and uncontrolled speech, where 
complete or partial assimilations in articulation are particularly apt 
to occur, but may be absent in more controlled speech. Thus, one 
hears i{y)a, i{y)d, or i(y)E, all equivalents of a psychologically funda- 
mental ia. It will be most convenient to list the changes under the 
five fundamental vowels. 

(1) Modifications of a: 

(a) Palatalization. After a syllable containing i, a is frequently 
palatalized to a (as in English hat) or, still further, to e (as in English 
met). This takes place particularly when a directly follows i (with 
or without glide y, see § 14, 2), or when v intervenes. Examples are: 

*'i-va- this-at ''t'm' here; ^'i'vd-nfimotnaTjqwA 

from here 

26 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


qani-vantuywa- house- to qani'vdntuywa-viiipi to their own 

ivd'tci', ivt'tci way off, early 
u'qwapL-ma7it'i- wood-from, some u^qwa'-pim'dnt'i, -m-ent'i some 

wood wood 

pi{y)a- mother piyd'ruywcup'i to his own mother; 

piye'ni my mother 

Much less frequently a, standing between a syllable with i and 
a following y, may be still further palatalized to close e: 

aiva(i)ya- companion a'%ve{y)a7)w'iar]A his companions 

(b) Dulliyig to a. Dulling to a (like u of English hut) is extremely 
common, particularly in unaccented syllables. It seems to take place 
chiefly before or after nasal consonants {m, n, rj): 

-ya-nti- being ^ontco'yii ani'i with one eye lack- 

-na- verbal abstract suffix ora'va-nani what I shall dig 

m^a-Tja- that (anim.) m'^ay'a-'qA that is the one 

(c) Labialization. Rather infrequently a is darkened to co 
(acoustically midway between a and o) in partial assimilation to an 
of the preceding or following syllable; this co was not always care- 
fully distinguished in recording from o: 

qaa'mp'its- grouse ayo'^qoiampits- fir-grouse 

toca- white > fo^ca'-, Vho:'pa{i)y(xmpats- white-breast- 

toha'- (§ 13, 1, b) ed, gull (also recorded as nor- 

mal tD'ca'pa{i)yampats-) 

Further labialization to o takes place very frequently after labialized 
gutturals {qw, yiv, yqio), wo being often simplified to o: 

-q-a- plural subject; combines nantl'navuRUqwop'iyaiyarjA sev- 
with preceding -ru- to -ru'qwa- eral tracked him back and 
or -Ruqwa'- forth 

-yw'ai- to go in order to qivUca'yiv oip'iya'^ went to de- 

piyo'xwa- to drag piyo'xoM'miaxa'^ while dragging 

-mnayqwa-pa- behind vv"'i-'na7)q{w)op-A behind it 

-qwa'ai- to go payikwo'oip-'iya^ went home 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 11 


(2) Modifications of i (alternating with i, more rarely e) : 

(a) Diphthongization to ai, oi. This occurs pretty regularly after 
gutturals (q, 7, yq) immediately preceded by a and o respectively. 
ai is quite frequently heard as di, ei or as "t, H with rather fleeting 
glide-like a or e; H is sometimes heard still further reduced to i (see 
b). After a + labialized guttural i > ai may be labialized to oi, H 
(cf. 1, c). These diphthongs are not treated as organically such, 
but regularly count in accentual phenomena as simple vowels (see 
§ 9). Examples are: 

payi- to\\'d\k{e.g.'mpa'xiqwaai- paya'irjqw'ai* walks off ; j)a7az'- 
tcayA he went away) n«'NU''qWLp-'iya' started to 

walk; pay'i'-qwa'" go away; 

pay'i'na-Tjw'irn-payi-Y'i cloud 

stands up and walks (sixth and 

seventh syllables) 
-yi- durative iterative suffix qu'pa'raydkat several pop one 

after another 
icaqi- to stop (rolling) tcA'qa'ip'iya'^ stopped rolling; 

tcA^qi'y'iaqA it stops 
tsirjwaxt.- to stick in several (e. g. tsdsLTjwaxaimip'iyainL all kept on 
in iSLTjwa'xikaiy'iavi they are as though stuck; tsLtsn)wax''i'- 

stuck in) p'iyainC all went in as though 

st\XQk;tsi'rjwa'xi^^ sticks several 

mam- a' "cay wi- old woman ?nama"'^caywoits-, -caywHts- old 

toyi-, toywi- just, precisely toyo'iaruqwaxi right under it; 

toyo'ituywanu midnight 

toyo'i- not infrequently even loses its i and appears as toyo'- (e. g. 
toyo'mA'cilywiYU ten), but such recorded forms as toy^i'arjaruqwA 
RIGHT under him and tdyH'mava'anA right above that prove 
clearly that the second o is inorganic. 

(b) Dulling to i, 'i. After ts, i is regularly dulled to i, a high un- 
rounded "mixed" vowel (to use Sweet's terminology) that sounds 
acoustically midway between i and i. It has been often recorded 
simply as i, sometimes also, though exaggeratedly, as 'i. Examples 

-isL- diminutive tiyqa'niviafs'iaff'C his own little 

cave (obj.) 

28 X Southern Pahitc and Ute 


-tsi- gerund pA^qa'rjutsl'LywA having killed 

him; p\?iL'avtvatsi'qWA being 
about to lie down and watch it 

tsi- with the point of a stick-like tsiyu'in'mvxwiy'ini is poking me; 
object tsi'nikipiycC stuck (one ob- 


More rarely i is gutturalized to i, i after guttural consonants 
(9, 7. ^. w)' cf. (a) above: 

-a-t- to come in order to . tona'x'iy'iarjA he comes to punch 

-qi- hither ya'q'iyaqA bring it 

waq L- hither + -yki- to come WA^qi'yki-^uayA as he came 

(c) Consonanih'mg before nasals. When standing before n or rj 
and coming after ts (sometimes modified to /■, see §13, 7, a), less often 
after q, i not infrequently loses its vocalic character altogether and 
assimilates to the following nasal, becoming syllabic ri or 2/ (cf. 
English kazn. from cousin): 

-tsL- gerundive + -ni- I qa'vatsv,ni being about to sing, I 

-iSL- diminutive + -ni- my wi'tsi'trfni my great-grandchild 

(d) Consonantizing to y. Rather infrequently the combination i -f 
vowel, via i + glide y + vowel, simplifies Xo y -\- vowel, e. g. : 

i{y)d'nu- present here yd'nu- 

compare u{w)a'nu- present there > wa'nu- (see 5, a). 

(3) Modifications of i: 

(a) Assimilation to i. Not too frequently an 'i is assimilated to 
the t of a following syllable or, as i, to an immediately following y. 
Long 'i- is then apt to dissolve to vi, i'. Examples are: 

ti'ijw'i- to be in a hurry tiywini' hurriedly 

qvm- to take qwTqwi"i'^ takes several times 

(< qioiq-mf't-yi-) 

-nil- after iini.'karju7niHs- after they had 

done so (< -m'i-tsi-) 

iv"'t- hortatory adverb 'iv^'i'nLa'" hurry up thou! 

'iv^i'yani go ahead ye me! (con- 
trast 'iv^'i'ni go ahead thou 

tiywi-n-ia-, 'iv^i-nia- and 'iv"'i-ya- regularly so appear, never with 
second i, t. 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonecm Language 29 


(b) Palatalization to i, i. After c and tc, i often loses its extreme 
backward articulation, passing into i and even (at least so frequently 
recorded) t. This secondary i, however, must never be confused 
with primary i, t; unlike it, e. g., it cannot palatalize guttural or 
dental consonants (see § 13, 4; § 13, 3). Examples are: 

(nnarjwavi- coyote clna'ywa<pi, ana'ywacpi coyote 

watci- to put watci'yn'miaplya' (he) put while 

going along 
pitci- to arrive pi'pi'taRi arriving 

Note, e. g., that if the -ta- of the last form were primary, not 
modified from -tc'i-, it would have changed the participial ~ri to -tc'i 
(see § 13, 3). 

Dental consonants {t, r, nt, n) also frequently modify an immediately 
following i to i, t. Indeed an i or t following t, r, or nt is practically 
always modified from an original 'i, as an old primary i has regularly 
assibilated these consonants (see § 13, 3). Examples are: 

niijw'i'a- part of body mywi"a{i)yayA parts of his 

body (obj.) 
t'iq-a- to eat tiHi.'qa{i)yini I eat several 

marina- to chase marn-a'nnap'iya'aiyivA several 

chased him 

Less frequently y'i becomes modified to yi, yi; e. g. pa{i)yi- to re- 
turn > pa{i)yl-, pa{i)yi-. As might be expected from its position, 
i is best preserved after guttural consonants, e. g. payi" fish. 

(c) Dulling to i. If i is frequently recorded by students as an 
obscure u, the nuance i tends to be heard as an obscure o. It is 
possible, indeed, that i is pronounced with slight inner rounding, as 
it appears chiefly in labial surroundings. It is a "wide" vowel, 'i 
being "narrow"; it is probably also slightly lower in articulation than 
i. Though i is a difficult vowel to define, it represents a nuance 
clearly distinct from that of i. Acoustically it may be described as 
a duller form of i, tending to be heard both as u and a. 

After labial consonants {p, v, mp, m; less often w) the change of i 
to I is regular, less regularly before them : 

pi- relative pronoun plv'^a" wherein 

-lu- one's own qanJatpi one's own house (obj.) 

-mpi- plant suffix oyo'mpi fir 

30 A" Southern Paiiitc and Ute 


miy'i- gopher m\y'i' Tjqannp'i gopher house 

impin'na- to paint 'impi'iinai'' paints 

Rarely qwi simplifies to q'i: 
qwi{iynL-k-ai- to strut out qi'{iy Ni^'kaai struts out (his) 

one's breast breast 

This is analogous to the change of qwa to qwo, qo (see 1, c). 

(d) Labialization. When coming before a nasal consonant fol- 
lowed by a labial consonant or vowel (e. g. vip, rjw, yu), i, in its 
frontal modification i, is further developed to a corresponding slightly 
rounded vowel iX, acoustically midway between i and the true high- 
front-rounded w. Our iX is probably only inner-rounded and not 
articulated as far front as the standard il; often it sounds like a 
rapid diphthongal iv or ii). Examples are: 

fimpa- mouth tumpa'ni my mouth 

patci- daughter yaicu'yw'iayA his daughters 

m'ia'yanti- mountain divide vna'yantumpa'' at mountain 


pa{i)yi- to return pa{i)yu'i)upiya returned 

t'i- stone (e. g. in tirjqa'ni, tiijqa'ni tumpi'ts- stone 

A somewhat similar (juality, yet slightly more rounded and re- 
tracted, probably equivalent to the standard u (high-mixed-rounded- 
wide), sometimes develops from i.' (see c above) before nasal + 
guttural or labial or before nasal + i: 

pirjqa- habitually pvtjqa- habitually 

pi- relative pronoun pvrjwa' ntuxw A on whom 

pijii- to see pvni'p'iya' saw 

This quality was generally recorded as simply ii (too far front) or 
I (too far back). For practical purposes i does well enough. 

A still stronger degree of lal)ialization is attained by t when it 
stands before v"" or yw. This quality has been generally recorded 
as u, i. e. u, but it is rather flabbier in sound than the true rounded 
open u (varying with o). Examples are: 

ami- they am-y'v^^'aniuxwA upon them 

mav'i- clothes via'v'uyiVA his clothes 

The same modification occurs in yw'i, which frecjuently loses its 
w (cf. 1, c; 3, c), before yw or m: 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 31 


-rjw'i animate plural a'ivaiarjurjwa'aiipL with his own 

companions; nay'i'marju'ijucu 
strangers-to-each-other you 
(pi.) (< nayima-r)wi-7]wi-c-u-) 

-yw'i- you (pi.) subjective -rjumi- you (pi.) objective (< 


(e) Assimilation to o. This and the following modification (f) 
differ from the labializations spoken of under (d) in that they repre- 
sent complete and regularly occurring assimilations. Before a 
syllable containing d, i appears assimilated to o: 

w'iy'i- vulva -f o'paq'i- nA hole w'iyo'o'paqhiA vagina 
qari'7ihnpl- saddle + toHsi- head qari'nlmpoRDtsld' saddle horn 

Less regularly i is assimilated to a preceding o: 
-riimi our (exclusive) ayo'nomi our tongue 

(f) Assimilation to u (o). Before a syllable containing u (o), i 
assimilates to u (o): 

tiyLav'i- deer hide tiyiavuru- to make a deer hide 

cuwa'p-dci- to wake up (intr.) cuwa'pUcutui- to wake up (tr.) 
aju'i- they amu"ura' towards them; 

avvv'wami in front of them 
(< avv'i- -\- -uwa' mi-) 
-y'i- present tense + -rua- inter- puwa'ru'a{i)yvru'ani am I be- 
rogative coming a medicine-man? 

This assimilation takes place also after a syllable containing u (o) : 

-ru to make + -y'i- present tense a{i)ya'ruyuni I make a turtle 
-yhn-arjwdwywa- away from uyu'maijwd-uxwA away from it 

.yi. -j- -n-oa- modal enclitic uwa'i-uywaVu' a{i)yon-OA some- 

body is walking in that direc- 

Only infrequently does 'i fail to assimilate to u. This seems to 
occur sometimes when a glottal stop separates the vowels, e. g. 

ni'u'nantux-WA opposite to me; y'i'u-, yCu- leg, more often 
yu'u-, yo'o-. 

(g) Consonantizing before nasals. This takes place, though less 
frequently, imder the same circumstances as the analogous con- 
sonantizing of i (see 2, c above), but after a c: 

32 ^ Southern Paiute and Vte 


'ac'intu'i- to like 'a'c-^iu'i- to like 

■ (4) Modifications of o: 

(a) Semi-unrounding. Between two a-vowels an o is sometimes 
semi-unrounded and dulled in quality to a sound approximating that 
of a itself. This quality appears to be identical with that of the 
w referred to above (1, c). Examples are: 

-oayduywa- around aw'ayit-uxwA around it 

oa- back pi^Jca'ojayaip'iya" had a sore 


(b) Palatalization. Rather infrequently we find o palatalized or 
"umlauted" to a true o (mid-front-rounded, probably "wide") 
after y: 

{;i)yovi- mourning dove (i)yd'vLtcuA'tsn]wi. little mourn- 

ing doves 

In Ute (both wide and narrow varieties) is found as the regular 
correspondent of Southern Paiute o (e. g. Ute dd'<t)i salt: Southern 
Paiute oa'4>i). 

(c) Assimilation to v. Sporadically o is assimilated to an u of the 
following syllable: 

poro- several travel poru'qup'iya' several started out 

The compound form -puru-, like certain other examples of o-u 
alternation, belongs rather to vocalic "ablaut" than to the purely 
phonetic phenomena here discussed (see § 17, 7, a). 

(5) Modifications of ti (alternating with o): 

(a) Consonantizing to w. Passage into the corresponding semi- 
vowel w, when standing before a vowel, sometimes takes place: 

u- demonstrative stem w'a'xava'qWA into it 

ui-r)wa-'ya7iti-, oi-ijwa^antt- can- wi'tjwayant'imparjwi in a canyon 

(b) Assimilation to i. An unaccented u is rarely assimilated to an 
i, L of the following syllable: 

-cu- enclitic element "also" tim"'u'RU''qwayi.tuaCLnL' as 

though under them too 
{-c-uni' was also recorded) 

Southern Paiute, a Sboshoneati Language 33 


(c) Unrov7iding to i. An unrounded v, i. e. 'i, sometimes develops 
after iy or before y, also quite frequently immediately before i. 
This secondary if" may be further developed to i, t (see 3, b). Examples 

tsL- with the point of a stick + tsV {y)'L vvuxWLp'iyaiyariA kept 

yum'mu- to poke poking him 

-cnya-ywa-Jioa- would that -c-'iyaywa-^-ciyaywa-, 


-fui- causative suffix inni'tuka' caused to see 

kwdu- anus + yoyo- to copulate kwi'fi'ioyotV anus-copulating 

with place, passive pederast 

(d) Assiviilation to i. Between two 'i- vowels, u is rarely assimi- 
lated to 'i {ii): 

ta"i- shirt -f- -ni- to make ta"'iru7]q'i piyaiA'^qaarjA made it 

into a shirt for him 

(e) Opening to o. Before, less frequently after, an a, u is some- 
times broadened out to an open o: 

ua- demonstrative -f- -ya- objec- 'oa'iA modal adverb 

-riia- interrogative ivi'yuntcar'oani did I take a 

-vrai- toward at)a"orai''p'iya went towards him 

moyoa- soul moyo'a<pi soul 

As the last example shows, two successive o- vowels both tend to 
develop to o when one of them is so modified (cf. f). 

An original u (o) tends to become opened to o before and after -7-. 
This is particularly true of the group -uyu- (-070-), which seems to 
develop regularly to -oyo-; e. g. yoyo- to copulate with, toyo'aipi 
RATTLESNAKE. Sometimes comparison with Ute, in which primary 
appears as (Ute is an open form of u, 0), is necessary in such 
cases to determine whether Paiute is primary or developed from o. 

(f) Assimilation to 0. An u (0)- vowel assimilates to before a 
syllable containing 0: 

to- black to"ovan'naijqA black goose; 

to' ponton' i^kayit'inC like some- 
thing black and spherical 

kwdu- buttocks kwiHo'o'paq'ipi anus 

■{■ opaq'ipi- hole 

34 X Southern Poiute and Ute 


Infrequently u is assimilated to o by the 5 of a preceding syllable 
(contrast 4, c) : 

mano- all + -^w- objective man-o'q-{w)o- (also heard as 


(g) Consonantizing before nasals. Infrequently ii loses its vocalic 
nature when standing between q and rj, appearing as syllabic jf (cf. 2, 
c; 3, g): 

-qv- subordinating suffix + yd'vitciiAtsLya-qyyumi being-a- 
-rjumi- you (pi. obj.) little-mourning-dove vou (pi. 


§ 4. Quantitative Vocalic Changes. 

(1) Vocalic contractiox. Long, less often short, vowels some- 
times result from the contraction of two short vowels or of a long 
and a short vowel. The vowels may be either of the same or of 
different qualities. We shall take up the examples according to the 
quality of the resulting product. 

(a) Vowels contracting to a- (a). The most common source of a 
contracted a- is a + a: 

-ntcu'a- interrogative + aya- he a'iiitcu'arjA that-inter.- he 

-ntcu'a- H — aqa- it imi'ntcu'aqA thou-inter.- it 

-ya- objective + -atja- his tixrnpa'{i)ya-rjA his mouth (obj.) 

-xwa- preterit suffix + -aT)a- ya'a'ixwarjA he died 

-7ia- verbal noun suffix + -atja- ora'narjA which he dug up 

-»H(//)a- usitative + -aqa- it NA^ci'vi'^'iamiya-qA keeps for- 
getting it 

Less commonly a- results from a- + a: 

-mpa- future + arja- he pA^qa' rjqiTjinn par)' amini he will 

kill thee for me 
qa- to sing + -aqa- imperative qa'qA sing! 

Often, but not necessarily, di contracts to a-: 

tiimpa- mouth + 'i-yap'i- what tumpa-'yap'i bit and bridle 

pa'i- perfectly pa-'rjqicioqoiic'i perfectly round 

and hollow 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 35 


Also la is not infrequently heard as a-, a: 

-Tjw'i- animate plural + -a- ob- -ywa-, -ywa- 

j active 
-yl- present tense + -aya- he -yayA 
-rjqi- indirective heyga'pA don't laugh! 

+ -a'pa- negative 

An an, itself usually contracted from a -\- u (see b), is sometimes 
further contracted to a- before qw, yiv, or p the labial vowel ?/ being 
absorbed, as it were, into the following labialized consonant but 
leaving its quantitative value behind in the lengthening of the pre- 
ceding a. Examples are: 

na-urfwai- to hang oneself na' tjijoaiywa^ii ' go hang thyself! 

niv^a-urjwa- to snow niv^a'ijwap'iya' it snowed 

nauqwirjqi- to fight na' qwiyqi- 

(< na-^uqwi-Tjqi-, see § 13, 5, b) 

(b) Vowels contracting to ai, au. This results when organically 
distinct a and i, or u, combine: 

quna- fire -\ — i'ni- possessed quna'i'niarayiVA our (Indus.) 

fire (obj.) 
ma- that + -upa'- in (such a) ma'upa'" in tiiat way 

A long a- -\- i also contracts to ai. This is because organically 
long diphthongs are not allowed in Southern Paiute. E. g. : 

cTpu'v^a- cold water + -in'ni- cTpu'v^'ainLnisiyttiinL is wont 
possessed to have cold water 

Apparently a- + u (o), however, remains as disyllabic « -//, e. g. : 

qava- horse + -up-ania- like qava-'opauLani I (;un) like a 


Had qavau- resulted, the above form would iiave been qava'upanutni 
(see§§8, 2, a;10, 1). 

(c) Vowels contracting to i, i; r. The 'ii, u, u which sometimes 
results from an original ui (see § 3, 5, c) is sometimes heard still 
further reduced to i: 

~(ui- causative suffix na'a'itip'iya' made a fire 

-r'ui- to become twYiva'r'irjup'iya' it got dark 

36 ^ Southern Paiule and Ute 


Rarely y'i advances beyond yi, yt (see § 3, 3, b) to contracted i: 
-rjqi- indirect! ve + -y'i- present tu'^qwi" airjqiir'on' i' ^ art thou 
tense ashamed of me? 

A long r, not infrequently heard simply as i, t, appears as a con- 
tracted product of i + i: 

qivi- locust -\ — m't- possessed q'i-'vm'mi my locust 
qani- house + -i'lii- possessed qani"nLni my house 

(d) Voiocls contracting to v, 'i. A contracted r sometimes results 
from 'i + i, itself sometimes reduced from 'iy'i (see § 13, 5, b): 

i'iy'iv^'i- friend ti'v^'iarjA his friend (obj.) 

Rarely does i" result from 'i + ^i, whicli normally gives d- < w + 

ni- I -\- -u(iv)a'vii- in front of ni'wami in front of me 

(e) Vowels contracting to 'ii. This diphthong sometimes results 
from % + i, i' + i, or 'iyi (for loss of 7, see § 13, 5, b): 

cvyi- sugar + -i'ni- possessed cv'xii'nini my sugar 
fiyia- deer ti'iaRUquaxi)! deer meat; pa- 

fi'ia- elk (lit., water-deer) 

(f) Vowels contracting to o-, 0. The contracted product o- results 
from either -\- 0, assimilated from u -\- (see § 3, 5, f) : 

u- demonstrative stem 0' aydux-w a around it 

+ -oayU-uywa- around 

or from o- -{- u: 

po- trail + -upa' through po-'pa'" through the trail 

Ordinarily, however, the u in the latter case keeps its distinctive- 
ness, e. g. po'^Upa'" THROUGH THE TRAIL. 

The oa, oa- which sometimes appears as a broadened form of 
original ua (oa), ua- (oa-) (see § 3, 5, e) appears also contracted to 
0, 0-: 

-r'ua- interrogative pua'r'uava-r'on-i}(,ainC it looks 

as though I shall become a 

-r'ua — h -a))a- he ya' a'iva- niar' o- tjaxainL it looks 

as though he will die 

u{w)unu- yonder + -a>)(i- ii{;w)a'noi]A up there he 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 




(g) Vowels catiirading to oi. This diphthong sometimes results 
from -\- i ov 0- -\- i, being itself sometimes a broadened form of u 
after a (see § 3, 5, e) : 

po{)o'in'7iini my trail (foroa <o- 

see 2, b below) 
jmra'oin^nini my flour 

jw- trail -\ — in'ni- possessed 

piirau- flour + -hini- 

(h) Voiccls contracting to o-, v. The u -\- u that is frc(iucntly found 
contracted to o- (y) is either primary or assimilated from i + u (see 
§ 3, 3, f). Examples are: 

um^u- they (invisible) + -u{w)- um'"y'''ami in front of them 

a^mi- in front of 

ami- they (visible) + -u{w)a^mi- amo'wa'mi in front of them 

nam'i- first + nv^'itii- to sing a namo'v'^itu' p'i-ya sang the first 

song song 

(i) Vowels contracting to ui. This diphthong sometimes results 
from u -\- i or v (o) + i: 

tu'y{w)v- to cache + -m'm- pos- tuy{w)v{-)'in'nini my cached 
sessed things 

(2) Vocalic lengthening. Several phonetic phenomena may be 
conveniently grouped under this head. 

(a) Secondary lengthening. Very characteristic of Southern Paiute, 
as contrasted with Ute, is the secondary lengthening of organically 
short vowels. This seems to take place, strangely enough, more 
often in unaccented than in accented syllables; it occurs with parti- 
cular frequency in initial syllables, though found also medially. The 
lengthening has neither morphological nor mora -determining (§ 9) 
significance. Where advisable to indicate its inorganic character, 
the mark of length is enclosed in parentheses, e. g. a(). Examples 

ma- that 

piywa- wife 

qura- neck 

twywa- night 

oa- back -\ — va'nn- on 

ta- with the feet 

7na{-)va'aiYU from there 
pi{-^)ijwa'ni my wife 
qu{-)ra'{i)yar)A his neck (obj.) 
tv()ywa'var through the night 
o{-)'a-va(-yna)U on my back 
n'iv"'a'ta{) maya- p'iya' went out 

to test depth of snow with the 


38 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


-vaywi- in qani.'va{-)T)wii-umanarjqwA out 

from inside the house 

That, to take the last two examples, we are really dealing with 
organic ta- and -varjivi- respectively, is proved not only by the testi- 
mony of the overwhelming preponderance of ta- and -vaijwi- in other 
forms but also by the treatment, as regards unvoicing, of the vowels 
following the a(). A primary two-moraed a- would have demanded 
the incorrect forms: *n'iv^a'tamaya.i^p'iya and *qan(.'var)Wituma- 
naijqwA (see § 10, 1). 

(b) Pseudo-diphthongal or -iriphthongal treatment of long vowels 
(and diphthongs). Any long vowel, less frequently secondarily 
lengthened vowel, may be pseudo-diphthongized, i. e. weakly rearticu- 
lated: a", i\ t*", u" (o", o°), o". Examples will meet us frequently, 
so none need be listed here. All organically long vowels, whether 
resulting from contraction or not, may be broken up into two short 
vowels or even a short and a long vowel or a long and a short vowel ; 
e. g. organic a-, a° may be further heard diphthongized to aa, aa-, 
aa. Throughout aa and a- are to be considered as phonetic equival- 
ents, similarly for other vowels (e. g. ?/r' or yvi" doorway). Examples 
of broken-up long vowels are : 

-tea- preterit tense -\ — aya- he, tona' {■ uatcaarjanoA some one 
him struck him; ovi'nti'qay'wmtca- 

arjA he turned into wood 

qvp-aya- to spill water out of the quv'payap'iya'aikwA (he) let 
mouth it spill out of (his) mouth 

Analogously, organic diphthongs may be pseudo-triphthongized; 
e. g. ai > aai, oi > ooi, au > aau. Even secondary lengthening of 
the first vowel is sometimes found: d{-)oi < oi. Examples of pseudo- 
triphtiiongs are: 

-p'iyai- remote past sotsL'Tjupiyaaic-u again peeped 

-urai- towards arja"uraaicu towards him again 

qoi'na- several fall down qoo'i'napcya' (line) fell right 

2)oi- chest poo'i(}>i, poo'i4>i chest 

yauqwi- (sun) sets yaa'uq-xoin.A setting 

(c) Rhetorical lengthening of vowels. Final vowels, instead of 
being elided (see § 7, 1) or unvoiced (see § 8, 1, a), are sometimes, 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 39 


for reasons of rhetorical emphasis, lengthened and generally followed 
by a glottal stop: 

i'tjA this one iya-"'^ this one 

u'mA with it iim^a"" 

kwiHu'ni my anus kwiHun-i-"^ 

-n-i{y)a- like c'ina'r)wa{)viniya-"'' like coyote 

iva'rjwi in here ivar}W["^ 

tv'p-{wyi, tvp'^'i' , tvp-i-' (vocative) 


personal name 

A final -a'" is also sometimes rhetorically lengthened to -a'a-; 

^Tnya'icampa'"' that only thou "^m^a'icampa'a' enough for thee ! 

shut up ! 

Medial vowels are also sometimes lengthened for rhetorical reasons : 

qa'tcu not qa'tcu not so! 

u{w)a'nu yonder uwd + nu way over there 

§ 5. Glide Vowels. 

Inorganic vowels frequently develop as glides before certain 
consonants. These glides are often heard as full vowels, sometimes 
as very weak vowels that may be appropriately written as superiors. 
It will be convenient sometimes, to avoid ambiguity, to indicate 
the glide by means of a parenthesis. The a and o which appear as 
glides before i after a guttural consonant preceded by a or o have 
been already spoken of (see § 3, 2, a). 

(1) Glide i. This appears very frequently, one might almost 
say regularly, before y after all vowels but i itself. The resulting 
diphthong, however, always sounds briefer, less sustained, than the 
organic i- diphthong; it does not count as two morae (see § 9) nor 
can it be pseudo-triphthongized (see § 4, 2, b). Examples are: 

na-yapa- to appear, look like na{i)ya''pa-r)up'i'ya'^ appeared 
putcutcuywa- to know + -yi- puHcu' tcwywaii)' yiq-w a knows it 

present tense 
pay'i- to return pa{i)yu' tju p'iya returned 

ap'ii-rju- to fall asleep A^p'i'ii)i{i)y'ia'i)A he is falling 


40 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


In the last example the %i of -i)u- is unrounded before the glide i 
(see § 3, 5, c). 

Here belongs also the not too common appearance of an I- glide 
after 'i (i.) or o before a syllable with i (chiefly before -mi- or -tsi-); 
of. the occasional assimilation of z to a following i (§ 3, 3, a). Examples 

piin- to see pi'iu'lcdip-'Lya saw 

ini{if)o- at a distance -f -/.vt- //////o"7.s'i- at a little distance 

(2) Glide u. This glide sometimes appears after a before labial- 
ized spirants or nasals (yw, xw, ijw); before -yu-, -xu-; and before 
-v'i. It also appears after i before v. The u- diphthong resulting is 
inorganic (cf. above under 1). Examples are: 

qava- horse + -yicaci- tail qava'{v)x\v.Vcmiixu horse-tail 

xirjwa- he -\- -Tjwantuywa- from ur)wq'{xi)i)ivantuxwA from him 
-varjivi- in iiv^q'{i^r)\vif€ being in it (obj.); 

qanL'va(au)r)Wi in the house 
(an < a- < a, see § 4, 2, a) 

ampaya- to talk + -7^'-, sub- a)npa'ya{u)x-u while talking 

ordinating suffix 

-ya-, -la- objective + -4>i one's pA'tca'ia{u)(^i his own moccasins 

own < -v'i- (obj.) 

ni- I + -va- at > -</).4 7iL'{n)<f)A at me 

t'iva- pine-nut fi'(n)(j)A pine-nut 

(3) Prothetic U-. Before an initial labialized vi. (in", see § 14, 
3, b) a prothetic ii, " is frequently found: 

vi^'a- that {u)rn'"ani,^'-m'^a'ni in that way; 

{n)m'"a'm, "m'"a'm that (in- 

§ 6. Nasalization of Vowels. 

Nasalized vowels are fairly frequent in Southern Paiute, less so 
than in Ute. They arise from two entirely distinct sources. They 
are either reduced forms of vowels + ?;; or they are due to the assimil- 
ating influence of an immediately preceding or following nasal 

Southern Puiute, a Shoshonean Language 41 


(1) Nasalization as reduced form of tj. Reduction of vowel 
+ ?; to nasalized vowel occurs fairly often in rapid speech in Southern 
Paiute; far more frequently in Uintah Ute, where it tends to become 
the norm (particularly when the vowel is followed by t/w); and 
regularly in Uncompahgre Ute, where ij does not occur at all. Ex- 
amples are: 

arja- he + -ywantuywa- at q'ljwantuxiVA at him {q- < q 

+ a) 
cinaywavi- coyote CLnq'wa4>i coyote 

uywai- to hang iiwa'i-kai^^wa'" go and hang 1 

7ia- reflexive + -urjwai- nq-'wa'tp-'iyd' hung himself (for 

loss of u, see § 4, 1, a) 

(2) Inorganic nasalization. This occurs frequently before or 
after ni, n, y, or yw: 

y'viai yes 

m\miywant'i one of you 
mq'imiy'waiti never saying that 
c^na'ywaxpi coyote 
u''qwL\nL like an arrow 
m'ini'cip'i'ya' turned around 
q{-)'iio'tA\'iayqu early in the morning 
yfywA he (invisible) 
piiyqa' NU'qwixai^ keeps calling on 
paq"aywA his aunt ( < paa- + -ywa-) 
NU^'qwi'iri'viLqi' runs along 

(3) Nasalized breath. A final or medial breath (including its 
development to z), generally representing the unvoicing of a vowel 
(see § 8), when following a nasal consonant or a nasalized vowel, 
is itself sometimes heard as nasalized (represented as \) : 

'q[ interjection of surprise 
CLni^'i'x-qai'imi left them ( K&im^'ia-) 

Sometimes the nasalized breath has definite vocalic timbre, is a 
voiceless nasalized vowel, in other words: 

na{-)vi'ayw am\ mother-and-daughter tiiey 

Somewhat infrecjuently a final nasalized breath has been observed 
unpreceded by a nasal element. It is barely possible that this is 

42 A' Southern Paiute and Ute 


the remnant of a "nasalizing" force of the stem or grammatical 

element (see § 16, 3): 

-va-" at (e. g. -vant'i- being at) -va\ at (more often heard as -va') 

§ 7. Elision of final vowels. 

Final vowels are never, except in poetry and in certain infrequent 
cases also in prose, preserved as such. They are either wholly or 
partly unvoiced (see § 8, 1), or else they are entirely elided or quantita- 
tively reduced. The latter processes are operative before words 
beginning with a vowel (a glottal stop or breathing preceding an 
initial vowel does not take away from the vocalic beginning). 

(1) Elision of final short vowels. A final short vowel of the 
ideally complete form of the word is lost, without qualitative or 
quantitative trace, before a word beginning with a vowel. A pre- 
ceding consonant is syllabified directly with the beginning vowel 
of the next word; e. g. aruywa a'ip'iya to-him said becomes aruyw 
a'ip'iya, syllabified a-ru-ywa'ij)-pi-ya\ Examples are: 

-aqa- it + o'" then 'iv"''i'aq- o"" go-ahead-it then! 

qa'iva-ya- mountain (obj.) qa'ivay uru'qwAtuxWA towards 

the mountain 
wTn'avta- feathers (obj.) wVciavL u'viA on the feathers 

paa'irami- our (dual inclus.) paa'iram iiywA our aunt 

aunt + tiTjiVA animate singular 
CLtia'yivavi- coyote ana'ijwav au'p'iya coyote was 

aya'ni- in what way aya'n- ani'ntc'i how doing 

imiru"i- blanket miiru" aRi the blanket 

-f (iRi inanimate article- pro- 
^'i'tci- this ^'i'tc aro'^amC this is wont to be 

saywa'xari- being blue saywa'xar iiru" ap-'iya' was blue 

-y'i- present tense + a'70/ now purj'wi'yqly a''i4>i makes a peep- 
ing noise now 
-CM- again a'ip'iyaaic- imi'ntcux-\VA said 

again to thee 

A final glottal stop protects the preceding vowel from elision, but 
the murmured echo which so often follows the glottal stop is, of 
course, elided before a following initial vowel: 

Southern Pa kite, a Shoshonean Language 43 


-i/pct'C) through ma'wpa' liru'tjuts- through there 

i^"'i'(*) go ahead! V»"'t" imi go ahead thou! 

Very rarely do forms turn up with eUded vowel + glottal stop, 
the latter being then absorbed in a preceding consonant, e. g. via'up- 


(2) Reduction of final long vowels and diphthongs. A final 
long vowel or a diphthong loses its second mora before a word be- 
ginning with a vowel, i. e. the long vowel is shortened, while the 
second vowel of the diphthong is lost without trace: 

-va- at mava' tinirjuts- there then 

uqwi'yv- arrow u^qwiyuaiii the arrow 

a'ip'iyai- said a'ip'iya i{,m^u'rux-WA said to 

-qai- perfective tspi'ijuqwa aya'v'antuxiVA has 

appeared on him (for w of 

-qwa see § 14, 3, c) 

A final short vowel, reduced as above, may combine into a long 
with the vowel of like quality that begins the following word; e.g. 

(3) Retention of final vowels. The above rules do not apply 
to monosyllables, which retain their second mora: 

pa- water pa' ani the water 

0- arrow o' am the arrow 

qwau- off, away qwau a'y'i'viaijwduxWA o^ •d.y^'d.y 

from it 

Before ai-, ^ai- to s.-vy subjective independent personal pronouns 
keep theit" final vowel. There is probably some morphological 
reason back of this usage. Examples are: 

imi- thou imi'^aik-A thou say est 

riimyi- we (exclus.) ta''^mp'iniyar)W n'im^i' 'a'ikanu 

we (excl.) are tired of what 

you (pi.) say 

The same rule applies to subjective independent personal pronouns 
before arvi'-k-a- to do, except that third personal pronouns (at least 
animate singulars) lose their final vowel and insert a glottal stop 
before the verb (cf. enclitic -aya'ya- < -aya- + -aya-, § 41, 1, e): 

44 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


n'ivi'^i- we (exclus.) n'ivi^L 'ani'k-A we are doing 


m^arja- that one (animate) vi^arj ^ani'k-A that one does 

Apparently other final vowels are sometimes preserved before 

qatcu- not qatcuanik-A 

Certain final vowels are protected from elision })y taking on a 
glottal stop. This is true of nominal or independent pronominal 
subjects immediately followed by a substantive verb (see § 56), 
e. g.: 

itci- this itci" ^aru'^aviC this is wont to be 

na'a'intsdsL- little girl na'a'intstsi aru'^'^ a little girl it is 

imi- thou imi" iiwaru"" thou art 

With the last example contrast: 
imia- (of) thee ivii 'uraru"'^ it is thine 

It is likely that here again we are not dealing with a purely phonetic 

A protecting glottal stop is added also to the final a of the preterit 
enclitics -ywa- and -{ii)tca- (see § 19), provided they are directly 
preceded by an independent personal pronoun and followed by a 
word beginning with a consonant, e.g. : 

m- I -\ — 'ywa- lii'ywa' to'iiA I punched 

n'im^i- we (excl.) n'im^L'-^wa'" qa'tcu we did not 

+ -ywa- (phick some of his feathers) 

itci- this + -tea- dci'tca''^ pAHca'n- am these my 

moccasins have (worn out) 
n'i- I + -ntca- ni'ntca' pi'pi'tc'i I have arrived 

With these examples contrast: 

anui- what -\ — ywa- ani'axw a'ivV what did (he) say? 

cina'rjwavi- coyote -\ — tea- cina' ijwavitc uyw o" coyote-did 

he break-wind 

xi{w)an-oyu- from over there -|- u{w)a' noyuntc yaiyiX'rju retnmeA 
-ntca- from over there 

m- I -\- ntca- m'nte iy'i'R pi^pi'tc'i I indeed ar- 


Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 45 


(4) Irregularities. Very rarely do we find a final diphthong 
or long vowel completely elided: 

-p'Cyai- remote past ti'nti'qap'iy liwaywantV ate well 

from her; a'ip'iy a'i<i>Apnts- 
said young man 

uv'^a- there v-\-v^ a'ip'iya^ "yonder," (he) 


A final tjw, after elision of the originally following vowel, unites 
with an initial ' of the next word into rfw: 

ania-Tjwa- what he (inv.) + 'ai- ani'aifw a'imi what he is wont 
to say to say 

§ 8. Vocalic unvoicing. 

Vowels are unvoiced (indicated in our orthography by corresponding 
small capitals) in two circumstances: when final in absolute position 
or before a word beginning with a consonant (not including ' or '); 
and initially or medially under certain conditions to be defined below. 

(1) Unvoicing in final position. The final unvoicing may be 
either complete or partial, according to the nature of the final vowel 
and the element preceding it. We must distinguish between final 
short vowels and long vowels or diphthongs. 

(a) Treatment of short vowels. A final completely unvoiced vowel 
always sounds distinctly breathy in quality and may, indeed, be 
appropriately defined as aspiration with the vocalic timbre of the 
originally voiced vowel. Very frequently the breath alone is heard, 
the timbre not being always distinctly perceptible; i and u are the 
clearest of the timbres, while unvoiced a and 'i are not always easy 
to detect. Where the timbre of the voiceless vowel is obscure, a 
mere ' is used. A vowel or nasal (m, n, tj) preceding the unvoiced 
vowel remain unaffected, though often the latter part of the nasal 
is also voiceless. More rarely the nasal too is heard completely 
unvoiced. A stopped consonant (including tc) becomes a strongly 
aspirated surd (e. g. -pi > -/>'/, indicated more simply as -pi). After a 
q- or rjq, the final breath is sometimes sharpened to a glide ' (e. g. 
-aqa- > -aq-A, -aq' or -aq'^A, -aq'^); after an anterior palatal k- or 
rjk, this glide is palatalized to a ? (as in German ich\ e. g. a'ika- 
several say > a'ik-A, a'ik' or a'ik-A, a'ik-). Examples are: 


X Southern Paiiitc wul Ute 


-fi-a- participle (objective) 

-n ta- numeral suffix 

mocoa- piibic hair 

-ma- with 

-ni- my 

-na- verbal abstract noun suffix 

-arja- his 

-r]u- momentaneous suffix 

-u{w)a'mi- in front of 

-pi- body-part suffix 

-nU- participial 

-qa- plural subject 
pitci- to arrive 

quHca'qafiA, -rV being light-gray 

ina{-)n-u'nLA, -nt' all 
md^co'a pubic hair 
a'mA with it 

qani'ni, qani'ii my house 
a'ikavanA, -van what (several) 

will say 
qani'arjA, -aitf his house 
ivi'tju to take a drink 
qanLu{w)aMi in front of the 

piy'i'pi heart 
uv^a'^nti being there 
tTqa'q-A several eat 
jri'tci to arrive 

After spirants and rolled consonants {v; s-, c; 7; r) the unvoiced 
vowel in turn unvoices the consonant, if not already unvoiced. 
It is itself not typically isolable as a separate element but appears 
generally as a definite vocalic timbre of the unvoiced spirant; i. e. 
such an orthography as -cu is to be interpreted as a long c with 
simultaneous lip-rounding as for u. However, the independent 
vocalic quality as subsequent to the consonant release is also fre- 
quently heard, e. g. in -0/ < -vi-. Frequently the vocalic timbre is 
hardly perceptible. The unvoiced forms of v, 7, and r are respectively 
<f>, z, and r; final -s, -c, and -x are always long. A final -tsi- regularly 
becomes -ts-. Examples are: 

-vi- body-part suffix 

tatja'4>i knee 

-va- at 

ar]a'4>{A) at him 

-vi- one's own 

qant'a{v)4>(i) one's own house 


wara- edible seeds 


-ru- to make 

wana'RU to make a rabbit-snare 

-cu- again 

a'ip'i-yaaicu said again 

-v'ayi- over 

qani'v'axi over the house 

-7U- subordinating suffix 

tA^CLp-a{ii)x-u when it was eve- 


-fitsL- nominal suffix 

niTjw'i'nts- man, Indian 

After a glottal stop preceded by a vowel, a final vowel is only 

Southern Paiuie. a Shoshonean Language 47 


partly reduced in voice. It does not lose its voice altogether but 
becomes a "murmured" vowel (indicated by superior vowels): 

aru'a- to be 7ii' 'aru"" I am 

-till- toyo'qn'itu'^ to cause to run 

taqiOL-'o- roasting tray tA'^qu'L-"" 

Sometimes the murmured vowel is heard assimilated in (juality to 
the vowel preceding the glottal stop: 

aru'a- to be aru" (generally aru", aru") 

fiv'^LCL'a- to pay tiv^LCL"- 

If the word ends in a consonant + glottal stop + vowel (or, what 
amounts to the same thing, consonant + vowel + glottal stop; 
see § 15, 2), the final vowel appears fully \oiced and followed by the 
glottal stop + a murmured rearticulation or "echo" of the vowel 
(cf. § 7, 1, end). Such syllables are two-moraed (see § 9). The 
"echo" is not alwaj's clearly perceptible. Examples are: 

-n'ni- continuative suffix i^tu'RanL''^ several keep doing 

paya'y'wL-7ii my bowstring paya'ywt''^ bowstring 

-upa- through via'upa^"- through there 

There is, however, a distinction in treatment between a glottal 
stop that belongs properly to the final syllable, as in the above 
examples, and one that, though it may actually appear in it, is not 
organically of it but belongs properly to some part of the word 
preceding the final syllable or is an accessory element (see § 15, 1). 
In the latter case, the final vowel is unvoiced (better, probably, 
whispered; cf. 2, a, end); indeed, a preceding nasal is in such cases 
apt to be more completely unvoiced (whispered) because of the 
presence of the glottal stop. Such syllables are one-moraed (see § 
9). Examples are: 

-n'na- momentaneous tska'pui na to cut something 

(cf. tska'vmA to be cutting) 

--mi- thy qani'mi, -mi (more frequently 

qa-ni'imi, see § 15, 2, a) thy 

(b) Trcatme?it of lo + short vowel. In words ending in a labialized 
consonant (gw, 7)qw, yw, 7]w) + short vowel, l)oth the to and the 
vowel are unvoiced (im voiced w is indicated as w). The preceding 
q then becomes aspirated, y a lengthened x. Examples are: 


X Southern Paiute and Lite 



ivi' y'iqwa- drinks it (inv.) 

pana'yqwa- down 

-ruywa- to 

-raywa- our (incl. plur.) 

-vaywi- in 

-rjw'i- animate plural 

(c) Treatment of y -\- short voivcl. 

ivi y iqwA 
rirti"'u'ruxwA to them 
pivi'ararjWA our mothers 
qani'vaywi in the house 
mTjtvl'ntsLTjn'L men, Indians 

A final y + short vowel become 

unvoiced to r + voiceless vowel (y is much lighter than ch of German 
ich). Ordinarily, however, the Y becomes a mere breath merged in 
the following voiceless vowel. If the vowel preceding the y is a, o, i, or 
?/, a clear i or ' is generally heard as voiced glide. The timbre of the 
final vowel is least clear if reduced from 'i; hence, final -y'i- appears 
normally as -i\ -'' after all vowels but i, after which merely -' is 
ordinarily heard. Examples are: 

-qa- plural subject + -ya- plural 

mi{y)o- far off 
-axava{i)yu- in among 
co-yu- the other one 
-m'mia- moving 

along + -y'i- present tense 
-7)11- momentaneous + -y'i- 
-t'i- passive + -y'i- 
pitci-, pitci- to arive H — y'i- 

pa'ani- to be high + -y'i- 

qa'qai{Y)A, -qai sing ye! 


"'a'xavaiYU in it 


po'yam'vna^^ runs along 

ivi'rjui takes a drink 
ivi'fuiyuii-^^ is caused to drink 
pita''^' arrives; cu(w)a'- pitci' 
wakes up (lit., nearly arrives) 
pa'a'ni' is high 

A long a- or an ai before final y + vowel (and, indeed, before y -\- 
vowel generally) are practically indistinguishable phonetically, 
owing to the i- glide after a- and the tendency of a- and ai to break 
up into aa and aai respectively (see § § 5, 1; 4, 2, b). Both appear 
as aai, ai, or, very characteristically before final y + vowel, as a.i, 
a true diphthong in which the a and i melt lazily into each other. 
Hence a final -ai' < -a(;i)-yi- is acoustically quite distinct from -ai\ 
-a.i' < -a-y'i- or -ai-y'i-; the former -ai' is sharp, the latter somewhat 
languishing in character, though not necessarily so long as to deserve 
the orthography -ai'. Examples are: 

pa- water -\ — ya- objective paa'iA, paa'i', pa' .i' 

pai- three H — yu- numeral suffix paa'ivu, pa'ai' , pa'.i' 
tavai- to set fire to brush -\ — y'i- tava'i' sets fire to brush 

Southern Paiiite. a Shoshonean Language 49 


-tcai- plural medic-passive + -?/t- pa{-)ya'itca.i' (clothes) are worn 

navai- to gather up H — y'i- na'vaaV gathers up 

Contrast the final -kai^ of a'ikai' several say (< ai-ka-y'i-) with 
the final -kai\ -ka.i" of p'iriL'ka.i' sees ( < pmi-kai-y'i-). 

(d) Treatment of Imig vowels. All final long vowels, which includes 
doubled short vowels (see § 4, b), are shortened, a final breath taking 
the place of the lost mora: 

"■'i'va- here '■'i'va (see § 3, 1, a) 

qaya- to begin to sing qaya"^ 

qiywa- edge qlywa'' 

A'ci'a- outer surface A'cia" 

mori- bean viotl" 

-«i-- irrealis aro"avV would be 

qwiyvni- several take one object qw'iyw'i" 

u^qwi'yv-, Vqwi'yuu- arrow u^'qwiyu' 

(e) Treatment of diphthongs. All final i- diphthongs lose the second 
mora, the -i, its place being taken by a breath. This breath has not 
i- timbre. Examples are: 

-p'iyai- remote past a'ip'iya^ said 

avi'-^ai- while lying avi'-^a" 

-urai- toward u'u'ra^ toward it 

tiv'^ai- down, west Eti'^a'^ 

Note that: 

original -ai- becomes final -a' 
original -a-y'i- becomes final -ai' 
original -ai-y'i- becomes final -a.i' 

Final glottalized diphthongs (see § 15, 2, a), aside from -a'{a)i-, 
retain the -i as a "murmured" vowel (see a above), e. g. causative 
-/•w''; A'^qo"'- several sleep < A'qo'{p)i-. Final -a\a)i-, however, is 
treated analogously to -ai-, i. e. -i is lost without trace and the then 
final glottal stop is followed by a "murmured" "; 

-ywa'ai- to go in order to iiiva'i-kaiywa'" to go in order to 

ya'ai- to die ya"" 

narjwa'ai- both naywa"'* 

50 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


Final -au- is treated like -a- -\ — u-, i. e. the -u- is unvoiced (see a 
above) : 

purau- flour pura'u 

(f) Treatment of vwnosyUahles. All monosyllables, except those 
ending in -ai-, sustain no loss of mora. They end in free breath or, 
if the stem ends in a glottal stop, take on a "murmured" echo vowel: 

■pa- water pa'' 

po- trail po' 

qwau- oft" qwa'u'' 

ni\ ni- I wr"' 

A final -«/- in monosyllables becomes -a': 

ma(a)i- to find 7nq' 

(g) Special developments. A final breathing or voiceless vowel is 
lost as such before a word beginning with a voiceless vowel or voice- 
less y or w (see 2 below). In such cases the voiceless ending of the 
first merges, in a sort of crasis, with the voiceless beginning of the 
next. Particularly noteworthy is the formation of voiceless labialized 
consonants "across" woras. Thus, -pi +.i'- > -pA^- (p- is here a 
strongly aspirated surd); -ijivi + /"- > -yw'i'-; -q-A + wa^- > -q \va'-; 
-rjWA + w.i'- > -i)U\\-. Examples of such mergings are: 

taywA we + a' p'ii- to sleep ta' rjw a'^ pi' i we sleep 

-qu objective + H'/'/j//'t- to shake ■ma{)no'qivifo'n''-p'iya'aiklVA 

out shook them all out 

tarjiVA we + iVA'tcuywi- four tar)WA'icu'i]wi.yum-unL we four 

Not infrequently a final breathing or voiceless vowel is completely 
lost before a word beginning with a consonant, particularly if that 
consonant is identical or homorganic with the consonant preceeding 
the unvoiced vowel. A germinated or nasalized consonant (see § 12, 
2, a; § 16) results: 

miyj'n-LA faraway + pay{a)i- niiyo'ni paya'ikw'ai' goes ofi (a,r 

to go away 

arja'iac u him + cina'ijwavC aya' iacuia' ijwavC 

coyote (obj.) 

um"'v'"avii in front of them + vm"'v''^cx'miYU in front of them 

mi'vu far off far oft' 

n'i'aq-A I- it + qyvi'qvn"i' takes 7ti'aqwi"qu-i"i' I take it several 

several times times 

Southern Pahite. a Shoshoneon Language 51 


qa"nami thy singing qa"nam pu'tcu'tmywai under- 

stands thy singing 

A final voiceless -/ is voiced again to -i as a glide to a following y-: 

q'i'aywi yesterday qi'aijwi ya"" died yesterday 

(2) Unvoicing in non-final position. Under certain accentual 
conditions to be defined below (see § 10, 1) a short vowel or the second 
mora of a long vowel or diphthong loses its voice in initial or medial 
position before a geminated unvoiced consonant (p-; t-; q-; qw; s-, c-; 
ts, t-c). Here we shall deal only with the manner of such unvoicing. 

(a) Treatment of short vowels. Short vowels are unvoiced as in 
final position (see 1, a-c) with the same effect on preceding consonants. 
The breathy quality, however, of these non-final unvoicings is even 
greater than in final position. Hence a moment of free untimbred 
breath (indicated as -'-) is generally audible after the unvoiced vowel 
proper and before the consonantal closure; before guttural stops 
(q, qiv), less frequently before other stops, this -'- develops to a weak 
guttural spirant (indicated -^-), which has palatal timbre after i 
(indicated ---, a very brief but sharp x sound as in German ich). 
Such a breath-glide may also occur under appropriate conditions 
finally before a word closely linked with the preceding; e. g. pa' A a' 
qafi'riA of-water sitting (obj.), of the lake. A nasal (w, n) 
preceding the voiceless vowel is completely unvoiced (a/, n) when 
initial and generally half-voiced {niM, 7in) when medial; an initial y 
becomes completely unvoiced (y- is acoustically like ---, only in- 
clined to be less spirantal in quality), -ni-, when unvoiced, often 
appears as n'^-, the -i- palatalizing the n (see § 13, 4) and unvoicing 
to a spirantal -. As in final position, the vocalic timbre is not always 
very clear; e. g. -c'i- often unvoices to -c-, -ya- to -.r -, -6'/- to -s-. 
Examples are: 

ap'i'i- to sleep A'p'i'i sleeps 

tac i'pa- evening tA\Lpa{u)xu when it was 

aqa- it A^qa'nayqwopA near it 

maywa'va- to creep maywa' 4)Aqa{i)yiaini they are 

to'qiva- to be black to'qiVA'qarju several become 

ayqa'ya- to be red arjqa'xqayu several become red 


X Southern Paiutc aiul Ute 


kwipa'- to beat, hit 
■pika' sore 
tsipi'- to appear 
-oa'yd- iiywa- around 
w'iqa'm'mi- to cover 

tira'c'iqiva- to come to a stand- 
po'toq-wa- to be round 
puca'yai- to look for 
-yu-campa- although 
yuqu'- fawn 
muqwi'-^a- to call on 

mit'i' rjwa- point of hill 
qa'-na- singing 

nuqwi'- to stream 

pay{a)'i- to go + 7mqtvi' 
stream, run 

kwi'pa'ni beat me! 

pi-ka'mo'' sore-handed 

tspi'yupLya' appeared 

aya'oaxtuxiVA around him 

wi^qa'm'mLrjuntcayani I cov- 
ered him 

fira'cqwats- having come to a 

po'to'qwaR'i being round 

pu'ca'yaip'iya' looked for 

a'xYUcamparjWA although he said 

YVqu'ts- fawn 

piirjqa'MU'qwi-^ai' keeps calling 


qa'riNA'cuv a'ip'iya^ still-his-own- 
singing said 

NU^qwi'nfi stream 


pa{-)ya' {lyn'^-qwLp'iya' 
off on wav 


Note, in the last example, the curious merging of original -y{a)i'nu- 
to -ya'{i)yV-- for normally expected -ya'hiNU''-. 

Rarely / develops a parasitic * or '^ before a following is or tc; e. g. 
ta' pi*'tcaqaip'iya^ (they) were tired. 

Unvoiced vowels directly follow^ing other vowels quite frequently 
sharpen to a secondary -.r-. This happens most frequently with 
-11- (normally unvoiced to -U-, -u\ -V-), which then appears as 
-x{-)u-, -'U-, -xix{-)u- (with glide -u-). 

Examples are: 
cim^'i'a- to leave 

-upa'- through 

cim^'i'xqwa''^'pLya left to start 

away (-X-- < -A'^-) 
pina' siiaxu pa' a4>i through his 

own legs; po'^upa''^ through 

the trail ; "^m^a'uxupa'" through 


After T), as well as after q- and yq (cf. 1, a), u frequently develops 
to "u or simply '': 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonecin Language 53 


-r]u- momentaneous suffix tlv'^i'ij''upiya" asked; na{i)ya'- 

yaij'^pL'ya appeared, seemed 

An initial '- attack is sometimes heard before a ff + voiceless 
vowel; e. g. 'wTcia4>i feather. 

After a consonant + glottal stop (or glottal stop + consonant) 
the reducible vowel is, as in the preceding cases, completely unvoiced 
if the glottal stop belongs properly to the preceding syllable, other- 
wise the vowel, counting for two moras, is preserved intact (cf. 
final treatment, 1, a, end). Owing to the immediately preceding 
glottal closure, the reduced vowel is whispered rather than fully 
breathed, which causes a following ^ or ? release to stand out all the 
more sharply. Examples are: 

qwi"nL-kai- to strut out one's qwi"Ni-kaai' struts out (his) 

breast breast 

wav'i'm- to pull bowstring wa{-)v'i'n'i^p'i'ya'aimi they 2 

pulled their bowstrings 
pL7np'i'n'7ii- severaWook {<phii- p'inip'i' n' i^kaiyiaijA several look 

with inserted -'-) at him 

-ii7ia- momentaneous transitive atjqa'n'NA'^piya^aikwA painted 
( < -iva- durative transitive it 

with inserted -'-) 

With these examples contrast: 

-upa- through "'o'pat'iA being through it (obj.) 

-n'ni- continuative p'ini'n'nLp'ija kept looking; 

moi'n'nip'iya led around 

Here the -a- and -i- are protected from the reduction which their 
phonetic position would warrant by the glottal stop inhering in the 

After a glottal stop preceded by a vowel, a reducible vowel is 
"murmured," e. g. : 

uru"a- to be uru"''p'Lya' was 

Yet such vowels were quite often heard as fully voiced; e. g. 
vru" ap-'iya", further: 

-t-u'a- impersonal ya{a)'i7)q'itu'ap'Lyd' was hunting 

with people 

54 X Southern Paiulc and Ute 


(b) Treatment of long vowels. Under the appropriate phonetic 
conditions the second mora of a long vowel is unvoiced. It is treated 
precisely like a short vowel of the same quality (see a). Particularly 
frequent is the development of the voiceless part of a long vowel to x-. 
Examples are: 

cifi'ya-tui- to frighten cTci'fi'ya^diiyini frightens me 

several times 
tuyiva- fire goes out tuywa'yiya fire went out 

niantca - to put one's hands + inantca' A'^qa^ to hold out one's 

-qai- resultative hands 

-r'o'- ( < -r'tia'-) interrogative + iiwa'vanLar'ox-wqaxainC it 
-aqa- it > -r'uaq-a- looks as though it will rain 

(for -w- see § 14, 3, c) 
io'aya-qafi- to sit watching too'ayaxqaR'i'piya' sat watching 

-mi - after y^nirjumiHsLarjA having done so 

to him 
via- with the hand + potoqwa- WLa'm-avoxioq-WAqainA what had 
to be roimd been hand-rounded out of mud 

ma- + toqwa- to stretch via{-)ro'0''qwa(i)y"iqiVA (I) 

stretch it 
sori-'JcL- Salt Lake sori'^hiyioduxwA to Salt Lake 

The rule for glottally affected syllables having a long vowel is 
parallel to that of short- voweled syllables (see a). A reducible 
second mora is unvoiced if the glottal stop belongs properly to the 
preceding syllable (see -ctr'i'ya- above), but retained intact if the 
glottal stop inheres in its own syllable, e. g. : 

-'a-, -a'- not to be qaijqa m'ia' qut-ii acampA though 

others are not jack-rabbits (not, 
as one might expect, *qaijqa'- 

Examples occur, however, in which the glottalized long vowel is 
broken, the reducible second mora appearing as a murmured vowel 
(cf. 2, a, end), e. g.: 

kwitu- anus -\- -njra- througli hci'tu""pani through my anus 

(c) Treatment of diphthongs. The i or u of a diphthong, if in a 
reducible mora, loses its voice and undergoes the developments 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 55 


already given (see a). Thus, au becomes au, au\ au', a^u; ai be- 
comes ai, a,(i)-, generally with i- glide as ail, ai', ai{i)^ (the -ai- here 
is extremely brief, better written a'). Examples are: 

UTjwa'i-kai- to be hanging i{.wa'i^ka 

piya'i- to be left over piyai' piya' was left over 

mava'i-i'i'yania- to a distance ina{-)va'Hvyan-i 

'ivi^'i'i- several arrive '^ni^'i'ipiya' several arrived 

For treatment of -au-, see 2, a. Note that non-final ai is treated 
differently from final ai; e. g. from p'ini'kai- to see are formed 
p'ini'ka' to see and pa-vCnikaipiya" saw water. 

The reduced -i- or -u- of a glottalized diphthong is " murmured," 
e. g.: 

aq-o"(o)i- several sleep A'qo"'^p'iya' several slept 

-qwa'{a)i- off diii^'i' xqwa''^^p'i'ya' left in going 


Nevertheless, full unreduced vowels were generally recorded in 
such cases (cf. 2, a, end), e. g. : 

ya'{a)i- to die pA' pa' q-a{i)ya' aip-'iya' kept 

groaning with pain (lit., dying 
of pain) 

Syllabic Structure and Accent (§ § 9-11). 

§ 9. Syllables and jnoras. 

Every Paiute syllable consists, properly speaking, of a vowel (long 
or short) or diphthong preceded, or unpreceded, by a consonant 
(e. g. U-, 0-, ai-, pi-, to-, pal-); or of such a primary syllable stopped 
by a nasal consonant {m, n, tj) that is itself followed by a stopped 
consonant or w (e. g. arj-qa-, aln-tci-, Urj-qa-, va-n-ti-, niTj-w'i-). It is 
somewhat doubtful whether vowels followed by geminated consonants 
are to be considered as ending their syllable or not (e. g. ap-'i'i- as 
a-p'i'i- or ap-p'i'i-). Morphology and the unvoicing of vowels 
before geminated stopped consonants (see § 10) suggest the former; 
direct phonetic observation apparently the latter. It is quite 
possible, as suggested by etymology, that yw also is best considered 
as belonging to the following syllable (e. g. m-yiv'i- < *ni-7ni-). 
A syllable may be either entirely voiceless or only so in its second 

56 X Southern Paint c and Ute 


mora (e. g. a"-, a/'-, -qA-, -qai'-); see § 8. A glottal stop may be 
found at the beginning or end of a syllable, or in the middle of it 
(e. g. -7i'7ii-, -n'i-, -ni'-; -pa-, -y'a-, -pa' a-, -pa-, -pa'-); see § 15, 2. 

Of greater phonologic importance than the division of a word into 
syllables is that into units of length, moras. The vowels are to be 
taken as the measures of these moras. Every organic short vowel 
(voiced or unvoiced) counts for one mora; every long vowel or diph- 
thong (voiced or partly unvoiced) for two. Syllabically final nasals 
do not affect the mora as quantitative unit. By way of illustration, 
qanivantuzwA has six moras {qa- + -/it + -va- + -an- + -tu- -\- 
-XWA < -ywa-); a'iYUcampayani has eight (a- + -i- + -yu- < -yu- 
-|- -cam- + -pa- + -a- + -rja- -\- -ni < -7ii-). The first, third, fifth 
moras, and so on, will be styled uneven moras; the second, fourth, 
sixth, and so on, even moras. 

It is very important to note that all inorganic increments and 
losses have no effect on the mora-construction of the word. Second- 
ary lengthening of short vowels, pseudo-diphthongization, glide vowels, 
shortening of long vowels or diphthongs all have no effect. Thus, 
qa()nt'va(an)rjwi < qmu'vaywi has four, not seven, moras; on the 
other hand, 7nama" (a)yi{Lvaniar'oni will (they) lose me? 
< mama"T/tiiiivanLar'uani has thirteen, not eleven, moras. Long 
vowels resulting from contraction of long + short vowels, however, 
count as ordinary long vowels (e. g. -va-- -\- -aqa- gives -vaqa-, 
counting for three, not four, moras). Similarly, vowel + diphthong 
results in a two-moraed diphthong (e. g. ma- + -ai- gives mai, maai-, 
counting for two, not three, moras). In other words, no three- 
moraed syllables are found. 

A glottalized syllable with long vowel or diphthong counts for 
two moras; e. g. ya'{a)i- to die is two-moraed like ya{a)i- to hunt, 
-'»(a)'a- of qanL'v{a)'ami at thy house two-moraed like -va- of 
qam'vani at my house. A glottalized syllable with short vowel 
counts for two-moraed if the glottal stop is inherent (cf. § 8, 1, a, 
end; 2, a, end; § 15, 1) (e. g. sa'a- to boil; -n'ni-, -ni'i- continuative; 
'a- of 'a'-t'i- good). Otherwise the glottal stop has no effect on the 
quantitative value of the syllable. Thus, -pa'a- of nampa"ami thy 
FOOT is one-moraed, like -pa- of nampa'ni my foot; contrast two- 
moraed -pa- of a'uparjqip'iya'^ came along through it. The 
external syllabification does not matter. Both one-moraed and two- 
moraed glottalized syllables may appear broken or truly monosyllabic; 
e. g. -up- a- or -up- a' a- through (two-moraed -pa-), qanip-'imi or 
qani' p-'i'im'L their old camp (one-moraed -p-'i-). A glottal stop com- 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 57 


ing between two distinct vowels, whether these form a true diphthong 
or not, does not add a mora to either; e. g. -tu'i- and -ru'a- are both 
two-moraed, not three-moraed. An initial vowel preceded by a 
glottal stop, not belonging to the preceding word, or, what is equiva- 
lent, an initial broken vowel, is always two-moraed; e. g. {'Yi'- or i'i'- 
of i'i'p-i-, {^yi'p i- TO DRINK REPEATEDLY is two-moraed (contrast 
-' i- of m' ivi'tjU I drink, which is one-moraed). vi^a'- that also 
counts as a two-moraed syllable; it is apparently related to ma- 
THAT as is (')'i'- THIS to i- THIS (sce § 43). 

§ 10. Accent. 

In Southern Paiute accentuation is governed primarily by moras, 
not syllables. The fundamental law of accentuation is a law of 
alternating stresses. According to this all odd moras are "weak" 
or relatively unstressed, all even moras are "strong" or relatively 
stressed. The theoretically strongest stress of the word comes on 
the second mora. Hence, all words beginning with a syllable con- 
taining an organic long vowel or diphthong or an inherent glottal 
stop are accented on the first syllable; e. g. pa'v'a xi over the water, 
ma(a)'ikainani what I said, {°-ya'tir)qayii good house. On the 
other hand, all words beginning with a syllable containing an organic 
short vowel, inherently unglottalized, are accented on the second 
syllable, unless the second syllable is final and therefore unvoiced, 
in which case the main stress is thrown back on the first syllable; e. g. 
mava"axi over that, qa{)ni' ntcm builds a house, qa{)'ni house. 
Actually the main stress is sometimes, but not at all frequently, 
heard displaced to another than the theoretically justified syllable, but 
this displacement is as secondary and inorganic as the secondary 
lengthening of short vowels. Aside from the final mora, which is 
always unvoiced, only a weak mora may be unvoiced. 

(1) Unvoicing under the law of alternating stresses. We 
may now state the full law of non-final unvoicing. Aside from the 
next to the last mora, which is always preserved intact (owing to 
the unvoicing of the following mora), every weak mora standing 
before a geminated stop {p-; P; tc, ts; q-, k-; qw, kw) or sibilant (c-, s-\ 
postvocalic sibilants are always to be understood as geminated) loses 
its voice. A diphthong or long vowel can be partly unvoiced only 
when its second mora is weak, as its first mora, if weak, is protected 
from unvoicing by the vocalic second mora; similarly, a short- 


X Southern Paiiite and Ute 



voweled syllable with inherent glottal stop is always preserved, as it 
can not lose both its moras. The weak second mora of an inherently 
glottalized long vowel or diphthong or a weak-moraed vowel separated 
from an immediately preceding vowel by a glottal stop is either 
preserved or, at most, "murmured" (see § 8, 2, a, end; b, end; c, end). 
The law of alternating stresses necessarily means that there is a 
constant alternation of voiced and unvoiced (or murmured) vowels 
in non-final syllables of related words. Examples are: 

icaq(a)i-isi- younger brother tcA''q{a)'its- younger brother: 

nanica' q{a)i-tsi'ijw'i brothers to 
each other 

pA'^qa'i* kills: t'iv^a'qai' kills 
game (-vaqa- < paqa-, see § 
16, 1) 

tiv^a'qarjwai'yucampA though 
not killing game: qu^qwL'rj'wai- 
YUcampA though not shooting 

uyu'm-aijwduxwA away from it: 
nam'n'naywituxWA towards 
different directions (-?i'no- 
counts for two moras) 

pu'ca'yaip'iya^ looked for: 
7iampu'cayaip'iya' looked for 

toyo'qwituirjWA cause him to run: 
tdHo'zqwiyini I run repeatedly 
(< toto'yoqwi-) 

(2) Effect of law of alternating stresses on glottalized 
VOWELS. As we shall see later (§ 15, 2, a), a broken vowel (e. g. 
a'a) constantly alternates with the types ' + vowel and vowel + '. 
To a considerable extent, though not with absolute regularity, these 
variations tend to adjust themselves to the law of alternating stresses. 
The group v'v^ tends to preserve that form, or its close variant v'^ 
(or v'), if the (first) v is in a strong mora, but the form 'v (or "''v) if in 
a weak one. In the latter case the ' may appear immediately before, 
after, or welded with the preceding consonant. Initially after a 
consonant -v'v- is usual. The form v'v applies both to one-moraed 
groups broken from v and to primary two-moraed groups. Examples 
of alternation are: 

paqa- to kill 

-yu-campa- although -ing 

-ywituywa- toward 

pucayai- to look for + -p'iyai 
remote past 

toyoqwi- to nm 

^ In formulae of this sort v stands for vowel, c for consonant. 

Southern Palute, a Shoshonean Language 59 


-ya- plural imperative + -'... toyo'qwLya^'ami, -ya^'^mi^ ye 2 
mi- dual subject > -ya'am'i- run: ivi'y'ami ye 2 drink 

-na- verbal noun + -'. . .mi- ampa'yana^'ami, -na"'^mi thy 
thy talking: qa"nami thy singing 

to'o'pi-, -t-o'ompi- hole {to'o- is mov"'t.'(o^mpi nose-hole 

-'. . .ijwa- him (invis.) pA'^qa'yumpa^'ayiVA will kill him: 

pA^'qa'qurjWA give him a lick- 

wa'a'- cedar w(aya'pi cedar tree 

sa'a'- to boil s{a)'a'pi boiled; mush 

mo'o'- hand m{oyo'4>i hand 

A parallel alternation is to be observed in the case of glottalized 
diphthongs. Thus, a'{a)i appears either, with strong first mora, as 
a'ai (or a'i), or, with weak first mora, as 'ai. Examples are: 

-Tfw{ayai- together with pavi'tsLrjwa''ai(f)'L with his own 

elder brother: 
imi'yw'aCmpa" shall go with thee 

-yw(ayai- to go (in order to) wara'xani\wa"ai-^a' going to 

collect grass seeds: pdci'yw^aV- 
plya arrived 

Uv'^LC-ir{ayai- to tell a lie t'iv'^LCira^'a.i' tells a lie: tTti'- 

4)^ictr'aC' tells lies several 
times (-aV < -ai-y'i-) 

Frequently, also, a weak-moraed vowel, particularly a or 'i, is 
elided before a glottal stop followed by a different vowel, e. g. : 

im'a' penis w(iya'p-i penis 

An initial (v)'v'- is either a broken v- (e. g. aa't'i-, {"ya't-'i- good) 
or contracted from v- + -'v-- There is no phonetic or mora-ciuantita- 
tive difference between the two types. Examples of contracted 
initial (v) 'v'- are: 

u- that -\ — 'urai- toward u'w'ra', {^yii'ra toward it 

a- that + - axavatcuyiva- a'a'xavatcuxWA, {"-y a' xamtcu- 

right into xwa right into it. 

(3) Apparent violations of law of alternating stresses. 
There are several purely delusive violations of the law of alternating 

1 The ^ indicates a secondary stress on a strong mora. 

60 X Southern Paiutc and Ute 


stresses that are due to such inorganic processes as pseudo-diphthongi- 
zation or glides; e. g. in tcA^ca' payaitcA'qainA (its) having been 
TORN TO PIECES, -yai- is developed from -yi- (see § 3, 2, a) and thus 
counts for only one mora. On the other hand, in an example like 
ti'ijqA'qaRi to run away hard, the short vowel of ti'- is only secondarily 
shortened from a two-moraed ti- (cf. ti'ntoyoqwi to run hard). A 
few errors are sure to have crept in also; e. g. AHi'xiqanp'iya' s.\t 
NURSING, no doubt either misheard or misdictated for A^t'i' x- iqaRipLya'. 
Aside from such only apparent examples, there are, however, 
certain cases (apart from m^a'- that, already specified) of initial 
short-voweled and non-glottalized syllables that seem to count for 
two moras and hence to bear the main stress. Of these, tt'campA 
ALWAYS is evidently to be explained by reference to its less frequently 
heard variant I'ti'c ampA. Less easy to explain are: 

r'- in vain i'p'inin'ni' looks around in vain 

ti'ra- desert, incomplete Vi' ra^ c'oi' avixaivanti shall be 

desert-dog; ti'rauqiVLvia4>L his 
own unfeathered arrow 

tl'ijuH- HURRIEDLY is regularly so accented (except as adverb Urjwi'n a), 
but counts for two, not three, moras; e. g. t'i'rjw'iRiqaynLyani I always 
EAT QUICKLY'. Judging by t'i'- < ti'- (see above), 'i'- may be really 
shortened from i'-. As for t'i'ra-, there has evidently been some 
contraction, as we find pa-r'i' yara-va out in the rain (lit. w.\ter- 
desert-at), biit t'i'ra-va' out in the open. 

An interesting group of violations, or apparent violations, of the 
law of alternating stresses is embraced by forms with secondarily 
lost reduplicating syllable with voiceless vowel (cf. ti'campA < Tti'- 
campA above). Such forms alternate with, though less frequent 
than, intact reduplicated forms. Examples are: 

pitc'i'- to arrive {pi')pi'tcip'iya' arrived 

p'i-fl'na- to follow with one's eye (p'i')pi'tlnap'iya' followed with 

(their) eyes 

pA'^qn'tjupiya' one killed (one {pA^)pa'qa7)up'iya several killed 
person) (one person) 

Uv^'l'p'l country {tT)ti' k^)"^ ip'iayai' pia4>i their form- 

er countries 

From pu'tcu'tcuyiva- to know are sometimes formed pv'tcutcuywa- 
as substitute for reduplicated pu' pu'icuicuywa- (e. g. \c'i\'pvtcu- 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshone cm Language 61 


tcuywa- TO know how to dance) ; and, by haplology, putcuywa- (e. g. 
qa' puHcuywatui- TO teach how to sing < qa' pu'icuHcuywatm-) . 
An initial ?'- is sometimes lost before a following organic y. This 
also brings about an only apparent violation of the law of alternating 

iyo'vi- mourning dove yo'vi- 

(cf . Ute aiovi-) 

This is diflferent from the consonantizing of prevocalic i and u to 
y and w respectively (see § 3, 2, d; 5, a), where there is no real loss 
involved. Initial 'i of iyiR indeed is frequently elided (see § 60, 3), 
6. g.: 

a'iaij iyiR that-he indeed (said) a'iarj gin 

-xain-La- too + iy'iR ninLaxwa'xaini -^iR of me too 


§11. Loss of one or more moras. 

All the losses referred to in § 10, 2 and 3, are, in a sense, only 
apparent, as they do not influence the original rhythmic framework 
of the word. Fundamental alternations of mora-structure are, 
however, also found, which follow the law of alternating stresses. 
Certain words lose a mora in some, not necessarily all, compounds, 
generally when occurring as the first element of a compound. Certain 
suffixed elements, also, alternate between a longer and a shorter 

Particularly common is alternation between a primary long and a 
reduced short vowel. Examples are: 

pa- water pa- in compounds: pa-ri'ia- elk 

(lit., water-deer); pa-^i'u- fish; 

pA^-sd'rdroiic'i waterfall; pa- 

rjwi'ac^i mud at bottom of 

o- arrow u- in compounds: w-rw'^w- to fix 

an arrow; i/-7u'7ta- quiver (lit., 

fi- up U-: tma'tjqwA upward, from the 

fvTcta- feather wTa'a-: w'ra'A'sivai- to scrape 

a quill smooth 

62 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


An element containing a diphthong or two vowels in immediate 
juxtaposition sometimes loses the second vowel, e. g. -701- to have: 
participial -ya-nt'i- having (see § 25, 6, a); -(^az- perfective: participial 
-qa-nti- having -ed (see § 25, 6, d) ; -mia- usitative: -m- (see § 30, 10). 

A post-consonantal vowel may also drop out, in which case the 
preceding consonant also disappears or, if a nasal, may leave its 
trace in the "nasalizing" power of the stem. Examples are: 

u-yu'na- quiver una'-: iin-a'v'iya- to put away a 

tiyia-vi- deer-hide tia'vi-: Ua'v'ira'^ deer-hide shirt 

(7 probably inorganic in origin, 
see § 14, 1) 
ini'- what (person, animal)? im-y'i'- what (thing)? 

pa'a'n-i- to be high pa'a-'':pa'a'nti- high 

-v'ana- upon -v'an-tuywa- on to 

naywa'- trail, track na-": nanti'na- to follow one's 

track; nampu'cayai- to look 

for tracks 

nirjw'i- person m-": nimpi'Tjwa^i somebody 

else's wife; niTjqa'nKpi some- 
body else's house; nintu'arjqi- 
to give birth to one; Ni'ci'- 
vi^'ia- to let a person go 

Even cases of the complete loss of two contiguous moras are 
found, e. g. : 

tiyia- deer U-: fiv^a'qa- to kill game 

urn" a- carrying strap uru-: oHca'uRU strap by which 

water-jar is carried 

Consonants (§ § 12-16). 

§12. Survey of consonants. 

A large number of consonants is found in Southern Paiute, but 
as with the vowels, they reduce to a comparatively small number 
of primary consonants. Before taking up consonantal processes in 
detail, we shall give a descriptive table of consonants actually found. 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 






•^ Aspirated 


o 'S. 




•u w 

O rt 

id w 



•r ■? 

o o 
> « 









r"'," w 

V, »' 











Is; is- 





le; Ic 




k', k' 

7, x; y 

•r; -, y 



Anterior Pal- 

7"', ?:'" 


atal Labial- 


Back Palatal 


k\ q' 

T. V. 

•r; ^ 


Back Palatal 

kw, qw 

kw,q w 

fiv, yw 

X w 






(1) Primary consonants. This rather elaborate scheme is 
based on only twelve, at most thirteen, primary consonants: p; t; k 
(q); kw (qw); s(c); ts (tc); m; n; y; w; y;'; possibly also initial h-{'-). 

(2) Survey of consonantal developments. We shall give here 
a rapid survey of consonantal developments, showing the relation of 
the consonantal forms actually found (including several not listed 
above) to the primary consonants. 

(a) Unvoicing. The aspirated stops {y"; p"; t'; k\ A:? — generally 
written A-?; k\ q'; kw, qw), written simply p, t, and so on, before 
voiceless vowels (e. g. />/, Ia); the aspirated affricatives {tc\ is), 
written tc, ts before voiceless vowels (e. g. tci); most of the voiceless 
spirants ((/>; 0"^; w; x; ?, y; z; ""; xiv; *); the voiceless or partly voiceless 
nasals (a/, vim; m^; N, nN; rjw); and the voiceless rolled R are all 
developed from the corresponding unaspirated or voiced forms, or 
as glides, in connection with the unvoicing of moras (see § 8). It 
is unnecessary to detail these developments here. 

The unaspirated stops and affricatives occur as such only initially 
before a voiced vowel and medially after an imvoiced vowel (e. g. 
pitci-, A'p'ii-); otherwise they are either "nasalized" (e. g. ampaya-, 

64 X Soiitheru Paiutc and Ute 


aintdi-; see § 16, 3) or "geminated" (e. g. fiv'^aqa-, i'ipi-; see § 16, 2). 
Aspirated stops and affricatives may also be nasalized or geminated 
(e. g. QA, nt'i). The typical unaspirated stop or aftncative is probably 
an "intermediate" when nasalized, geminated, or medial after a 
voiceless vowel (in which case it is always geminated in origin; 
see § 10, 1); and a true surd when initial before a vowel. However, 
it is difficult to be certain as to these two modes of articulation. The 
"intermediate" quality is most certain after nasals before voiced 
vowels and in the release of unaspirated geminated stops and affrica- 
tives. It is possible that the attack of the geminated stop and 
affricative is a true surd. 

(b) Spirantization. All spirants (except s, c; w, w; i/, r; ^, ?, '; 
h-, '-) and rolled consonants (r, r) are developed from stopped con- 
sonants (see § 16, 1) ; yw {rj) is either "spirantized" from m (see § 16, 1) 
or developed from intervocalic w (see § 13, 2). v {(f>) is bilabial in 
articulation; for v^ (<t>"') see § 14, 3, b. r (/?) is h'ghtly trilled, apparent- 
ently in typically alveolar position, probably modified slightly by 
its tendency to take on vocalic timbres; it was never heard as d. 
7 is either fully voiced (as in North German Tage) or intermediate 
(x) ; for 7 see below. 

(c) Geminated or long consonants. For geminated stops and 
affricatives see (a) above. Intervocalic vi, n, y, and s, c are very 
frequently heard long. It is highly probable that this, particularly 
for nr, n-, and s-, c-,is their etymologically typical form and that 
original Shoshonean intervocalic short vi, n, and s, possibl}' also 
7/, have disappeared as such. Long x-, x-iv (xw), x- generally occur 
as developments of y, yw, 7 in voiceless positions (see § 8), rarely 
intervocalically (see § 13, 5, c). 

(d) Glottalized consonants. For glottalized stops and affricatives 
(e. g. p, q-, (c) and nasals {m'm, n'n, ifw) see § 15, 2, b. 

(e) Anterior 'palatals. Aside from y (and its voiceless development 
y), anterior palatals (including labialized anterior palatals) develop 
from back palatals (and labialized back palatals); see § 13, 4. 

(f) Rounded labial consonants. Aside from lo (and its voiceless 
development w), these are all developed from ordinary labial con- 
sonants; see § 14, 3, b. 

(g) Alternation of k and q. By q is meant a back palatal stop of 
moderately velar articulation. Its average position, as determined 

Southern Paiute, a Shos/wncan Language 65 


by such a group as aqa, is distinctly further back than our English 
k- position in cold, yet not so decidedly velar in character as q of 
such a language as Kwakiutl. Its greatest degree of velarity is 
reached in such examples as qo'oi- and toyoqwi-, i. e. before and after 
0. We shall use q and qw after all vowels but i, when followed by 
any vowel other than i. Before i the back palatal becomes distinctly 
more forward in articulation, about like the k- sound of English 
cold or perhaps even ca7i; this position is here normally designated as 
k, kw. After an i the k becomes an anterior palatal (see e above). 
Positions analogous to k (kw) and q (qw) are doubtless to be found 
also in the spirants 7 (x, x), yw (xw, xw). Thus, 7 of toyo'qwi- 
is certainly more velar than 7 of tiyi'a-. However, these phonetic 
distinctions have here been neglected. 

(h) Alternation of s and c. These two sibilants are respectively 
pronounced as in English sip and skip, except that c tends to approach 
a quality intermediate between the true s and c. There is some 
sporadic interchange between s and c, as between ts and tc, but on 
the whole they are used with considerable distinctness according to 
vocalic position. For secondary assimilations see § 13, 8. 

Initially, s is regularly used before a, i, and 0; c before i (which 
often develops to i, t; see § 3, 2, b) and u. Examples are: sa- raw, 
Sana- gum, sa'a- to boil, saywa- blue, sayw{e)ia- belly, sarjwa- 
sagebrush; siyu- navel, siku- squirrel, siva- to whittle, siu- 


sotsi- TO peep; ni- squaw-bush, crim'^'ia- to let go, cn^nivipi- vulva, 
cir'i'ya- to be surprised, ci"i- blossom; cu{w)a- to eat up; nearly, 
cv- one, cumai- to think of, cururuin'noa- smoke-hole, cu(w)ai- to 
BE GLAD. These rules are only infrequently violated, e. g. caywa-, 
less frequent form of saywa- blue; coya- to bend, on l- tinder. 

Medially, both preceding and following vowel must be considered. 
Before a, i, and u, c regularly appears, regardless of what vowel 
precedes the sibilant, e. g. maa'-cayioa- brush-blue, green (con- 
trast saywa- above), qwica- to sp.\rk, q'icavi- hawk, tjca- white, 
oca- carrying-basket, puc-ayai- to look for, paru'ca- Virgin 
River; qwac'i- to be ripe, dic'i- butterfly, y'iv"'i'c'iap'L long- 
leaved PINE sapling, tiv^i'cira'ai- to tell a lie, tv'c'iaq am brown; 
ayacu- HE, Hcii- long ago, itcicu- this also, moeoi- mustache, 
qui lie II- giant. Only rarely does s appear before medial a, e. g. 
qavii' saywayatsLyanii h.wing a jack-rabbit stomach. The anal- 

66 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


ogy of a simplex in sa- may explain many of these cases. Before i, 
s regularly appears if t or a precedes, but c if i, u, or o precedes, e. g. 
iump'"i'si'xax(xnii rock having a crack; asi- roan-colored, 
asia- SURFACE, qwasi- tail, ii'ras l- potatoes; aicL- basket 
(-ct- not < -c'i-, as shown by assibilation of t to tc in aJicdcu- to make 
A basket, see § 13, 3), ay'wicL- to sneeze {-ct- < -ci-, not -c'i-, as 
shown by palatalized k in plural aTj'w'i'cka-, see § 13, 4); nonoct- to 
DREAM, true -i-, cf. plural nono'cka-); u'qu'cL^La' nock (true -i-, 
as shown by palatalized x)- Of these -asi- tends to vary with less 
frequent -aci-, e. g. ta-na'ci^a- cleft in hoof (cf. pi-na'sL^a- be- 
tween one's legs), tA'pa'ckai- was senseless (perhaps -a' si- 
tends to become a'cL-, but -asi'- to remain). Before o, s seems 
to be regular if a or i precedes, while both s and c have been found 
when precedes, e. g. pA^so'roroitc'i waterfall; pis'o- children; 
osororjwi- to snore, qocov'i- tinder. 

The rule is far simpler for the use of tc and is. The former is 
regularly employed before a, 'i, o, and u; the latter only before i (which 
then often develops to i, see § 3, 2, b). These rules apply both 
initially and medially. Examples are: tea- wrinkled, MA'tca'iatjqi- 
to reach for; tdiya- duck, itci- this; tcoi- bead, q'rtco'xwd.i' chews; 
tcuxwi- TO APPROACH, patcu'qu beaver; tsipi- to appear, totsi- 
HEAD. There is a slight tendency for ts to appear before a medially 
and before o both initially and medially, e. g. viantsaywina- to throw 
DOWN SEVERAL OBJECTS; qatsoa- (also qatcoa-) top, tsoavi- shoulder. 
As for quality, tc and ts are not as clearly distinct as are ch and ts 
of English church and hats respectively, ts in particular tending to an 
intermediate point of articulation; tc is probably purest before 'i 
and V, also when developed from t (see § 13, 3). 

§13. Consonantal processes. 

(1) Occurrence of h, '. Only such cases are here considered as 
are not due to unvoicing of moras (see § 8). 

(a) Initial Aspiration. Certain words that begin with a vowel are 
frequently heard preceded by aspiration, e. g. ai-, ^ai- TO say; demon- 
strative a-, ai-, '«-, 'ai- (see § 43), whence ani-, 'ani- to do; atci-, 
'atci- BOW. Comparison with other Shoshonean dialects suggests 
that in part, at least, these initial aspirations are the representatives of 
a Shoshonean h-; e. g. aya-, less frequently 'aya- what?: Agua Caliente 
haxa WHO? Initial ' is found also in certain interjections, e. g. 'q 
surprise; 'aa'ik-ivi oh! Initial ' does not function as a consonant, 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 67 


hence does not prevent elision (see § 7); e. g. a'i Ljir 'a'zmt' that 


(b) Developed from -s-, -c-. This sporadic development occurs 
only medially, never in a final syllable. The -h- is strongly aspirated 
and seems to be particularly common after a voiceless vowel, e. g. : 

ivii' AcampA thee only imi'^hampA 

mama"ca'ywoits' old woman mama" haywoits- 

qTca'pai- to sup q'l'ha'pai- 

to'ca'- white tdha'-,Vha'- 

pini'yw' aqucu' ywA while he not p'ini'rjiv'aqho'ywA 

still sees 
(negative -rjw'n- counts for two 


(c) Inorganic -'-. Rarely is an inorganic -'- introduced before a 
voiced consonant or glottal stop. It may take on the timbre of 
the preceding vowel. Examples are: 

cina'7)wa<j)i coyote cCna'r]wa(i)i 

^m'^a'icampa'"- enough thou ^in'^a' icampaA' a-' (see § 4, 2, c) 

mama'fina- several pursue maAma' nnaqup'i'yaic' wjw A ■ 

again (they) pursued him 

(2) PosTVOCALic \v. An intervocalic -w- is ordinarily a glide 
(see § 14, 3, a). When an initial w comes, by derivation or com- 
pounding, to stand after a vowel, it regularly becomes nasalized to 

waarji- to shout Vi' Tjwa' arji- to give a good shout 

w{ni- to stand yar)WL'r)w\ni-^a^ while standing 

and holding 
waixa- to have a council nLa'vL7)wai-)(.api council (of 

WA'tc'i'- to catch up with cu{'w)a' tjw A^tcip'i-ya' nearly 

caught up with 
w{')itsV- bird t'i'rar)'wLntsi\ts- horned lark (lit., 

desert bird) 

This rule does not operate, however, when w becomes intervocalic 
by reduplication: 

w'iy'i- vulva w'iw'ixiA vulvas (obj.) 

wayi- several enter wawa'xip'iya^ all entered 

68 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


w'inai- to throw w'iw'i'n'nai- several throw down 

wa'a'tcijL- to whoop wa'wa"HcL'yi- to whoop several 


Exceptional is also aya-waritci- to hide, lit. to put (watci-) in 
HIDING, perhaps dissimilated from aya-ywantci-, itself nasalized from 
ayaywatci- (see § 16, 3). Its reduplicated forms are partly aya- 
rjwarjwantci- (e. g. a'yar}wai]icantciqaiva several shall keep hidden). 
partly ayayiva'waicl- (e. g. a'yaywa'watciymi hides me several 
times); see § 58, 4, e. 

(3) AssiBiLATiON OF DENTALS. No dental consonant, aside from 
n, i. e. t and its derivatives V, r, r, is, with very few exceptions, found 
before i. Comparison with other Shoshonean or Uto-Aztekan 
dialects shows that an original Shoshonean ti became assibilated to 
tsi, e. g. noun ending -isi-: Tubatulabal and Southern Calif ornian -t. 
Further, comparison shows that an original Shoshonean ati not only, 
in Southern Paiute, assibilates the t but also shifts the i to 'i, whence 
atci. Most Plateau dialects have ati in these cases, e. g. : 

Shoshonean *ati bow S.P. atci- 

> Bankalachi ali-t, 
Shikaviyam e^di, 
Mono eti 

vShoshonean *j)ati daughter S.P. patci- (original Shoshonean 

> N. Paiute padi *pati would have become *pan-) 

Hence S. Paiute atsi represents an old Shoshonean atsi with primary 
ts; e. g. contrast primary patsi- older sister (cf. Cora hatsi older 
brother; Cora h often < p) with patci- < *pati daughter. 

There are a small number of cases of true -ri- (not -ri- < -n-; 
§ 3, 2, b), but these may well represent a group of loan-words taken 
in subsequently to the operation of the above law, e. g. mori- bean; 
sari- dog; qiri'n'narjqa- sparrow^-hawk. 

Belonging to a distinct and probably more recent stratum than 
the primary ts, tc and the ts, tc developed from t before original i 
are examples of tc that arise whenever a non-geminated t, that would 
ordinarily be spirantized to r (see § 16, 1), stands after an /. In this 
stratum, which constitutes a living process, t- and -r-, -tc- constantly 
interchange. Examples are: 

-n- participle (§ 25, 6, a) ivi-td- drinking 

-ru- to make (§ 26, 1, d) na-^a-'tct-tcu- to turn oneself into 

a rat 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 69 


-ru^a- interrogative (§ 19, 2, f) pavi' -tcu' a-ni my brother? 
-ruywa- to (§ 50, 4, 30) sari'ta-tcuxwA to the dog 

tar/wa-, -rarjwa- we qa'qaxai-tcarjWA we, while sing- 

(inclusive; § 39; § 40) ing 

tami-, -rami- we 2 (inclusive; § 39; qa'xai-tcayni we 2, while singing 

§ 40) 
tua-, -rua- child pi^L'-tcu{w)a-ts- little pig 

When t is preceded by a nasal consonant, the -t-, -r- develops to 
-ntc- (see § 16, 3), e. g. qani-ntcu'a- house? 

Geminated -t-, it should be carefully noted, does not assibilate to 
-tc- after i, but remains, e.g. tump'^i'-t-u- to make a stone; na'a'i- 
t-u^p"'ikuqwa has burnt up. 

Nasalized -7it- also is regularly unaffected by a preceding i; e. g. 
av'^Vnto'tsLxa' wooden-headed, dv'^i'ntuv'"a-n-C will make wood, 
ovi'ntu' ayuntcaijA he became a stick. There is, however, a ten- 
dency for such cases of -nt- to become assibilated to -ntc-; e. g. 
o{w)i' pintcu- to make a canyon (< oi'pi-", see § 16, 3). In such 
cases the theoretical -nt- is sometimes even replaced by the " spirantal" 
form -tc-; e. g. ovi'tcuqWA under the stick (but also ovi'yituqwA). 

After ai- to say, -t-, -r- develops to -ntc-, not -to-, e. g. ai-ntci- 
saying. On the other hand, usitative -mi- (§ 30, 10) changes a follow- 
ing -t-, -r- to -nt-, not -ntc-, e. g. ai-mi-nt'i- being wont to say; cf. -7a- 
nti- HAVING < -yai- TO have (§ 25, 6, a), -qa-nti- having -ed < per- 
fective -qai- (§ 25, 6, d). There are historical antecedents involved 
here which can be unraveled only by comparative evidence. 

(4) Palatalization. An i palatalizes a following k- sound, less 
frequently a dental or back-palatal nasal (n, rj). Acoustically this 
is manifested as a y- like affection of the consonant. It is indicated, 
in the case of back-palatals, by the symbol for anterior articulation 
(e. g. k, sounding approximately like ky); by a superior " in the 
case of n. 

The 71'' (approximately like Russian "soft" or mouille n) appears 
most often between two i- vowels, particularly when the second is 
unvoiced, e. g. maa'inH- to touch, inaa'in^i-kant'i having touched. 

The palatalized rj (approximately like French gn, possibly more 
posterior in articulation) is not very common, as the combination 
-irj- occurs only infrequently, e. g. ij}a- he here. 

The palatalized k- sounds are k < k, q; A-? (written k^) < k', 
Q't 7) K < 7> x; ? < 2-; y^v, x"' < 7"^, X^^- ¥ is practically identical 
with ch of German ich. 7 is very close to y, but more spirantal in 
quality (less open or vocalic), possibly a shade less anterior in articu- 

70 X Southern Pohite and Ute 


lation; it was practically never misheard as y. ^ is midway, in 
point of voicing, between y (of which it is merely a variant) and z. 
Examples of palatalized k- sounds are: 

-yai-, -xoi- subordinating suffix avi'-^a" lying; a'iyaicu as soon 

as (he) said 

-qai- to have vmv'^i'kcC to have a nose 

qari- to sit ■p\ni'kan- to sit and look 

-qai- resultative suffix uijwa'ikaip'i'ya^ was hanging 

-yu-, -xu- subordinating suffix 'ivi':)^ii{w)ar}A when he drank 

-yw(ayai- to go \vn'iyxv aip'iya'^ several arrived 

Rather infrequently is an initial q- palatalized to k- by the final -i, 
-I of the preceding word; e. g. uv'^'a'rjwi knni.'nicuqwaina4>i therein 


(5) Treatment of y. The back-guttural y is apt to undergo 
various modifications, aside from unvoicing (§ 8), palatalization (4 
above), and labialization (§ 14, 3, c). 

(a) Stopping to g. In poetry y is not infrequently stopped to 
g (the sonant correspondent of q). In prose this occurs when a final 
-y of the preceding word comes, by elision of an initial vowel (see § 
10, 3, end), to stand immediately before the -7-, e. g. a'iar) 'iy'iR 

that-he indeed > a'iarj gin. 

(b) Weakening or loss of y. An original 7 is sometimes weakened 
to a glide '>' or even entirely lost before or after an v- vowel, more 
often after an 'i- vowel. Vocalic contractions may then result (see 
§ 4). Examples are: 

na-yu'q-WL-7)q'i- to fight (lit., to na'^u'qwL7)qi-,na'uqwLy)qi- 

shoot at each other < quqiVL- 

to shoot) 
yauywL- to enter ya"^iOL- 

tiyia- deer (-7- may be glide, t'i'iaRiqua<f>i deer-meat 

however; see § 14, 1) 
tiy'i'v'i- friend fi'v'ini my friend 

-tiya-n la- adverbial element mava'i^tCauL Avay off; m'm'- 

raindani close towards it 
tuyxi- up (e. g. iuyu'ntuxWA up- *tiy'i-, *t'iyi- > t'i-, fii- up 


Southern Paint e. a Shoshonean Language 71 


(c) Unvoicing to x in voiced •position. Even before a voiced vowel 
7 is sometimes heard not merely as an intermediate x> with which 
it varies frequently, but as a fully unvoiced x (or lengthened x)\ 
similarly y > x. This sharpening seems to be frequent after an 
accented a, particularly in the neighborhood of a glottal stop, e. g.: 

-'a7az)a- ?/M- right among aa'xavaivu right in there 

-yi- to come in order to yu'{w)a'xi,yanu come to take 

them away 

-yw{ayai- to go in order to ya'^xwa'" go to fetch; yu'{w)- 

a'xwo'aivd" shall go to bring 
(them); wara'xa>ii''-^wa'" go 
to (another) house for grass- 
seeds (wara-) 

-yuma- male na{-)ya'x'%viarj'waqu together 

with mountain-sheep buck 

iya'vaya- to fear iya'vaxan'navii whom you feared 

(6) Vocalization of semivowels. The semivowels y and w 
are sometimes opened up to the corresponding vowels i and u (o). 
Forms with glide -i- (§5, 1) are transitional; e. g. -aya- > -a{i)ya- > 
-aia-. Examples of -y- > -i- are : 

nampa'-yarjA his foot (obj.) nainpa'i'arjA 

naya- anger + y{a)'ai- to die of naya'iai- 
> naya'y'ai- to be angry 

After an i, the i < y apparently disappears as such, fusing with 
the preceding vowel, e. g. : 

tuqwL- shame -\- y{ayai- tu'qxcL'ai- to be ashamed 

tsi- with the point + yauywi- 

tca- to cause several objects to tsia' ^''wdcAp'iya caused (them) 
enter to go in by pushing with the 

point (§§ 4, ], a; 13, 5, b) 

A w immediately following a back-palatal stop or ij is sometimes 
opened to m or still further, before a, to o (cf. development of -wa- to 
-W0-, -o-\ § 3, a, 3), e. g.: 

-ntcuqw{-ruqw) avi" underlies imi'ntcuqii avi'^ lies under thee; 

aruqo avi'^ lies under it 
'ani"ar)w'aik-^A what-he said? > 'ani"ayoaik-fA 
-ifwai- (§ 7, 4, end) 

72 ^ Southern Paiute and Ute 


(7) Simplification of consonants. Here are grouped together 
a number of consonantal simplifications or partial losses of charac- 
teristic quality, found chiefly in sentence phonetics. 

(a) Simplification of affricatives. A final -ts- ( < -tsi-) or, less 
often, -tci is sometimes reduced to -t-, -t' before a word beginning 
with a dental (t, n), less frequently before a word beginning with a 
labial, e. g. : 

"Unirfuts- then 11711 ijut- nontsL'kup'iya then flew 

off; iini'yut-^ marja'iacu then 

t'iv^i'ts- very fiv^i't- iuywa'r'xinjup'i'ya^ it got 

very dark; t'iv^d- niv^a'urjwap'i- 
7a' (it) snowed very much 

-pantci kinds of man o'q'o pant- pa'a'vLTjw am'' all 

the kinds of animals 

i'tc'i this i' tTqa'q- A e&tth\s\ 

(< i'tc'i tTqa-'q-A) 

An internal -isi- is sometimes reduced to -tn-, -tn- before n (see § 
3, 2, c): 

wiHsLtsuii my great-grandchild! 
na'a'intstsLmA like a girl na' a'intst7},nLA 

(b) Assimilation of -r to n-. This happens only rarely, e. g.: 

yu'un aR{i) my leg yu'un an nantsi'n'arjqixi come 

and joint my leg 

(c) Loss of labialization. Before an u or of the following word 
a final -qw-, -yw-, -yw- is apt to lose its w (cf. simplification of wo < wa 
after back-palatal stops to a; § 3, 1, c). Examples are: 

-rarjw(a-) we 'iv^'i'rari unirjuts- let us then 

-q-w(a-) it arja'^q- vv^aV who is it then? 

pina' r)qw{a-) soon pina'rjq 'o'" soon so 

Final -xw sometimes melts with following qw- to -qw- (cf. § 8, 1, 
g), e. g.: 

i{y)tiuxwA qwaiC hither off i(y)e'tuqivau' 

(8) Assimilation of sibilants. When two successive syllables 
contain sibilants of different articulation {s, ts: c, tc; see § 12, 2, h). 

Southern Paiitte, a Shoshonean Language 73 


assimilation generally results either to the s- or c- position. The 
following types of sibilant assimilation have been observed. 

(a) Assimilation of s — c to s — s. This seems to be rare. An 
example is ASi-saywa- light blue (contrast -tea- of qwic a- to 

(b) Assimilation of s — tc to c — tc. This also is not common. A 
good example is cdcu- nail < sitcu- < *situ- (cf. Kawaiisu -cito-). 

(c) Assimilation of is — c to tc — c or ts — s. Generally ts — s appears, 
e. g.: 

-tsi-cu-, -ts--cu- (§35;§ 19, 2, k) -tsisu-, -tssu-: pi'ka'xu- 
nav'itsLSuarjA only his little 
rawhide bag; tu{w)a'ts-suni 
only my son 

-tsi(-ts-)-campa- (§ 19, 2, j) Uv'^itssamyA truly 

Yet tc — c also seems to occur, e. g. sari'tcicuni only my dog < 

(d) Assimilation of tc — s to tc — c. This uncommon type is il- 
lustrated, e. g., in tca'cixani menstrual hut (for more normal 
-asi.- contrast asia- surface). 

(e) Assimilation of ts — tc to tc — tc (ts — ts). The normal tc — tc 
assimilation, which occurs very frequently, is illustrated in: 

-tsi- noun suffix + -tcu'a- inter- a'ipatcdcu'" a boy? 

-tsi- -f -tcu- to make naya'tcdcuqwayumpa' will turn 

(them)selves into rats 
-tsi- -\- -tea- preterital enclitic mama^utcdcarjA woman did — 

-tsi- diminutive + -tci- participle avi'tcdciA little lying (obj.), little 


The less frequent assimilation to ts — ts is probably regular when 
the primary ts is initial, e. g. ts-tsa'ijh'a- to carry on a pole {tsi- 
wiTH the point, § 21, 9). Moreover, subordinating -tsi- (§ 55, 1, a), 
unlike diminutive -tsi- or nominal -tsi- (cf. above examples), seems 
regularly to maintain itself and to assimilate following tc to ts, e. g. : 

lini'-tsL- having so done, then + um'tsdsaywA then we 
-tcaywa- we 

74 ^ Southern Paiute and Ute 


-m-<5i- future gerund (§ 55, 1, a) aya'mvdHsdsaijwa' thou, intend- 
4- -tea- preterital enclitic ing to act how, didst — him? 

(f) Assimilation of c — ts to s — is. Evidence for this seems to be 
rather scanty. An example is m{ni's'its- several having returned 
< m'(ni'c-'i-. 

(g) Unassimilated forms. The frequent sequence tc — ts seems 
normally to remain unaffected, e. g. ga'tvavdcUsLywi Kaibab Paiutes 


final, however, assimilated tc—tc seems to be not uncommon, e. g. 
uqu'v'^dcatc^ BUG (sp.). 

Sporadic unassimilated forms for the assimilated types enumerated 
above also occur. 

§ 14. Glide consonants. 

Consonantal glides are frequent after the high vowels (i, i, u). 
The semivowels y and w act as glides after i and u respectively, 
7 after i. A weakly articulated y, such as the y- glide always is, is 
really a high-back unrounded semivowel, corresponding to 'i pre- 
cisely as w does to u. 

(1) GLIDE y. This glide, often represented as ^ when only weakly 
articulated, is rather common between a primary 'i and a following 
vowel. Even i-, when resolved to vi (see § 4, 2, b), may develop to 
iH, 'iy'i. Examples are: 

ia- to plant 'i'>a'pi planted, corn 

■p'ia- relative ppa'ni my relative 

nia'-fi- wind niya'ai 

-y'i- present tense + -am'i- them ma' {i)yi'^ am'ini I call them 

y'li- doorway y'iH'va" at the doorway 

tii'a- deer (e. g. pa-fi'ia- water- ifVa- deer (generally so heard) 
deer, elk) 

Curious is m'u(yw)a'mi in front of me, in which -7- is a glide 
consonant after 'i, -w- after u (see 3 below). 

(2) glide y. This occurs very frequently between i (t) and a 
following vowel, e. g. : 

qwacL- tail + -arjA his qWA^ciyarjA his tail 

pu\- eye + -'ai- not to have pu'i'y'aUi having no eyes 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 75 


tum,p^L{a-) rock (obj.) + uru'- tump^Lyuruq-WA under the rock 
qWA under it 

Sporadically a weakly articulated y (indicated ") occurs initially 
before i; e. g. H'mi thou < i'mi. 

(3) Glide w. Labial glides are very frequent and are found in 
three distinct groups of cases. 

(a) Glide w between vowels. After a primary u (o) a w, indicated as 
"* if weak, often slips in before an immediately following vowel. If 
the second vowel is voiceless, the w- glide is unvoiced to iv. Examples 

tua- son tuwa'tsini my son 

-yu- subordinating suffix + -aya- ivi'xuwar/A when he drank 


pu't, eye pu'^i- 

-u{w)d-uywa- before nio'{w)ituxwA before me 

The use of -w- as glide seems incidentally to serve as criterion of 
the difference between a true ui diphthong and a dissyllabic u + i. 
Thus, with -u(w)L'tu'ywa above contrast causative -(ui- with diph- 
thongal ui (rarely, if ever, uwi). 

(b) Roujided labials. Bilabial consonants {p, p\ t, </>, m) are 
normally pronounced with unrounded lips. Under certain conditions, 
however, they are pronounced with w- position of the lips. This 
position may bring about a slight ^- glide between the labial and the 
following vowel. Several groups of cases are to be noted. 

Initially vi^-, sometimes heard exaggerated into ^vi^- or even 
um"^-, is found in demonstrative two-moraed m"'a'-, m-^a'-, that 
(see § 43); possibly this m^a'- is developed from an older uma'- > 
xim^a'- (see below). An initial m""- also sometimes develops before 
an immediately following t; e. g. m^'im'^i- ye. 

A medial -vi^- develops regularly after primary 'i, i. When the 
vowel following the -m"'- is unvoiced, the ""- glide is also unvoiced 
("'). Examples are riimyi- we (exclu.); clm^'ia- TO let go; ti'm^a- to 
roast; ani'iitcini^ i'm'i (are) doing these (anim.); co'v^^antim^'i 
others; m^l'm^i ye. 

A medial -m""- also often develops after u(o), e. g. : 

M- demonstrative + -OTa-r?<i- being uiiV"a'nt'i therefrom 
at, from 

76 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


u- + animate plural -in'i- ipii'"u- they 

-j/u- moinentaneous suffix + -iniA wa\ir)Lr)um"'LA is wont to shout 

Medial -p-, -mp- are frequently rounded to -j»"'-, -my'"- (unvoiced 
-;j "-, -mp-'') after u or i. This seems to take place particularly 
before i, whose timbre contrasts most clearly with that of p'^. Ex- 
amples are tump'^i- rock {tu'mp^i); tu'p"'i'- to be left over; 
tu'p"'a'qt- TO emerge; ump'^i'cAcavipA just for fun. 

After 'i ov u, V is inner-rounded. The result, written ?;"', is not v + 
"'- glide but a bilabial v with inner rounding, a sound acoustically 
midway between v and w. It is phonetically related to xc very much 
as y is to y. Before voiceless vowels v^ is unvoiced to 4>^. Examples 
are fiv^a'ts- wolf, liiv^a'tcuxwA to me, tiv^i'ts- very, 'iv^'i" go ahead!, 
ni'"<^"'/i at me; vv'"a"ax i over it, qaninicuv'^anL will make a 
house, 04)^ a then. 

(c) Labialization of k-sounds. Labialized k- sounds (qw, qw, yw, 
xw) are either primary or arise secondarily by the intrusion of a w- 
glide due to a preceding u (o) or o. Examples of labialized k- sounds 
due to u (a) are: 

-7)11- momentaneous suffix + tspi'jjuqwa has appeared 
-q ai- perfective 

tiv^i-yu- to ask + -fjqai- sub- fiv'^i'yuyqwa'aiywA as (he) asked 
ordinating suffix him (for breaking of -yqwai- 

to -yqwa'ai- see § 15, 2, a) 

tiv'^i-Tju- -(- -qa- plural subject fiv^i'ijuqwai several ask; abso- 
lute i'iv'^i'ijuqwA 

uijwa'cu- he + -yainM- too vywa'cuywain la he too 

- arrow + -7a/- to have o'ywaivdtci wont to have an 


qo- -f -7a- to make a sound qo'xWAp'iyainC there was a 

whirring sound as of wings 

Examples of k- sounds labialized by preceding are: 

ayo- tongue -\- -ijqai- to have ayo'yqicn to have a tongue 

nj- to carry on one's back + -71- n.i'ywini come to carry me on 

to come in order to (your) back! 

no- -f -q-L- to come — ing no'qwi to come carrying on 

one's back 

Soul hern Point e. a Shoshonean Language 77 


An initial ' is rarely labialized to 'w, xiv by the final i, i of a pre- 
ceding word; e. g. to'o'iv'C xwai' bulrushes (obj.) them < to'oi'v'i 'ai\ 

§ 15. The Glottal Stop. 

(1) Types of Glottal Stop. Glottal stops occur very frequently 
in Southern Paiute. They are rarely exaggerated in articulation, 
however, and are often quite easily missed. The glottal stop may 
function as an integral element of a stem (e. g. 'ayii- to be good, 
sa'a- to boil) or grammatical element (e. g. -yw'ai- to go in order to, 
-n'ni- continuative) ; as in itself a grammatical process occurring alone 
(e. g. dubitative -', § 19, 2, n; -'- to indicate momentaneous activity, 
§ 53, 2, a, 3), with such grammatical processes as gemination and redu- 
plication (§ 53, 2, b ; § 58, 3 and 4) or in connection with certain enclitics, 
chiefly pronominal (e. g. -' . . . .-i?ii- thy, thee) ; in certain circum- 
stances to separate vowels brought together by composition (§ 16, 2); 
in final position after perfective -{n)tca- and -ywa- and after indepen- 
dent personal pronouns preceding verbs of doing and being (§ 5, 3). 
The last group of cases may be considered as inorganic or non-function- 
al. The first group of cases may be defined as involving an "inherent" 
glottal stop, the second and third an "accessory" glottal stop. The 
distinction is important phonetically, inasmuch as a syllable con- 
taining an "inherent" glottal stop counts for two moras whether its 
vowel is short or long, while a short-voweled syllable with "accessory" 
glottal stop counts for only one mora (see § 8, 1, a, end; 2, a, end; 
§ 9, end). Outwardly these two types of glottal stop are identical, 
but they probably belong to quite distinct historical strata, the 
"accessory" group no doubt representing a later development or 
influencing of the word form. Rarely there is evidence to show 
that an "inherent" glottal stop may arise by way of compensation 
for the loss of a vowel. This seems to be true, at least, of 7ia'7)'iVA'- 
tsLTjwi father abd son (< reciprocal na- -\- -rjivo'Atsi-, spirantized 
form (see § 16, 1, end) of -mo'a-tsi- father), nana'rj'wa'tsLijwi 
fathers and sons ( < plural reciprocal nana'- + -ywoa'-t sl- < 

(2) Mov ability of glottal stop, a puzzling and often dis- 
concerting peculiarity of the glottal stop, apart from initial and 
final position, is its movability. The phonetic consciousness attaches 
it to a certain syllable, but within that syllable it may shift about 
with considerable freedom. In part this movability is conditioned 

78 X Southern Paiule and Ute 


by accentual factors (§ 10, 2), but much of it is purely optional. The 
glottal stop may even spill over into the end of or body of the pre- 
ceding syllable or into the beginning of the following syllable. Thus, 
the syllable -y'ai- to die of such a word as tayv'-y'ai-ka- several 
ARE THIRSTY may appear with its ' immediately preceding its own 
syllable (-'yai-); immediately following its initial consonant (-y'ai-; 
it may appear immersed in stops, affricatives, or nasals — see b below) ; 
breaking the first vowel of the diphthong {-ya'ai-; from this type of 
glottal affection may develop a glottalized vowel, see a below, e. g. 
-ydi-); making a hiatus between the two vowels of the diphthong 
{-ya'i- or -ya'^- with murmured i); closing its syllable {-yai'-); or 
glottally affecting the initial consonant of the following syllable 
{-yaiK-a-). Hence it might be more appropriate to speak of the 
glottal affection of a syllable than of a glottal stop. The type y'ai'- 
or ya"ai- may be considered the norm. 

(a) Broken vowels and diphthongs. Broken vowels are extremely 
frequent. They are due to either an inherent glottal stop (e. g. 
si'i- TO urinate) or to the secondary operation of an accessory one 
(e. g. qani"imi thy house < qani- house). Either the first or 
second part of the broken vowel may be stressed or relatively stressed; 
the unstressed part, particularly if second, tends to be murmured 
{a" a > a"°, a' a' >°'a'). The type "'a' is particularly frequent in 
initial position, the type a'" in final position. A broken diphthong 
is one whose first vowel is broken (e. g. a'a'ura", "'a'ura' towards it 
< a- IT -f- -u'ra^ towards). 

Examples of vowels and diphthongs broken by an accessory glottal 
stop are: 

paa'- aunt H — ' . . .mi- thy paa"ami thy aunt 

-p'iyai- remote past qafi' p'iya' aim'i they two sat 

-na- verbal noun suffix + -'... ampa'yana' aijWA his talking 

ijwa- his 

-ga?'- resultative suffix + -' . . . p\ni'ka'aikwA see it 

qwa- it 

(b) Glottalizatiun of consonants and vowels. A glottalized consonant 
may be defined as a welding of the consonant or, more rarely, vowel 
with a glottal stop into a composite sound of unified acoustic effect. 
Only the stopped consonants, m, n, and yw form such glottalized 
units; in the case of the other consonants, the ' immediately follows 
or precedes (e. g. -y'i- or -y'i- < -y'i- present tense + accessory ')• 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 79 


A glottalized m or n is simply a long nasal interrupted for a moment 
by glottal closure: vi'in, n'n; in glottalized yw the ' slips in between 
the 7) and w: y'w. The glottalized stops and affricatives (p, (, j, 
qw, fc, fs) are pronounced with simultaneous oral and glottal closure. 
The release of the two closures is simultaneous also. This makes 
them far more difficult to perceive than the snappy glottalized con- 
sonants ("fortes") of so many other American languages, in which 
the glottal release is subsequent to that of the oral closure. Glot- 
talized consonants result from either an inherent or accessory 
glottal stop; the glottal stop of the glottalized consonant generally 
belongs to its own syllable, sometimes to a following syllable, less 
often preceding one. Examples are: 

tca'aikai- to hold + -?/i- present tca'a'ikai'y'iqwA holds it 

tense + -'... qwa- it 

-qai- perfective + -na- verbal t'ini'ayq'iqain'narjWA his having 

noun + -' . . .Tjica- his told to (him) 

uv^itu- to sing a, song -{- -nimia-, uv^i'tu'imaV sings along 

-mi' a- along 

-v'antuywa- on *am-u'v"''anfuxwA on them 

The movability of the glottal stop is well illustrated in the forms 
ni-ci'tcaT)wa'i--^a' teasing a person, citca'Tj'waiyiatjA teases him, 
cifca'rjtvaip'iya'aim'i fooled them. 

By a glottalized vowel, e. g. d, is meant one that is articulated 
while continuously interrupted by a rapid series of weak glottal 
stops or, probably more correctly, cordal tightenings that approximate 
glottal closure. Sometimes the glottalized vowel sounds like a 
fairly definitely articulated "glottal r," at other times it seems to 
correspond to what German writers on phonetics term "Pressstimme." 
The glottalized vowel may occur as an abbreviated substitute for 
the broken vowel or as an anticipatory glottal affection immediately 
preceding a more sharply articulated glottal stop, e. g. p'ini'Jfaip'id'" 
did not see. 

(c) Over-glottalization. What is morphologically a single glottal 
stop often manifests itself twice or even three times in the course of 
a word. Several examples have already illustrated this. Further 
examples are: 

cu{w)a- nearly + -y'ai- to die cu(w)a' (i)' y' aip'iya nearly died 
««"'a- there + -.V"- post-position uv'^d"{i)y\im'i there they 
+ -' . . .vi'i- they 

80 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


qanintcu- to build a house + nam'i'xa'nintcuxwa^"- first go to 
-xwa'ai- to go in order to build a house 

The over-glottalization, though rarely, may even manifest itself 
in the immediately preceding word; e. g. qa'uL u'a'xarux wa right 
THROUGH THE HOUSE (properly qmua-, obj.); similarly qa'tu' aura* 
HOUSE TOWARDS IT < qatii' a'u'ra\ the glottal stop separating a 
and u being here so faint that it escaped perception, while the intrusive 
' of qa'uL was distinctly audible. 

In such an example as -r'oarj'aami he — thee? the ' after rj is 
intrusive, caught, as it were, between the ' of interrogative -r'o- and 
the ' of -aija'a-, broken, by -' . . .mi- thee, from -arja- he. 

(d) Contraction. On the other hand, two organically distinct 
glottal stops may, though far less frequently, merge into a single 
one; e. g. : 

-p a'na- on + -' . . .vii- they tu7np"'i'pa'nam'i. on a stone they 
-ru'a- interrogative + -' thou -ru'" thou? (see § 40, 2). 

§ 16. Treatment of Co7iso7iants in Composition. 

A word must begin with either a vowel (which may be preceded 
by ') or one of the following nine consonants: p, t, q (k), qw (kw), 
tc (ts), c (s), m, n, ' . When these consonants, by the processes of 
derivation and composition, take up a medial position and are im- 
mediately preceded by a vowel, voiced or unvoiced, they assume, in 
part, one of three distinct forms. These are summarized in tabular 












-nf- (rarely -w/c-) 

q. (A-) 


-q- (-^'-) 

-rjq- {-rjk-) 

qw- {kw-) 


-qw- {-kw-) 

-rjqw- {-Tjkw-) 

tc- {is-) 

-tc-, -ntc- {-ts-, 

-tc- {-ts-) 

-ntc- {-nts-) 

C- {S-) 

-C- {-S-) 








The glottal stop undergoes no change; c (.?) has neither spirantal 
nor nasalized development; n, at least as far as can be inferred from 

Southern Paiitte, a Shoshoneon Language 81 


Paiute itself, has no spirantal development; for tn and 7i there is no 
distinction between nasalization and gemination. 

Two factors are operative in the determination of the form that 
a consonant takes in medial position. In the first place, certain 
elements (suffixes and enclitics) always appear with consistently 
spirantized, geminated, or nasalized consonant, regardless of the 
stem or morphological element that precedes; e. g. -7a- durative 
suffix, -qu- numeral objective suffix, -yqi- indirective suffix to, for. 
On the other hand, all stems and many suffixes appear in either two 
or, more often, three forms according to the nature of the preceding 
stem or suffix. The initial consonants of suffixes that appear in two 
distinct forms are either spirantized or, less frequently, nasalized; 
e. g. future -vania- (as in ivi'vania- will drink, -q avania- several 
WILL — ) and -mpania- (as in ivi'yumpariLa- will take a drink, 
ivi'mimpania- will be wont to drink). As a rule, the nasaliza- 
tion in this class of elements is due to the presence of a nasal in the 
preceding syllable. Much more typical is threefold alternation, 
which affects all stems and many suffixes. Here the deciding factor 
is the nature of the preceding stem or suffix, which, as far as a descrip- 
tive analysis of Paiute is concerned, must be credited, as part of 
its inner form, with an inherent spirantizing, geminating, or nasalizing 
power (respectively indicated, where necessary, as -^ -", and -"). 
Thus, the same adjectival verb suffix appears in spirantal form in 
arjqa'-ya- to be red, geminated in qu'tca'-qa- to be gray, and 
nasalized in paii'-yqa- to be smooth; the stems may be respectively 
indicated as arjqa-', qutca-^, pai-". On the other hand, the element 
-ya-, -q a-, -rjqa- is consistently spirantizing (schematic form -qa-^), 
e. g. in participial ayjqaya-r'i-, quHca'qa-fi-, pdi'rjqa-ri-. The particip- 
ial -n- is itself capable of appearing in geminated {-t'i-) and nasalized 
{-nt'i-) form as well under the appropriate circumstances (e. g. -ai-t'i- 
not h.-^ving, NU^qwi'-ii(i- streaming). Thus, for purposes of deriva- 
tion and composition one needs to know always whether a given stem 
or suffix is one that spirantizes, geminates, or nasalizes. As to the 
historical background of these processes, Paiute itself reveals com- 
paratively little. A thorough study of comparative Shoshonean 
linguistics would probably make them historically intelligible. 

(1) Spirantiz.ation. It is plausible, from what comparative 
evidence is available, that spirantization arose typically when an 
element or stem whose initial consonant represents no process of 
contraction was affixed to an element or stem whose final vowel 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



represents its original ending. Original ungeminated stops and -m- 
regularly became spirantized between vowels. There is some com- 
parative evidence to show that c (s) and 7i originally alternated with 
-'- and zero respectively as their spirantal developments, but this 
is not deducible from Paiute itself and so does not concern us. "Spir- 
antized" -tc-, -ts- can be most convincingly differentiated from 
geminated -tc-, -ts- by the failure of weak moras to lose their voice 
before it. The secondary -tc- -nic- arising from a theoretical -r- 
(ungeminated -t-) have already been discussed (see § 13, 3). Examples 
of -D-, -r- {-tc-; after syllable with nasal, -ntc-), -tc- (after syllable with 
nasal, -ntc-), -ts- (after syllable with nasal, -nts-), -y-, and -yw-, as 
results of spirantization are: 

na-' reciprocal + pavi- elder 

7na-' with the hand + -patc'i'a- 

to fasten 
Shoshonean *{h)ipi- to drink (cf. 

Mono hibi-) 
at-' new + /ait'' shirt 
cu{w)a-' nearly + tup^i'ku- to 

be used up 
Shoshonean *kafi- to sit (cf. 

Hopi gatb) 
iyovi-' mourning do\e + fua- 

qani-^ house + tua- 
a-' quietly + tca'aik-ai- to hold 
na-' reciprocal + tcaq aitsi- 

younger brother 
-p'i-' past + -tsL-' diminutive 
tiyqaiu-' cave + -isi- diminutive 
qani-" house + -kai- to have 
ci -' squaw-bush + qaitcoxu hat 
Shoshonean *maka- to give (cf. 

Mono maki) 
nam'i-' iirst -\- qwavhj it- to camp 

over night 
qaiva-' mountain + qwitru 

v"'aiu peak 

nava'viriw'i brothers 

viava'tciai fastens 

ivi- to drink 

a'i'ra'i'^ new shirt 
cu{xo)a'RUp^ikupiya was nearly 

used up 
qafi- to sit 

iyontcuatc little mourning dove 

qanLntcuats- little house 
a'tca'aika' to hold quietly 
nanica' qaitsLrjw'i brothers 

qa ' p'iisL-^a a little fellow sang 
t'itjqa'mntsLA little cave (obj.) 
qam'-^ai- to have a house 
ci'yaitcoxu woman's basket cap 
may a- to give 

nam'i'xwaviyu- to camp over 

night first 
qa' ivaywitcuv^'aRi mountain peak 

Southern Paiiite, a Shoshonean Language 83 


Shoshonean *tuka- night (cf. tuywa'nu night 
Luiseno duku-mit) 

While the spirantizations iHustrated above are live processes, that 
of m to -rjw-, though abundantly enough illustrated in the material, 
seems to have spent its force, as in the more evident compounds and 
derivatives -m- is used even after spirantizing stems and elements; 
e. g. na-ma'tjwicava'am'i two shall push each other (cf. na-' 
above), p'iyqa'muntun'i'kaip'iya' kept lying covered up (< p'iyqa-' 
continuously). Sometimes -m- and -rjw- forms are distributed in 
other than a purely phonetic manner. Examples of -yw- < -in- are: 

7noa- father na' rj' w aHsltjw'l father and son 

maya- to give narjwa'ya- to pay (lit., to give 

each other) 
ma-' with the hand -\ — m'in''icL- ma-rjw'i'n'icL-yqi- to roll one over 

to turn, roll over 
ta-mi"'i{:na-i)qi- to dig out by 7na-r)wi" iina-yqi- to dig out with 

poking with one's foot one's hands 

rrV"'ivn- you (plur.) -rjijoinu-, -ijumi.- your, you (obj.) 

(as enclitic element, see § 40) 
-via- on -rjwa- on (with pronouns, see § 

50, 4, 8) 
-im-tuywa- to -ywL-tuywa- to (chiefly with pro- 

nominal stems, see § 50, 4, 14) 
-ml- animate plural (see § 48, 1 , a) -rjw'i- animate plural (see § 48, 1 , b) 
Shoshonean *tama- tooth (cf. tarjwa- tooth 

Fernandino -tama) 
Shoshonean *sama- (cf. Gitane- saijiva'-cpi sagebrush 

muk hama-t grass, Cahuilla 

Shoshonean *tami we (cf. Hopi taywA, -rayjWA we 


(2) Gemination. As we have already seen, intervocalic n and 
c {s) are always geminated or long, regardless of etymological con- 
siderations; e. g. MA'cl'q-Laiy'ini my hands are cold (cf. ma-' hand 
above). Geminated -m- also has largely supplanted spirantized 
-7)w- (see 1 above). How geminated intervocalic consonants arose 
is not clear. In part gemination is a grammatical process (e. g. 
hi- TO drink < Shoshonean ipi-: ^'i'pi- to drink repeatedly); see 
§ 58, 4, a, c-f. In general, however, we can not yet tell what brought 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



about the geminating power of certain stems and elements and the 
presence of geminated consonants in the body of stems. The contrast 
between intervocalic geminated and ungeminated consonants is 
doubtless an original Shoshonean feature, as indicated by compara- 
tive evidence. Examples of -p -, -t-, -t c-, -ts-, -q - (-/r -). and -qw- 
(-kw-), as results of gemination are: 

ta-' with the foot + pantu- to 

no -" to carry on one's back 

{■-' beforehand + tiq a- to eat 
t'ina-" to hunt + fiya- to tell 

what to do 
qi-" with the teeth 
wat CL- to catch up with 

wdca'- to tie; wdca'- bee 

qu-" with fire 

qi-' with the teeth -|- qoi'na- to 

take off one object 
pa(i)yL-'' to return -\ — ki- hither 
Shoshonean *tuk u- panther (cf. 

Luiseno dukwu-t) 
tsdsL-' (reduplicated) with a 

point iteratively 
ta-' with the foot 

tApa'ntui shakes with the foot 

7io'payai- to carry from place 
to place; no'qava pack-horse 
i'tTqaV eats beforehand 
titia'Afiyn Ri hunting-leader 

qTtco'xw'a.i chews 
iVA'tci'tjupiya' caught up with 

(contrast watci'- to put) 
ivi'tca'i' ties; wiHca'-^i bee 

(contrast wUca'-4)i calf of leg) 
qu'tsi'k iva' will burn 
qi'qo'Vnai' takes off with the 

pa{i)yiki comes back 
tu'qu panther 

tsisikwLyui' scrapes wavy lines 

tA'qwa'°qai- to hold down with 
one's foot 

There is .some reason to believe, though the evidence is not con- 
clusive, that geminating stems or elements followed by a stem be- 
ginning with a vowel insert a glottal stop; e. g. i"A'p'u- TO sleep 
BEFOREHAND (see i-" above). However, it is evident that elements 
differ about the treatment of their final vowel before vowels, some 
contracting, others inserting a ' . Thus, both ma-^ and ta-" combine 
directly with a following vowel; e. g. maa'ini- to touch and taa'ini- 
TO touch with the foot, tauTjwai- to hang by the feet (cf. uijwai- 
TO hang). On the other hand, i'i{)'-"- well takes a ' after it; e. g. 

tl"A'pii- TO SLEEP WELL. 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 85 


(3) Nasalization. Nasalized consonants occur intervocalically 
as a result of the nasalizing power of a stem or element; as the result 
of reduplicating stems with interior nasal (e. g. qarjqa'ivi- houses 
< qan L- house; see § 58, 2, d); and internally in stems and elements 
from obscure causes (in part these internal nasalizations may be 
due to the assimilatory influence of a preceding nasal: e. g. nayqava- 
ear from Shoshonean *naka-, cf. Hopi nalc^ve, though elision of -a- 
in parallel Shoshonean *nanaka-, cf. Gabrielino -nanax, may be a 
preferable explanation; yet internal nasalization sometimes appears 
where comparative evidence gives no apparent reason for it, e. g. 
twyu'vipa- sky, cf. Mohineyam duguba-t, Gabrielino tukupa-r, yet also 
Tiibatulabal dogumba-l). 

Nasalized consonants that result from the nasalizing power of a 
preceding element may be grouped into three classes: 1. -ntc- (-nts-) 
that results from a -tc- (-is-), original or itself developed from -t- 
(see § 13, 3), that is either inherently "spirantal" or rather ungemi- 
nated (e. g. -tea- preterital) or "spirantized" by a preceding stem 
or element, prov'ided there is a nasal consonant in the syllable pre- 
ceding the -tc- (-ts-) (this type is not properly "nasalized" at all, 
but is merely a secondarily nasalized development of the spirantized 
group; see 1 above) ; 2. nasalized stops (and affricatives) that alternate 
with spirantized, but not geminated, consonants and that seem to 
occur primarily, but not altogether, when the preceding syllable 
contains a -y- or -yw- (e. g. agentive -vi-, -mpi, alternating in nj-vi- 
CARRIER, tarja-vipi- kicker); 3. nasalized stops (and affricatives) 
that alternate with spirantized and geminated consonants. The 
primary cause for the nasalization in the last group is generally 
obscure. The presence of an interior nasal in the stem may be the 
cause in some cases (e. g. taywa-" tooth). Elision of a syllable 
containing a nasal is demonstrable in a small number of cases (e. g. 
pa'a-"" TO BE HIGH, participle pa'anfi-; cf. parallel pa'an i-). In cases 
like usitative -niia-, -mi-"; -kai- to have, participle -kant'i-; perfective 
-qai-, participle -qant'i- one suspects Shoshonean *-mina-, *-kani-, 
*-qani- with ungeminated -7i-, which would disappear between 
vowels but assert itself as nasalization of the following consonant 
when the final vowel of the element is elided. Examples of nasalizing 
power are: 

ayo-" tongue ayo'mpi tongue; 07,)«iu- to make 

a tongue; ayo'Tjqwai- to have 
a tongue 


X Southern Paiute and Vte 



m-" person ( < myw'i-', e. g. 
liiywuru- to make a man) 

-kai- to be 

nimpiywa- another's wife; nintu- 
ayqi- to give birth to one; 
niyqa'nL(f)i somebody else's 

ovi'mpayV wooden fish; ovintu- 
to make wood ; ovi'Tjkani wood- 
en house 

tona'viykai- to be a puncher 

pay{a')impa-n-ta- will go; pa- 
y{a')ii]ki- to come walking; 
pay(a')i7}qw'ai- to walk off; 
pay{a')impuru- to walk from 
place to place 

(4) Vacillation in use of consonantal forms. There is a 
certain amount of sporadic variation between spirantized and nasal- 
ized consonants, in part depending on nasal assimilation, but not 
altogether. Examples are: 

ovi-" stick, wood 

-vi-" agentive + 
pay{a)i-" to walk 

wiisi'its- bird 

watci- to put 

MA'cl'tcompi finger-nail 
p'irVr'i- to hang on 


will build a 

-mp'itsL- noun ending (see § 24, 

nara'qwdcumpa- to be assembled 

-ywintsids- in compounds {-nts- 
because of preceding -rjw- < 
-W-; e. g. oa'rjWLntsids- yellow 

a'yawantcl- to hide, put in hid- 
ing (probably secondarily dis- 
similated from ayaijwantci-) 

MA'ci'ntcompi (alternative form) 

p'int'L-rju- to hang on, pimpi'- 
ntiki- to hang on several times 

o{w)i' pintcu-mpanL" will make 
a canyon (both with -ntcu- < 
-tu- to make; but note qani-': 

-vip'intsL- (rare form of -vip'itst,-, 
e. g. Ina' mp'intsii]w'i badgers) 

nara'qwtntcumpa- (alternative 

Less frequently an original nasalized consonant takes a spirantal 
form, e. g. : 

Southern Paint e. a Shoshonean Language 87 


NVqwi'nt'i stream ( < NU^'qwi'-" arjqa' pa- NU'qwddtcLijw'i red- 

to flow) stream-people {-nfi-tsi- doubly 

assimilated to -tdtsL-, for -titsi-, 
then -tcitcL-) 

Not infrequently also nasalized and geminated consonants inter- 
change, e. g.: 

to'o'pi hole mov^t,'iomp-i nose-hole, nostril 

tuyqu'tvyu- to become clumsy, tuntu'quntvTju- to become 

powerless clumsy, heavy all over one's 

body (reduplicated; < tun- 
turjqutvyu- by interchange of 
nasalized and geminated posi- 
NU''qwi'7npa'y{a)i- to run and NU'^qwi'pay{a)ika- several run 
walk by turns (< NU^qwi'-'" to and walk by turns 

stream, run) 
tump^i'naro'ijqwant'iA having tump^i'naro'rjqwat'iA (alterna- 
stone-clothes (obj.) tive form) 

In the last three examples an original nasalized consonant has 
become geminated, partly for assimilative, partly for dissimilative 
reasons. In the first example the geminated consonant probably 
represents the original form. 

Finally, there is some vacillation also between spirantized and 
geminated consonants. A number of elements that are primarily 
spirantizing are geminating in certain isolated forms, e. g. : 

ma-' hand, ma-": MA'pa'iyavu(j)i palm; MA'tca'i'- 

ayq'i- to reach for; MA^pi'ki- 
to toach with the hand 

mu-' nose (e. g. viu-rona- to strike Ma'p^'i'lcKpi mucus 
with one's nose), 7nu-": 

Quite distinct from this group, which evidently constitutes an 
archaic stratum (thus, there is no verb -piki- without prefix), are ex- 
amples of stems which are inherently spirantizing but are treated as 
geminating when compounded with stems that occur independently. 
It is particularly verb (including adjective) stems, followed by noun 
or verb stems, that are so treated. Thus, ayqa-' red (cf. arjqa-ya- to 
BE RED, aijqa-r'ua- to turn red) acts like a geminating ayqa-" in such 
forms as ayqa'-payV red fish, trout, arjqa'-qani red house. 

X Southern Paiute and Ute 


Similarly, ivi-' to drink (cf. ivi-yu- when drinking) forms ivi'-p a- 
y{a)i- TO drink while walking. However, these tendencies are not 
consistently carried out. Thus, both m)qa'-q wicn-m red-flashing, 
lightning and (ujqa'-xu'ic a- to flash red arc found. Such details 
are of merely lexicographic interest. The tendency to use geminated 
consonants in composition is probably due to the greater phonetic 
similarity thus brought about between a simplex and its compoimd. 
It is the first step towards the dulling of a consciousness of consonantal 
alternations and towards their development into mere historical 

Morphology (§ § 17-63). 

§ 17. Grammatical Processes. 

A number of distinct processes are in use in Southern Paiute for 
the expression of grammatical relations or for the formation of deriva- 
tives. Some of these are affixational processes, others internal 
changes of phonetic character. Seven processes may be recognized 
in all: 

(1) Compounding of Stems (see § 18). 

(2) Enclisis. By enclisis is meant the suffixing of certain ele- 
ments to any word in the sentence, the resulting complex constituting 
a firm plionetic, but not a strictly formal, unit. Enclitic elements, 
except for some of the pronouns, never occur in other than enclitic 
form. In a "word" like im' tjuntcar' oani did I take a drink? The 
preterital -ntca-, the interrogative -r'oa-, and the pronominal -ni I 
are enclitic elements, not true suffixes, the true "word," formally 
speaking, consisting only of ivi'iju- TO take a drink {hi- to drink 
+ momentaneous suffix -yu-). This is shown by the fact that the 
enclitic cluster -{n)tcar' oani can be appended, without bringing about 
any strictly formal modifications, to a preceding word in the sentence; 
e. g. qauLvatcaroan ivi'rju house-at-preterit-interrogative-I 
drink- momentaneous, did I drink at the house? Phonetically 
the form did-I-at-the-house? is a perfect unit, morphologically it 
is a word {qanL-va- house-at) plus a number of exteriorly segmented 
elements that have no independent existence. Enclisis is thus neither 
true suffixation nor juxtaposition of independent elements. It has 
the external characteristics of the former (including strict adherence 
to certain principles of order), the inner feeling of the latter. It is 
one of the most characteristic processes of Paiute, doubtless of 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 89 


Plateau Shoshonean generally. Enclitics include pronominal ele- 
ments (see § 40) and elements of temporal and adverbial force (see 
§ 19). 

(3) Prefixation (see § 20). A considerable number of elements 
is prefixed to stems; they consist chiefly of adverbial elements and 
instrumental prefixes. They have purely derivational, not formal, 
significance. In origin they are doubtless, at least in large part, 
independent stems that have lost their individuality and now appear 
only as first elements of compounds (with qu-" by meaxN's of fire, 
e. g., cf. independent quna- fire). 

(4) Suffix ation (see § § 23-37). This is the most important 
grammatical process of all. Under suffixes are included both deriva- 
tional elements (e. g. agentive -vi-", -mpi-") and elements of strictly 
formal significance (e. g. objective -a-, -ya-; verb subordinating -701-, 
-qai-, -rjqai-). 

(5) Reduplication (see § 58). As a formal process reduplication 
is always initial. Final reduplication occurs only in isolated words 
and has no formal or derivational function. There are several 
distinct types of reduplication. The ideas expressed by the process 
are chiefly those of distribution, iteration and momentaneous activity 

(6) Consonantal changes. These are quite apart from the 
mechanical changes undergone by consonants in composition (§ 16). 
Consonantal changes include: 

(a) Gemination of stem consonants (see § 53, 2, b). The geminating 
of the consonant or consonants indicates generally momentaneous 
or semelfactive as contrasted with durative activity. It is also 
frequently found in connection with certain types of reduplication 
(see § 58, 3 and 4). Less commonly it is employed alone to give 
iterative force to the stem (see § 53, 2, b). Sporadic examples in 
noun derivationalso occur, e. g. aipa-tsi- boy: aiva-iplfsi-) youth. 

(b) Glottalization, the insertion of a more or less movable glottal 
stop in the body of a stem or suffix. This occurs most frequently in 
connection with certain types of reduplication (see § 58, 3 and 4). 
Like gemination, it is also used to express momentaneous activity 
and iteration (see § 53, 2, a). Gemination and glottalization tend to 
be associated or equivalent processes. This may eventually help 
to clear up the origin of the geminating power of certain stems (§ 16, 

90 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


(7) Vocalic changes. Certain vocalic interchanges are sporadic 
and of no functional significance; these may be survivals in part of 
older processes, in part they have sound-imitative value. Other 
vocalic interchanges are associated with definite alternations of 

(a) Sporadic interchanges. An alternation of a- (a) and o (o) is 
found in: 

para-xa- rain patters poro-xwa- sound of hail, horse's 

panta-ya- to make a peeking ponto^wa- to sound like a thud 

An a of the durative alternates with an i of the iterative form of 
the stem in : 

ya-vayai- to be afraid y'i'i-paq ai- to be afraid several 


i and o alternate in: 

-tiyania- adverbial affix (§ 60, 2, b) -toyonia- (rarer form of same) 
tco-qoqoi- to sound like a punch- tci-q'iq'ii- ditto 
ing noise 

In the latter example the primary form tco-^ with the fist (§ 20, 2) 
is assimilated to the i- vowels of the stem; conversely, -q-oq-oi- may 
represent an assimilation of -q'iq'ii- to the o of the prefix (see § 3, 3, e). 
Cf. also pi-kiki- to sound like a slap on the buttocks (pi-" 
WITH THE BUTTOCKS, § 20, 2), in which the same stem with 'i- vowel 
seems to have become assimilated by the i of the prefix. Perhaps 
more frequent than any of these interchanges is that of o and u(o); 
this is apart from the purely phonetic interchanges already spoken 
of (§ 3, 5, e). Examples are: 

pA'-so'roroi-tci waterfall curur'u- to make a noise of 

whirling down 

toyqwa- one (bow) snaps toqwa- to stretch 

poro- (poru-) several travel -puru- (in compound verbs) to 

go back and forth 

toca- white pa-ruca- Virgin River (lit., 


Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 91 


topa-q-L- (tree) comes loose, tovL- tup'^a-qi- one object emerges, 
tcai- (feathers) come out pulls out, tuv^a-^{a)i-tcai- sev- 

eral objects emerge, come 

(b) Functional interchanges. Two types of interchange occur, a 
qualitative and a quantitative one. To the former belong the 
change of an a, a-, o, or u of the singular verb stem to an i in the 
plural (§ 53, 1, b); the alternation of semelfactive -i- with durative or 
iterative -a- (§ 53, 1, c); and the alternation of active -a- with static 
or medio-passive -i- (§ 53, 1, d). The latter process, vocalic lengthen- 
ing, is employed partly to indicate futility, partly in certain continua- 
tive forms. 

§ 18. Compounding of Stems. 

Both • compound nouns and verbs (including adjectives) may be 
freely formed in Paiute. A large number are in constant and idio- 
matic use, while new compounds can be constructed without difficulty. 
The process of compounding is evidently very much alive in Paiute. 
Triple compounds, i. e. compounds involving three independent 
stems, are by no means infrequent (e. g. qava'{u)-xwA'ci-vdixi horse- 
tail-hair; (fitca'-fi'ma-t'iv^'dcu- blood-roast-ask for). Even quad- 
ruple compounds are not unknown. Nouns frequently lose an absolu- 
tive or classificatory suffix when compounded (e. g. -Isl-, § 24, 1, f ; -vi-, 
-pi-, -mpi-, § 24, 1, a and b; -vi- -p'i-, -mp'i-, § 24, 1, d and e); e. g. 
soyo'-(l>'i MOIST ground, NA^-co'yo-mavi.- to lie covered over with 


(1) Compound Nouns. Compound nouns are most easily classified 
with reference to the nature of the first and second compounded terms. 
Triple and quadruple compounds are always morphologically binary, 
one or both of the terms being in turn compound. Thus, the examples 
given above are to be analyzed as horse-tail + hair and blood- 
roast + ask for. Nouns stems, particularly in initial position, 
sometimes appear in abbreviated form; e. g. m-" person < nitjw'i-', 
na-^ TRAIL < narjwa-', pa-' water < pa-'. For mo'o-' hand is 
sometimes used ma-" (cf. verb prefix ma-', § 20, 2). The qualifying 
element regularly precedes. Noun compounds whose second ele- 
ment is a participle or adjective, though logically substantival, are 
morphologically best interpreted as either verbs (adjectives) with 
incorporated noun subject or object (see 2, f below) or, more fre- 
quently, participial derivatives of such verbs (adjectives). 


X Southern Paiute ami Vte 



(a) Noun + noun compounds. These are extremely common. 
In many cases the primary force is given by the second noun, the 
first element of the compound merely modifying its range of signifi- 
cance. Examples are: 

Uv^a'tsinavavnjw'i wolf-brothers, 
Wolf and his brother (Coyote) 

qwLya' ma{u)via' uis- grizzly-bear 

qava'van apat CA horseshoe 

tiv^a'tsL- wolf + na-va' VL-Tjw'i- 

qwiya'-{tsL-) grizzly bear + 
ma{u)ma"uts- young woman 
qava-' horse + pana-" metal + 

patca- moccasin 
ina-" badger (absolute ma'mpl'^s) ina! n'irjw'irjw'i badger people; 

'ina'nia(f)i badger chief; ma'- 
yqwdc I badger tail (absolute 
qiVA'sL<t>i tail) 
pi' purj'wafix'iv'CayA his wood- 
sana"atc'i gum bow 

MA''qu'na4>i glove 

pipuTf'wa-' woodpecker + t'iy'ivi- 

sana-" gum (absolute sana'pi) 

+ atci- bow 
ma-o hand (absolute mo'o'4>i) + 

quna'(f>L sack 

m-" person (absolute 7ii'yw'L, n{7;5'a'wi<>/ somebody else's horse 

pa-' water (absolute pa') paywt'a<t>C water-oak; pa?)WL'a(f>C 

mud at bottom of water ( < 

WLa'(f>'i mud) 

Frequent also are "bahuvrihi" compounds, i. e. such as indicate 
that the noun referred to by the second element of the compound is 
possessed by an understood or specified person, animal, or object 
(cf. such English compounds as hunchback, i. e. having a humped 
back). Examples are: 

c'inaywavi-'^ coyote -\- tjtsi-' head c'ina'rjwavlntots- coyote-headed, 

(absolute tj'tsi'<t>i 

qutcu-"^ buffalo + tanasiya- 
hoof cleft + w'iy'i-'^ vulva (ab- 
solute wiy'i'mpi) 

naya- mountain sheep + nampa-' 
foot (absolute nanipa'(l>i) 

crazy-headed person 

qu'icu'ntana^iyaijwix'i (girl with 
a) vulva that is cleft like a 
buffalo hoof 

naxa'nampA mountain-sheep- 
foot (personal name) 

None too frequently juxtaposition of phonetically independent 

Southern Poiute, a Shoshonean Language 




nouns occurs in lieu of composition, e. g. qava'{u)xwA'ci.vdiy ami 
nava'vLTjWL horse-tail-hair they brothers, the horse-tail-hair 
brothers; qava'ruwats- piya'plts- horse-child female, filly. 

(b) Noun -\- participle compounds. As already remarked, such 
compound nouns are morphologically active or passive participles 
of verbs with incorporated nominal subjects or objects respectiv'ely. 
They function as true nouns nevertheless. Indeed, to only a slight 
extent can the verbs be freely used with the incorporated noun sub- 
jects, while participial derivatives of such verbs are very frequent. 
Moreover, in some cases the participle of these compounds has taken 
on a considerably specialized meaning, notably qafi'-Ri sitting 
(plural ywywL-tc'i), used in compounds to mean knoll, peak, island. 
Examples of compounds in which the noun is morphologically a sub- 
ject of the verb implied by the participle are: 

qaiva- mountain + avi'-tci lying 

ovi- wood + sa^ma'qa-nti- lying 

spread out 
aoyqov'i- dried-up tree + w'irvi-fi- 

pa-, pa- water + qafi'-Ri sitting 

(plur. yuywt'-tc'i 

-qafi'-Ri sitting, knoll, peak, 
clump, island 

-nafiywin a-p'i being powerful, 

iava'cu-p'i dried up ( < tavac u- 
it dries up) 

qa'ivavitci mountain-lying, pla- 
teau, Kaibab Plateau 

ovt'sa'maqant'i timber laid low 
on the ground 

a' OTfqov'iyw'imriA dried up tree 
that was standing (obj.) 

pa'qafiRi, paya'fiRi water-sit- 
ting, lake (plur. paiyv'xwdc'i) 

maa'xariR'i brush-sitting, timb- 
ered knoll, clump of woods; 
qa'ivaxafiRi mountain-sitting, 
mountain peak; y'iv^'i'ykafiRi 
pine peak, Mount Trumbull; 
niv^'a'xafiR'i snow-sitting, snow 
covered peak; oyo'ijqwariRi fir- 
sitting, fir island 

7uyw'i'nar'iywi nap i person- 

power endowed, person en- 
dowed with unusual strength; 
qu'tu'cunarixwinapi. giant- 
power-endowed, person en- 
dowed with gigantic power 

oyo'ntavacup i. fir-dried up, dried 
up fir 

94 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


qfVA'ci'-p'i ripe ( < qwac'i- to a'poficLXWA^cip'i apple-rip- 

ripen, be done) ened, ripe apples 

Rarely the noun is found detached from its participle, e. g. beside 
objective pa-ya'rinA, pa'-qafiriA lake we have also paa'iA qafi'fiA 

WATER (obj.) SITTING (obj.). 

Rather different from these examples in inner, if not outer, form 
are compounds in which the participle is freely used in a substantival 
sense. They are really ordinary noun + noun compounds, in which 
the logical emphasis is on the second element. Examples are: 

NU'qwi'-nti stream (lit., flowing) AHa'nv''qwLnt'i sand stream (i. e. 

"stream with sandy bed," not 
"streaming, flowing sand") 

tA'qa'^a-nt'i being flat, a "flat" AHa' RA^qayant'i sand-flat (not 

"flat sand") 

Very common are noun + participle compounds in which the noun 
is to be thought of as the object of the verb back of the participle. 
Here again the compound is functionally a noun, the logical emphasis 
being generally placed on the first element. Examples are: 

to'd'iv'i- bulrush + ora-n-ani my to'o'ivLoranan UR my-bulrush- 
digging, my dug-up ones dug it, the bulrushes that I 

dug up 
pdi-" blood + mantcaqai-na- pa'mantcaq ainacp'i his own 
stretching out (one's) hands, blood-hand-stretched out, his 

hands stretched out own bloody hands 

totsi- head + fl'vi^a'-p-i roasted to'^tsiti'vi^api head-roasted, 

roasted head 
qani- house -\- mama' z- Aqai^ -pi- qanimamaxqai^pLariA his house- 
having been given (by many) given (by many), his house 

given (him) by many 
piT/wa- wife + <u-7/u'a'i-/)i. picked piTjwa'rvywaip'Cni my wife- 
up picked up, my wife who has 

been picked up (by me) 
qut cu- buffalo, beef + iya'-pi qu'tcu"i.yap'L dried beef 
cut up and dried 

Such examples differ in inner form from compounds in which the 
noun is an ordinary incorporated noim object of an active participle, 
e. g. tiimp^'i.'-naro'yqwa-nt'i stOxNE-wearing, Stone-Clothes. 

Southern Paint e, a Shoshonean Ltmguage 95 


(c) Noun + adjective compounds. Most adjectives are really verbs 
(predicative) or participles of verbs (attributive). There are, how- 
ever, a few cases of true adjectives with nominal suffixes (e. g. 
-mp'i-, -tsL-) which, in compounds, follow the noun they qualify, e. g. : 

qauL- house + itu-mp'i- old qaniLiump'i house-old, old 

vn'a-" penis -{- pi'to' pi- ts- short w'i'a'piHopits- penis-short, short 

penised ("bahuvrihi") 

(d) Noun + verb compounds. Nouns which are compounded of 
a noun stem and a bare verb (or adjective-verb) stem are extremely 
uncommon. They seem to belong to the "bahuvrihi" type. Examples 

vri'a-' penis + NO'^qo"mi to bend vxCa'n^NO'q^o'Mi penis-bend, 

(intr.) bent-penised (personal name) 

pa-' water + tuca- to be white paru'cA water-white. Virgin 

(ordinarily toe- a-) River 

(e) Verb + noun compounds. These are fairly frequent, e. g. : 

no- to carry on one's back no'qava* pack-horse; no'sarits- 

yai- to hunt + qava" horse yaa'ik-ava" hunting horse 

nayu'qwi- to fight + nin-i'a- nayu' qwinLniavn)w'i fight 

virjw'i chiefs chiefs, battle chiefs 

yaya- to cry + uv'^i'acp'C song yaya'uv^La<f)'L cry-song, song used 

in mourning ceremony 
NA^sa"a- to boil oneself, sweat + NA^sa"aqani sweat-house 
qa'ni house 

Here must be included compounds of adjective- verb stems and 
noun stems, which also are quite common, particularly in a "bahu- 
vrihi" sense (sometimes nominalized by -tsi-, § 24, 1, f) and in verbal 
derivatives in -kai- to have (§ 26, 1, b). Examples are: 

pijc-a-' to be sore pi'Jfa'xwd'i sore-buttocks (per- 

sonal name); pi'ka'mo'" sore- 
handed); pi'Jca'rots- sore-head- 
(ed); pi'ka'nampats- sore-foot- 
ed (one) 

jnjf-a-' to be hard pi'ka"aiA hard-turtle, land 

turtle; pi'ka'xuna<t>'L hard-bag, 
rawhide bag 

96 ^ Southern Paiute and Ute 


arjqa- to be red arjqa'p ay'i' red-fish, trout; arjqa'- 

ora<piL red-pole; aijqa'qani 

toca- to be white to'ca'paiyanipa-ts- white-breast- 

ed (one), gull; to'ca'paiyatsi.- 
yant'i white-breast-having, gull 

tea- to be wrinkled tca'xuv^a-xai- to have a wrin- 

kled face; tea' irv'' o-xwai- to 
have wrinkled hands 

Under this heading may also be included nominalized participles 
based on verbs compounded of verb (or adjective) + verb, e. g. 
aijqa'q rvi'caRi red-flashing, lightning; and nouns compounded 
of verb (or adjective) stems and participles that have substantival 
force to begin with, e. g. aijqa' pa- NU'^qwt.nt'i red-stream (pa'NU'- 


(f) Participle + noun compounds. This type of noun compound 
is not uncommon. Examples are: 

manu- all + -va-nt'i- future manu'vantipa^ atsiviijw'i all- 

participle kinds-of-animals that are 

destined to be 
nana'x-qa-nfi- being of different nana' x qantirjqani different kinds 

kinds of houses 

siTjqwa'narjqwa-t'i- being on the SLyqwa'nayqwat'iayav'ini my other 

other side, the other arm 

"'a'-t'i- being good tw^i'ts atLUv^iaia{u)4>'i very his- 

own-good-song (obj.), his own 
very good song 

The noun of the compound may, of course, itself be participial in 
form, e. g. to'qwafi-nu'qwinti being black-streaming, black 


(g) Adjective + noun compounds. Aside from adjective-verb stems 
and adjective-verb participles, true adjectives may also be used as 
the first, qualifying, elements of noun compounds, some of them 
(e. g. at-' NEW and i-" old) being apparently found only in such com- 
pounds. Examples are: 

mLa"-pi-' little (absolute wia"pr- mia"p'im-^onts- little hand; mia"- 
-ts) jpiXttn-iwi*- little house 

Southern Poiute, a Shoshonean Language 97 


pa-vi-"^ clear + pa- water pavu'mpa' clear water 

ai-' new a^'inaywa tja his fresh tracks; 

'a'iv'^'irjwa-vits- newly-married 
one ( < piywa- wife) 
r-" old i'purjqvni my o\d horse; i'p'iani 

my old relative 

Some adjectives may precede the nouns they qualify as independent 
terms, e. g. also mia" p'i-ts- qa'ni little house. 

(h) Numeral + noun compounds. These are very common and 
comprise one of the typical methods of expressing numeral relations. 
For examples see § 59, 2, b. 

(i) Pronoun + Tioun compounds. These are quite rare, including 
terms compounded with interrogative ini-' what kind of, which 
and qima-' other, which has certain pronominal peculiarities (see 
§ 39, 2). Examples are: 

mz-* what + t'iy'iv'i- friend Hni'ntciy'iv'ini what friend of 

qima-^ other + qani- house qima'xanini my other house 

qima- may also qualify as an independent pronoun, e. g. qima'ricu 
qani'ni my other house. 

(j) Adverb -\- noun compounds. These also are rare. An example 

tanti'v^ai- far west tanti'v'"aiuv'"La4>'i far-west songs, 

songs borrowed from western 

(2) Compound Verbs. Verbs compounded with other independent 
stems, particularly verbs and nouns, are extremely common in Paiute. 
Under compound verbs are, of course, to be included adjective-verbs 
and participles. 

(a) Verb -\- verb compounds. A great many verb stems may be 
used as the second elements of compound verbs. As to their morpho- 
logical force, they seem to fall into two groups, those whose action 
is to be thought of as contemporaneous or coordinate with that of the 
first verb stem (here belong particularly verbs of position and move- 
ment) and those upon which the first verb stem logically depends 
as a kind of object (e. g. to write-practice, to practice writing). 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



It is not easy to draw a sharp line between the two groups. Not a 
few verb stems are used chiefly, if not entirely, as second elements of 
compounds. Some have become specialized in a quasi-formal 
significance (e. g. -paiy'i- to return, also to have just done so 

AND so). 

Among the former group are: -avi- to lie (sing.) ; -mia- several go, 
travel, go IN order to; -nuqwi- to run, start off; •m.uU-kai- 
several stand; -pay(a)i- to walk, in compounds generally while 
ON one's way; -pa(i)yi- to return, back;- panaYa- several return; 
-pitci- TO arrive; -p'ini- to see, look; -puru- to go about, from 
PLACE TO place (cf. independent poro- several journey); -qa- to 
sing; -qari- to sit (sing.); -qwavi- several lie; -kwipa- to hit; 
-warjwi several stand; -w'in'i- to stand (sing.); -yuywi- several 
sit. Examples are: 

to lie 

•mia- several travel (not fre- 
quent as independent verb) 

-pay(a)i- to walk 

-pa{i)yi- to return 

-pitci- to arrive 

-puru- to go about 

-j^nt'amxct' while thus-do-lying, 
while lying as described ; tA^pa'- 
ckaiavi" lies senseless; tTqa'- 
avtkaV several eat in lying 

tu{w)a'mLap-'iya^ each gave birth 
while on their way; qa'miap'i- 
ya' (they) sang while on their 
way, went in order to sing; 
nontsJkamiaya as (they) 
flew along 

qa-' pay(a)ip'iya' (he) sang while 
on (his) way; qwavi'rjupaxi- 
plya' (they) stopped to camp 
while traveling 

ya'va{i)'yiq\VA bring it back; 
no' pa{i)yLkip'iya'^ came back 
home carrying on (his) back 

irn'mtd" comes to drink; tca- 
'a'ivLtcLxw'aip'iya^ went and 
took hold of (her) as soon as 
(he) arrived 

a'ivurup'iya' said as (he) went 
here and there; pax{a)'impuru- 
xwa" while walking from one to 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 




-qa- to sing 
-qar'i- to sit 

-watjwi- several stand 
-wXn'i- to stand (sing.) 

u^cu'qwL-)(.ap'i'yd' whistled and 

sang, whistled a tune 
"pini'karixcC while sitting and 

looking; qwitca'xanp'iya' sat 

down and defecated 
qa'rjwaywV several stand and 

nayqa'icaijwiimp'iya' stood and 

listened ; ampa'xayw'inii' stands 

and talks 

Some of the latter group of verb stems are: -ampaya- to talk; 
-maupa-, -mauju- to finish, stop {-mauqu- only in compounds); 
-maq'irfwa- to try; -mucui- to try; -pai- to call upon; -p'ini- 
(n'ni-) TO LOOK around for; -putcutcuywa- to learn how; -qora- 
TO PUT out; -t'iya- to practice, try; direct, talk about; -tiijwavaya- 

TO MAKE A noise OF; -fiv'^itcu- TO ASK FOR; -ttv'^itcu' a- TO LEARN 

how; -tucurj'wi- to exercise power. Examples are: 

tTqa'mau'p-A be through eating; 
tiya'nimauqutsiaijA having 
finished butchering him 

pi'pL'ta'iu'mu^cui' tries to vomit 

w'Cit'iyai^ practices dancing; 
kiya't'ixamip'Lya' he always 
commanded a round-dance to 
take place; pA'^qa^w'oitcLxci'XCi'' 
talking of going to kill 

ampa'rLTjwavaxaV sounds like 
talking; mumpa'tiywavaxai' 
sounds like something rolling 

tiXWt'nat'iv^Ltcuxwai'iyw A go 
and ask him to tell a story; 
cii'x-Aixv^dcup'iyaiyarfA asked 
him to go for squaw-bush 

ya'a'itu'curf'wty'iaTjani he exer- 
cises power upon me (so as) to 
(make me) die 

The most noteworthy examples of compounded verb stems that 
have developed a non-concrete formal significance are illustrated 
below : 

-maupa-, -mauqu- to finish 

-mucui- to try 

-t'iya- to measure (as absolute 

-firjwavaya- to make a noise of 

-Uv^itcu- to ask for 

-tucuifwi- to exercise power 


X Southern Paiute and Vte 



-paiy'i- to return > to have been 
doing so and so (sing.) 

-panaya- dit. (plur.) 

-p'ini-mia- to look- be on one's 
way, to be on the lookout for > 
to be just about to 

-qafi- to sit > to keep on doing 
so and so, to be engaged in so 
and so 

-yuywi- dit. (plur.) 

-cua-r)u- to finish eating > com- 

-tup-^i-ku- to be used up > com- 

ivivniyC drink-returns, has been 
drinking; qa'vaiyikaiyiarjA 
he has sing-returned, he must 
have been singing 

pA'^qa'vanayaya' (they) kill-re- 
turning, (they) having been 

tT qa' plrumiaV is on the lookout 
to eat, is about to eat; ya'uqwi- 
p'inLini{y)ayoaq- A when it was 
on the lookout to set, when 
the sun was about to set 

trqa'qariV eat-sits, keeps on 
eating; w'in'i'xar'iRi stand-sit- 
ting, one engaged in standing, 
one stationed (to keep watch 
in hunting) 

wirii' yuxwdcimi stand-sitting 
(plur.), those stationed 

ivi'cuarju to drink-finish, to 

na'a'itu^p^ikuqwd' has burn- 
been used up, has burnt up 


Such a second verb-stem needs only to drop out of independent 
usage to take on the appearance of a suffix. This step has undoubt- 
edly been taken more than once (see § 28). 

Under the rubric of verb + verb compounds are to be included 
also compounds of adjective-verb stem and verb stem and of adjective- 
verb stem and adjective-verb stem. Examples of the former are: 

j}a'ntA'cLu'kwiyq'i to slip on some- 
thing smooth 

arjqa'xwLCA to flash red; ayqa'- 
qoroV paints the face (gen- 
erally but not necessarily, red) 

pa ' saxivat\mk a ip lyaiti t' looked 
water-gray in (his) eyes 

saxio^'vu'ir' '-pa is- blue-hanging- 
down spring 

saru' ampayai" talks hoarse 

to be smooth 
aijqa- to be red 

pa -saywa-' to be water-gray + 

pimkai- to see, look 
saywa-' to be gray -|- pifir'i- to 

hang down 
saru- to be hoarse -|- ampaya- to 


Southern Paint e, a Shoshonecm Language 101 


Examples of adjective-verb compounds consisting of adjective- 
verb + adjective-verb (or adjective-verb participle) are: 

to-" to be black H — m'unuqwa- to'm'umiqwap'iyaini became 

to become round like black and round 

pat-" to be smooth + yua-yai- pai'yuaxa" to be smooth and 

to be level level 

to-" to be black + pa'ji'noa- to'panoayant'i being black and 

yantt- being hollow hollow 

-saywa-^a-fi- being blue a^sl's aywayaRi' roan-blue, very 

light blue; qu'tca'caywayaRi 
ashen-blue, light blue; tv'ca- 
ywayani black-blue, dark blue 

(b) Adjective + verb compounds. Compoimds of true adjectives 
(not merely adjective-verb stems), including participles, and verbs 
(or participles) are quite uncommon, except for compounds whose 
first element is 'a't'i-" good, e. g. "'a't'impu'tcu'tcuywap'iya'aikwA 
WELL (he) understood IT; "'a'tum.pA'qaTjup'iyaiyaijA killed him 
good and hard; '^'a't'inayqap'iya'aikwA or "'a't'inarjqAp'iya'aikwA 
HEARD IT correctly, CLEARLY; °-' a't'iwa' aijintc'i good-shouting, 
GOOD shouter. It is remarkable that in most of these examples 
'^'a't'i-'' and the following verb are treated as accentually distinct, 
i. e. the law of alternating stresses is broken. The doublets -7iai]- 
qa'p'iya'aikwA and -na'rjqAp'iyaaik wa shows the struggle between 
the force of analogy of the simplex and the regular operation of the 
phonetic law. 

(c) Pronoun -f verb compounds. Independent personal pronouns 
are not compounded with verbs. Under this heading, however, are 
included verbs compounded with quasi-pronominal q'ima- other 
(see § 39, 2) and verbs compounded of independent personal pronoun 
+ -ric u'ai-na'ai- to pay no attention to. Examples are: 

qima- other qtma'ntc'i'kiva 7jwa'^ shall not be 

mixed up with others 

-ficu' ai-na' ai- to pay no atten- niru'cu'aina''^ pay no attention 
tion to to me; arja'R'i'cu'ain a '"^ pay no 

attention to him 

The latter examples are just as readily explainable as verbalized 
pronoun + postposition (see § 50, 4, 29). 

1 02 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


(d) Numeral -\- verb compounds. These are very uncommon. 
An example of a verb compounded with naywa"''q-u-'^ both (objec- 
tive in form) is na7)wa""qumpA^qa7)U to kill both (i. e. to guess 
correctly both bone-positions in hand game). 

(e) Adverb + verb compounds. The adverbs here referred to may 
occur also independently. There is no real line of demarcation 
between them and specialized adverbial prefixes (§ 20). Examples 

nava'cu- in vain nava'cup-A'qayu to kill in vain 

(note accentual irregularity, 
cf. b above). 

qatcu- not -f- -tiyai- to become qatcu't'iyaiy'ini I not-become, I 

am becoming exhausted 

tt'rjw'i-' (. . .nia-) quickly ti'Tjw'iRiqamiyani I am wont to 

eat quickly; fi'rjw'Cnavaip'iyai- 
niaqwA was gathering them 
up quickly 

(f) Noun + verb compounds. These comprise examples of what 
is ordinarily known as noun incorporation. The absolutive or 
classificatory suffix of the noun is frequently lost in noun-verb com- 
pounds. The syntactic relation implied between the verb and its 
incorporated noun may be of various sorts. The incorporated noun 
may be an instrument; it may indicate similarity; it may function 
as a direct object; it may have local significance; it may function 
as the subject of the verb; it may be a predicate of the subject; or it 
may be a predicate of the object. Any of these relations may be, 
and more often is, expressed by properly syntactic or morphological 
processes. It is not possible to give a simple rule as to when noun 
incorporation is possible or required, whether, e. g., to say I trail- 
seek or I SEEK A trail. There is a good deal of option in this matter, 
but many cases of incorporation are fixed by idiomatic usage. There 
is some tendency to express what might be called characteristic or 
generalized relations by syntactic means. Any general and valid 
rule, however, is hardly to be formulated. 

(a) .\n instrumental function is illustrated in: 

tayu-o thirst + paqa- to be sore, tayu'pA'^qa- to be sore with 

to have pain thirst, to be thirsty 

ayo- tongue axo'rov^€ licks 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 103 


pua-* "medicine" + qw'ii- to take pua'(v)x'^^^ takes out (disease 

object) by means of "medi- 

qwasL-' tail + kwipa- to hit qwA^SLXWi'pap'ixf^WO^''^ l^it it 

with (his) tail 

a-" horn + ton-a- to punch, a'tonap'i'ya* struck at with 
strike (his) horns 

wii-" knife wii't-onap'i'ya' stabbed with a 

knife; wii'rjwTpaqirCNA to rip 
open with a knife 

The verb ya'ai- TO die is idiomatically used with incorporated 
nouns of instrumental function to express various unpleasant psychic 
states, e. g. tu'qwi.'-y'ai- to be ashamed; narja'-i'ai- to anger-die, 
TO be angry; tiyi'{i)-ya'ai- to hunger-die, to be hitngry. 

(/3) A few examples have been found in which the incorporated 
noun has similative significance. It is quite doubtful if such can be 
considered as representing a distinct type. Examples are: 

tA'cLijwa-mpL coarse gravel tA^a'tfWLyuntaqay'V keeps chang- 

ing color like gravel 

nampa'-4)i foot nampa'fiywayaxai^ sounds like 


(7) The use of the incorporated noun as direct object is very common. 
Examples are: 

payiu-' fish pay'i'unqai' eats fish 

qwo'a'-p'i tobacco 9^i>^'a'^^ga^' tobacco-eats, smokes 

atci- bow atci'plyava" shall put away 

bow (for future use) 
muv^i'-pi nose muv^Ltcau'nai^ scratches (his) 

Tviijw'i-* person niywV(f>ucayai'ij(.wa''^ go look 

for a person! 
am-" stick ov^'yavaiytp-'iya^ stick-bring-re- 

turned, brought back a stick 
pa -' water paru"umA to take water 

wantsi- antelope wantsit'inavuruxuni while I was 

chasing antelopes around 

Some incorporated nouns appear in abbreviated form, e. g. ?w-" as 
well as niyw'i-' person, pa-' as well as pa -' water. Examples are: 


X Southern Paiiitc and Ute 



na-" track, trail (absolute na?;if a'- nantt'nai' follows trail, tracks; 
0/) namp'i'n'ini'i' looks for track; 

nampu'c ayai'kup'iya^ started 
to look for a track 
m-" person (absolute ni'ijw'i, tiintu'arjqi- to give birth to (a 
nirjw'i'nts) person); NTc(.'m-^\A to let a 

person go 
■pa-' water (absolute />a') pa{i)yu"A^qi' brings water 

(8) Less common is the use of the incorporated noun in a local 
sense. Examples are: 

tavL- sun (poetic) 
pa-' water 

-pA'qa ijqi- to have a pain 

qani.-' house + payi- to walk 

(e) Examples of the subjective use of the incorporated noun are 

taviavi^a* while lying in the sun 

pam'i'nicik-w'aiva^ will turn up- 
side down in the water; para'- 
n' ly L-tsLijWL people who stick 
their feet in the water (tribal 

to'tsi' 4)A^qar)qiy'ini I have a head- 
ache; mov'^i.'pA^qaTjqiyini I 
have a toothache 

qanivayin'nC visits around in 
the houses 

pa-' water 

payi' n- a-' fog, cloud + qA'qa'fi- 
to settle, begin to sit 

tava- sun 

my'Ca'toyo- moon 

riiv^a- snow + uijwa- to rain 

payu' nuyoxwai" water is boiling 
payi'tiax qar'ixu would be- 

come foggy (lit., fog would 
begin to sit); pay'i'narjwinipa- 
yeiY'i cloud stands up and 
walks (poetic) 
tava' {i)yauqwi sun sets; tava"- 

marjw'ici' sun rises 
m^'a'toyoi'aV moon dies 
niv^a"u7]wavan laqA it will 
snow-rain, it will snow 

More common than verbs with incorporated noun subjects are 
noun-functioning participles of such verbs (see 1, b). 

(1:^) Examples of the use of the incorporated noun as a predicate 
of the subject are : 

Southern Paiutc, a Shoshonecm Language 105 


7uavL-" chief ?ua'vt,ampayai' talks as chief, 

talks in council; nia'vtntT- 
qarj'wi to become a chief 

tiy'iv^'i- friend + tca'ai- to catch, fiyi'v'^'itca'ai- to grasp (each 
grasp other's hands) as friends 

t'iyai-, tTqarfwi- to become is very frequently compounded with 
predicative nouns, e. g. n'irjwl'Riqar)'wi to become a man; SDUi'arjw'i- 
nxt^iyu TO become the Dipper; ovi'ntrqaij'wLntcarjA he became 
A STICK. The distinction between types (c) and CQ is perhaps 
somewhat arbitrary. 

{y) The use of the incorporated noun as a predicate of the object 
is not very common. Examples are: 

quma-' husband quvia'xmi'TjWA to take him for 

a husband 
pirjwa-' wife pLr]wa'xw''ip'iyaiyar)A took her 

■ for a wife 

§ 19. Enclitics. 

Enclitics, as already pointed out (§ 17, 2), may be attached to any 
word in the sentence. The pronominal enclitic elements will be 
treated later in connection with the independent personal pronouns 
(§ 40). Here we shall discuss only enclitics of adverbial significance. 
Except in certain specified cases, they regularly precede pronominal 

(1) Enclitics of temporal significance. Two enclitic elements 
are used to refer to past time. 

(a) -tea-, -ntca-. This element refers to the recent past and is 
often best translated by the English perfect. For the forms -tea' , 
-'titca' see § 7. Examples are: 

tona't'itcani I have been hit 

tavi'tsdcayayii pA^qa'yuni having-hit-past-he-me kill-me; having hit 

me, he killed me (note that -tea- here refers not to tavi'tsi- having 

hit, but to following pA^qa'iju- kill) 
witn"tslatcaT) qo'qwi bird- obj.-past- he shoot, he shot the bird 
wa'q utcani qava'x A two-obj.-past- I horse receive, I received two 

tona'ntcani I struck (not long ago) 

1 06 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


imi'ntca' pi^pi'tci thou-past arrive, you arrived 
u{w)a'noyuntcA paiyu'iju over there-past return, has been there and 
returned from there 

If a pronominal enclitic is used possessively with the preceding 
noun, the enclitic -(n)tca- follows (aside from -<^t one's own), e. g. : 

mqa'nintc arjA mompa'qu father-my-past he roll-off, my father rolled 


0-' atsar)a<i>'L qvm" arrow-obj.-past- he-own take, he took his own arrow 

With interrogative ai- (§ 44, 2, c) -tea- apparently refers to present 
time, e. g. a'itcarjWA where is he? but there is probably an implied 
reference to the past, e. g. where has he (gone to)? It is sometimes 
used with exhortative tu"'i- (§ 60, 2,d),e. g. 'iv'^'i'ican i^f^'" let-past-me- 
then, let me then! 

(b) -ywa-, a general preterital element referring to more remote 
time than -(7i)<ca-. For the form -o'wa' see § 7. Examples are: 

pA'qa'ijuywaijani I killed him (narrative form; contrast pA'qa'- 

ijuntcayani I have killed him [just now]) 
ni'xwa'arjWA pA'qa'rju I-past-him kill, I killed him 
aniaxw aiv'i qa'ya' what-past would-say while-singing? what did 

he sing? 
aya'x uru"" who-past he? who was he? {-x < -xw; § 13, 7, c) 
n'i'ywa' lo'nA I-past punch, I punched (long ago) 

That -ywa- is no true tense suffix is shown by the fact that it may 
be used with the verbal -y'i- suffix of present time (see § 32, 1), e. g. : 

imi'-^war'uaq-A viari'rjqaiy'iaqA thou-past-interrogative-it create- 

present-it? didst thou create it? 
ivi'y'ixwaq-ayA drink-present-past-it-he, he drank it (long ago) 

A broken form -ywa'a- (perhaps -ywa- + -a-, 3) also occurs. 
Its morphology is not clear. Examples are: 

tini'tsiywa'an uv^a'ni then-past-I there-I, then I was there 
nfmaxwa' axaiTiL qafi'i me-past-too sit-present, I too was seated 
imi'axwa'axaini qan'i" thee-past-too-sit-present, you too (it was said) 
were seated 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 1 07 


For the objective form of the personal pronoun in the last two 
examples see § 39, 4. 

(2) Enclitics of modal and sentence-connective significance. 
Several of these are used in idiomatic connections that do not readily 
yield insight into their primary significance. It is believed, however, 
that the chief elements and uses are given below. 

(a) -yainM-, -a-yainia- too, also. These elements always follow 
pronominal enclitics, when present. The form -ayainia- is probably 
compounded of -a- (see 3, a below) and -yairiLa-; it is not at all clear 
how it differs in use or meaning from -^airiLa-.-^ainia- itself is perhaps 
compounded of -wta- (see d below). Examples of -yainia- also, too 

rii'xainC I too 
uTjwa' cuywaini that one too 
cv'yuxwainC still another one 
n'imyif-^ainC we (exclusive) too 
tTqa'xw'aivanixainC I also will go to eat 

Examples of -ayainia- too are: 

nirjwi'axaini yaa'ika person-too died 

marja'iAcuaxairiL urjwaru" aru"anA his-too he-is being, he belongs to 
him too 

Sometimes -{a)yainia- is elided to -{a)jain-, e. g. : 

m'axain- y.m'vanL' I-too will-do 

A frequent modal use of -yainM- is to indicate a somewhat un- 
expected inference or an emphasis on an idea that might be questioned. 
It may then be rendered it turned out, it seems, indeed, just. 
Examples are: 

mari'acuxwaini qanif'p'inC naya'<l>A'qai*p'i'ya'' that (house) -it- 
turned-out old-abandoned- house-like seemed 

qan-L'am'ixf^i^'i- <^Ri house-their-it-seems it; their house, as it seems 

tTqa'xw'aivanLar'uani-^ainC it looks, indeed, as if I shall go to eat 

■pu't'tcatsL-jf.aint," mice, as it turned out 

iva'n\ani.-^aini right here I was 

toyo'avLTjwaxaini. urpvA iiraxiiava'm avi p-'iya rattlesnakes-it-was- 
that them in-their-midst lay, indeed he lay right among the rattle- 

108 X Southern Paiute ami Ute 


An example of doubly elided -yain- is: 
a'tn'mayaxain- 'a'ik-A that-he-indeed said, that is what he did say 

(b) -ya'a- then ! indeed. This element, which follows pronominal 
encHtics, has emphasizing force. It is particularly common in 
optative and hortatory sentences. Examples are: 

ya'a'i%vn-i%a^ ^oai die-would-I-indeed (for ^oaV see § 60, 3), would 

that I might die! 
2)aiyL'kL7juyqv ywaxa' 'oai' return-hither-momentaneous-would-he-in- 

deed, would that he might come back! 
'iv^'i'rarjwaxa'" quna'i 'oaV ya'vitava'aqwA let-us-then fire it shall- 

no'q ani-x.(i°- do ye, then, carry me! 
'iv^'i'\a' vv^a'nv nam'i'xa'nintcuxwa''^ go-ahead-thou-then over- there 

first- house-make-go; go ahead, then, over there and first make a 

vi^a'r)aya''^xa'°' that one, indeed 

(c) -^wa- SHOULD, OUGHT. This enclitic is doubtless identical 
with preterital ^wa- (1, b above). When used as modal enclitic of 
obligation or in mild imperatives, it is followed by enclitic -noa- (see 
e below). Examples are: 

{u)m^ani^kaimLaywar'ua7ioA thus- resultative-usitative-should- in- 
terrogative-probably ; that is not how one should act, be 

in^antavimiaywaruanoA dit. except that -avi- to lie is substituted 
for resultative -kai-; one should not be thus lying 

qar'i"miax'u>a'noA sit-usitative-should-thou-probably, you shall stay 

'iv^'i'xwarjanoA go-ahead-should-him-probably, go ahead and — him! 

(d) -7iia- LIKE. This is one of the most constantly recurring 
enclitics. Though its primary significance is that of resemblance, 
it is employed in several fairly distinct nuances of meaning and 
enters into many idiomatic turns of expression. Its primary meaning 
is clearly illustrated in: 

y.nt'cum naya'payup'iya thus-again-like appeared, (it) looked just 

like before 
axa'niniani naya' <i>A''qa how-like-I appear? what do I look like? 
so"itsini like a soldier 
Tmi'aninC like my father (note that -nia- follows possessive -ni- 

my, but precedes subjective or objective pronominal enclitic; cf. 

second example above) 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 109 


A dubitative tinge is often present, in which case -nia- may be 
rendered it seems, as it were, as though, e. g.: 

pA'qa'TfUtTqantmia'qarfA naya'vai" kill-passive-having-been-like-it-he 
seems, it seems that he has been killed, it looks as though he has 
been killed 

qu'qwL'vap'iyain'ni' aywA shoot-future-past-like-him, acted as though 
about to shoot him 

dna'TjwamriL coyote, it seems 

This dubitative tinge may become so deepened as to justify the 
rendering of -nia- as perhaps, e. g. : 

W ma' q- Aqaiyian larat) 'urjWA roast-plural subject-perfective-verbal 
noun-like-our he, perhaps the one whom we have roasted 

u'u'ywani'ami tini'ayqiqa'aimi he-like-thee tell-to-perfective-thee, 
maybe he has been telling you 

The idea of resemblance may also shade off into that of limit or 
emphasis, e. g. : 

tina''^vanttmanar)qwaniaqA bottom-at-being-from-like-its, from its 
very bottom 

A number of verbs, chiefly such as indicate states of mind, are 
regularly used with enclitic -n-ia-, e. g. tiyw'i-. . .nia- to hurry; 
V'itamyaqa-. . .nia- to be tired of; ai-. . .nia- to think (lit., to 
say, as it were; cf. ai- to say); arjwaiya-. . .nia- to be dizzy; 
an-ia-q-a-. . .nia- what does one care? (cf. anta- what? § 44, 1, d); 
nantcui-. . .n-ia- to be fierce; i-ywaru'a-qai- . . .nia- to be 
willing, ready. Here belong also many verbs of sound or sound- 
imitation, e. g. ampaiya-. . .nia- to make a noise; soa-. . .n-ia- 
TO SOUND like FLOWING WATER; viva-. . .nia- TO buzz, hum; 
oqw'e-. . .nia- TO SOUND LIKE coughing; and numerous sound-verbs 
with suffixed durative -ya- (see § 30, 1). For -nia- with numeral stems, 
see § 36, 1; with certain postpositions, § 50, 4: 7, 35, 39; with certain 
adverbs, § 60, 1. 

Quite unclear is -n'nia- following demonstrative ai- (§ 43, 5) in 
cases like: 

a'in'niaijaxain- 'a'ik-^A that-like (?) -he- indeed said, that is what 
he did say 
Its glottal stop is unexplained. 

110 X Soiiihern Paiutc and Ute 


(e) -noa- dubitative. It is almost impossible to assign any 
definite significance to this enclitic. It seems to render a statement 
either more doubtful or less definite in application. It may have an 
impersonalizing function. It is nearly always combined with either 
modal -7U'a- (see c above) or with an impersonal -iua- (§ 29, 14) in 
its own or the following word. Examples of the former have been 
already given; see also -cuya-^wa-noa- (h below). When combined 
with pronominal enclitics, -noa- regularly follows except in the case 
of -ni- I, ME, which it precedes. Examples of -noa- with -{ ua- are: 

pa'iiua{i)y'inoani somebody calls me 

uwa'nuntcanQA sotsifrjuiu''^ over-there-past-indefinite peep-somebody, 
somebody peeped over there 

sa'a'rjq'iiuavaniaTjanoA make-mush-for-somebody-will-him-indefinite, 
somebody will make mush for him; mush will be made for him 

"mpa'i'campaminu' tona't-^'ava" no-matter-thee-indefinite strike- 
somebody-shall, I don't care if you are struck 

An example of -noa- unaccompanied by either -ywa- or impersonal 
-iua- is: 

m^'a'nintcu' tTqa'noA thus-interrogative eat-indefinite? that is not 
how to eat! (cf. f below) 

(f) -ru'a- {-icu'a-, -ntcu'a-) interrogative. Examples of inter- 
rogative -ru'a- are: 

tona'variiar'oaya'ijA will he punch him? 

ivi'y'iro''^ art thou drinking? 

qauLvaHcaro' aT)a<i>'i did he (arrive) at his own house? 

qaicu'ru'axqa'" naTjqa'ywa'" not-interrogative-it-thou hear-negative? 

do you not hear it? 
iaywa'ru'a y aro"" tooth-interrogative-his it-is? is it his tooth? 

Examples of interrogative -tcu'a- (used after i) are: 

sari'tcUcu' aro'" is it a dog? 

ovi'tcuarj ar aro" ana tja stick-interrogative-his it his-being? is it his 

Interrogative -ntcu'a- (used after i preceded by nasal, also after 
demonstrative at-) is illustrated in: 

imi'ntcu''^ tumpa'ya' thou-interrogative mouth-have? have you a 

a'inicu'an a'ik-A that-interrogative-I said? did I say so? 

Southern Paiitte, a Shoshonean Language 111 


Sometimes the interrogative is used merely rhetorically, implying 
an inference, e. g. : 

um^a'nar'u(w)arjA ni'ni a'yawantci.rjqim'^i those (inanim. obj.)- 

interrogative-he me hide-from-usitative? so it is those (clothes) 

that he has been hiding from me! 
wa{a'i)yuvu^aitcuar)W have two been (here)? it looks as though two 

have been here! 
'pu{w)a'ru'{y)a{i)yuru'ani medicine-become-present-interrogative-I? 

I must be getting to be a medicine-man ! 

Very frequently the interrogative is employed as an ironical method 
of stating the negative, e. g. : 

um^a'ni^kaimiaywar'onoA thus-resultative-usitative-should-interroga- 
tive-indefinite? should one act thus? that is not how to do! 

ni'maro'" SA'pi'-^avani me-interrogative-thou overcome-shall-me! you 
can't overcome me! 

a'intcu'a-7) ^a'imC that-interrogative-he say-usitative? that is not 
what he really means! 

The interrogative frequently combines with a following -^ainia- 
(see a above) in the meaning of it seems that. The enclitic -nia- 
(see d above) may be introduced between the two enclitics. Pro- 
nominal elements may separate the interrogative (or following -nia-) 
from -yainia-. Examples are: 

pua'r'uavar'onLxainL" medicine-become-shall-interrogative-I-appar- 

ently? it looks as though I shall become a medicine-man 
ya' a' ikaip'i'yaitcoaTjaxainC die-perfective-past-interrogative-he-ap- 

parently? he seems to have died (long ago) 
tT qa' qai(ua{i)yir uanuaxainC eat-perfective-impersonal-present-in- 

terrogative-indefinite-apparently? it seems that somebody has 

been eating 
nL'i]w'i'Ruqwatuxwavar'uoini{y)an-L-^ainC person-under-to-shall-in- 

terrogative-like-I-apparently? it seems that I shall go under the 

person, i.e. be beaten 

(g) -rua- {-tcua-, -nfcua-) -r'o-nia- (also -ntua-r'o-nia-) like. The 
element -rua- {-tcua-, -ntcua-; -ntua-) has not been found alone, but 
only compounded with interrogative -r'o- + enclitic -nia-. This 
compound enclitic has been found only with nouns. It follows posses- 
sive pronominal enclitics. Examples are: 

112 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


w'a'pintuar'ont' like a penis 

qanLntcuar'onC like a house 

w' a' {i)yar)aruar oni like his penis (obj.) 

(h) -cuya-ywa-noa- would that! The element -cuya- {-cia-, 
-CM-) has not been found alone, but only compounded with modal 
-ywa- (see c above) and generally -noa- (see e above). Pronominal 
enclitics come between the -ywa- and the -noa-, except, as usual, 
-ni- I, ME, which follows -noa-. Examples are: 

qu'qwL'fu'acuyaywa"r)a7ioA shoot-impersonal-would that!-him-in- 

definite, I wish he would get shot! 
qu'qwL'fu'acuywaraminoA I wish we two (inclus.) would get shot! 
qu'qwitu'acuywanoani would that I might get shot! 

In this sense -cuya-ywa-noa- is often attached to the verbal 
irrealis -yo-pu-, -rjqo-pu- (see § 33, 1), e. g. : 

tu' pu'nLy2i pucLaywoC)no^ wake-might-would that!-thou-indefinite, 
would that you might wake up ! 

Vina'ijqwantiAcuyax^ono" p'imp'i'n' Ni-kaiyujjqo- p- u' cuyaxwono'^ up- 
ward-being-objective-would that!-indefinite look (plur.)- moment- 
aneous-might-would that!-indefinite, would that (they) might look 
up this way! 

With imp'i- what (see § 44, 1, c), -c-uya-yiva-noa- or, more briefly, 
-cuya-ywa- adds a flavor of unreality: what pray! Examples are: 

impVmA^CLaxwan-QA what-with-would that!-indefinite; with what, 
pray, is one (to cut it up)? (i. e. there is no knife handy) 

imp'i'A^claywaTjA tTqa'va what-objective-would that!-he eat-shall? 
what, pray, will he eat? (i. e. there is no food to give him) 

(i) -ca'a- AND, but; then! This element is used partly as a con- 
nective or contrastive (and, but), partly as an emphasizing particle 
(then!). In the latter use it is frequently appended to 'iv^'i-, the 
hortatory adverb. Examples are: 

nVca'" but I; I, for my part 
ma-rja'ca''^ but that one 
dn"ca'°' and this 
'iv^Vca'" go ahead, then! 

'iv^'i" ca' a7)waxa^°' pau'x'u^'a'airjWA go-ahead-thou-pray-him-then call- 
go-af ter-him ! go ahead, then, go and call upon him! 

Southern Paiute. a Shosfumean Language 113 


(j) -cam-pa- only, except, but. The primary disjunctive signifi- 
cance of -campa- is exemplified in: 

ni'carnpA only I, except me 

m^'a'Vcampa'^y ^aik-^A that-only- he says, that is all he says 

'i'nicampan oni in-this-way-only-me do-so! enough of this to me! 

imi'campA thou alone, thou thyself! 

mafi'campA piya'tipiya that-only was left 

Its use as disjunctive connective (but) is illustrated in: 
u'tcA'caviparjWA break-wind-preterit-but-he, but he broke wind 

The primary idea of only shades off in idiomatic usage to other 
modal nuances, e. g. : 

'i'nimiAcam.pan'im{w)i in-this-way-travel (plur.)-only-we (excl.), 

we ALWAYS do so when traveling 
qafi'c-ampA sit-only, just stay 
ma{)va'^campa''yA there-only-he, right there he 
a'ik-^cavipaniani say-only-like-I, I think so {ai-. . .nta- to think, 

see d above) 
qi'i'campani bite-only-me! even so bite me 
nnjw'i'RuqwatuywaqanacanipararjWA person-under-to-plural-nomi- 

nal-only-our (incl.) ; our being beaten, it would seem 

For its use with certain independent adverbs, see § 60, 2, a and d. 
Concessive significance (although) is exemplified in: 

qu'qwi'vatssampA shoot-shall-gerund only, though being about to 

tiv^i'yuqwatu' acampan *oqi ask-plural-impersonal-only-me (for 'oqi' 

see § 60, 3), even if they ask about me 
{u)ma'iv'dtccainpA say-that-al ways-being-only, though (he) is wont 

to say that 

For regular concessive clauses in -kai-campa-, -yu-campa- (-yqu- 
campa-), -yu-campa-, see § 55, 1, b, c, e). 

(k) -cu- ALSO, AGAIN, SAME. Etymologically this enclitic may be 
a reduced form of cv- one. Examples of -cu- in its primary signifi- 
cance are: 

qu^qwi'p'iyaaicu shot again 
y:nL'cunL' thus-again-like, just as before 
rnava'{ai)yucu from that same place 
nontsl'qucu fly off again 

114 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


Its meaning frequently shades oflP into that of just, only (this 
goes well with its suggested etymology), e. g. : 

tu{w)a'tsir]wac'u7)WA only his sons 

mafi'ccu' ^anikariV that (inan.)- only do-sits, that alone do-sits, 

that alone is thus sitting 
n'i'niacu me-just, myself 

It is regularly used with cv- one (e. g. cv'qucutcani one-objective- 
just-preterit-I ; see § 59, 1), with certain adverbs (e. g. wi't-ucu long 
ago; na'a'cu separately; a'lv'^icu enough; see § 00, 2), and very 
commonly with independent third personal and reflexive pronouns 
(see § 39, 1; § 46). For its employment with subordinating verbal 
suffixes {-kai-, -leu-), see § 55, 1, b, e. It has largely lost its individu- 
ality with personal pronouns, as indicated by its double employment 
in forms like mafi'ccu' above, i. e. mafi'-cu-. 

(1) -curu'u- NOR can. It was not found possible to elucidate 
this infrequently occurring enclitic satisfactorily. It is evidently 
compounded of -cu- (see k above); perhaps -ru'u- was misheard 
for interrogative -ru'a-. Examples are: 

imi'Acuru'uni thee-neither-I, neither (will) I (act thus to) you 
ni'macucuru' ava'rjwituywani me-just-neither-thou it-into-me, nor 
could you (put) me into it 

(m) -y'a- quotative. Examples are: 

ya'a'iya'" die-quotative; (he) died, it is said 
ya'a'iy'avi'i die-quotative-they; they died, it is said 
marja'cuya' ya'a'ivanC he-quotative die-future; he will die, they say 
uv^a^cuya''^ fiyqa'nLvia(i)ya<t>'L there-again-quotative cave-objective- 
own; in that same cave of his, it is said 

(n) -' DUBITATIVE. This element, which follows pronominal 
enclitics, is often best translated perhaps, particularly when accom- 
panied, in the same or following word, by the dubitative verbal 
suffix -vl-, -my'i-- (see § 33, 2). It is also used in rhetorical questions. 
Examples are: 

xini't)ufsL7}wa' ivd'ntV tA'tcu"payumpi* then-he-perhaps here-being- 
objective fall-down-might; then, perhaps, he fell down around here 
uv^a."i)wa' qari'vi" there-he-perhaps sit-might, perhaps he lives there 
'i'va-ntuywac ar7ipa'q wa vru"avV this-at-to-only-it-perhaps be- 
might, perhaps it is right up to here 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 115 


maa'ivam'pir)warami'^ find-shall-might-he-us 2 (incl.)- perhaps, he 

might find us two 
axa'ni-^aini pA'qa'xa.ini'^ how-subordinate-me kill-subordinate-me- 

perhaps? why act thus to kill me? 
imp'i'aywL Uyi phiLkarixaim\''' what-you (plur.) food-look-for-sit- 

subordinate-dual-perhaps? what (are) you two (doing) looking for 

something to eat? 

It is this enclitic, perhaps, which appears in certain expressions 
that are difficult to analyze: 

via'ipi{y)a''^ so-say-passive participle-objective-perhaps, (it) was 

only said so 
cu(w)a'i'pi{y)a''' be-glad-passive participle-objective-perhaps, (it) 

was meant for welcome words 

(o) -aqa- imperative particle. This element will be referred to 
again when the imperative is discussed (§ 52). 

(p) -ya- dual-plural subject particle in imperatives. This also 
will be taken up under imperatives (§ 52). 

(3) Not easily classifiable enclitics. Two or three elements 
not easily classified and, in part, of doubtful significance, may be 
conveniently grouped here. 

(a) -a-, -a-. I have been quite unable to determine what either 
of these enclitics indicates. They precede pronominal enclitics, but 
follow certain other enclitic elements (e. g. -tea-, see 1, a above; -cu-, 
see 2, k above). They are probably found in -a-yainia- (2, a) and 
-ywa-a- (1, b), as already suggested. Examples are: 

A^p'i'inacuan y,ni'k-^A sleep-noun-again-? - I do, I do nothing but 

sleep (for idiomatic use of -na-cu-, see § 62) 
qatcu'ani not -? - I, I did not 

qatcu'ayani p'iriL'ywa'^ not -?- him - I see- negative, I did not see him 
iva'71' tant.-^aini' this-at-be (§ 26, 2, c) -?- I-just, right here I was 

{-a-n-L-xaini is enclitic correspondent of independent rii'-axaini; 

see 2, a above) 

tiyi' p'inin'nLaro''^ food-look-for-continuative -?- interrogative-thou? 
are you looking for something to eat? 

H-'c-'u{w)ani ( < H-c u-a-ni) long-ago-?-I 

nava'cti'an a'ik-^A yaxa'xa" just-for-fun -?- I say crying, I cry just 
for fun 

116 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


ivd'ntuywatca'ani 'pA'qa'rfuijWA this-at-to-preterit- ? - I kill-him, I 
killed him at this place 

Such examples as the second, third, and fourth suggest a preterital 
value for these troublesome elements, but this is rendered very 
doubtful by the occurrence of -tea- a- and -ywa-'a- and of such forms 
as qatcu'-tca-ni not-preterit- I. 

(b) -p-'itsL- DEAR. This is merely a compound suffix: -p'i- (§ 24, 
1, d) + diminutive -tsi- (§ 35) or -p'itsi- (§ 24, 1, g). It seems to be 
preceded by an accessory '. It is listed as an enclitic here because 
it may follow possessive pronominal enclitics, e. g:. 

pa'a'nip'Us- aunt (paa-) -my-dear, my auntie 
moa'n'i'puts- my (dear) father (cf. moa'ni my father) 
piya'n' Inputs- my (dear) mother (more affectionate than piya'ni my 

(4) Order of enclitic elements. The enclitics follow one 
another in a rather definitely prescribed order. The following 
scheme is believed to be substantially correct: 

1. 2 




6. 7. 8. 


-cu- -y'a- 




-nia- pronoun -n oa- 


(2,k) (2,m) 




(2, d) (2, e) 




(3, a) 




(2, h) 





(2, a) 



-' (2, n) 

(3, b) 

There are a few exceptions to this rule of order, no doubt, but only 
a few. By "pronoim" is meant subjective and objective enclitic 
pronominal elements, also possessive -vi- one's own (§ 40, 4); other 
possessive pronominal enclitics are, with certain enclitics, attached 
directly to the noun (or noun + derivative suffixes), with others to 
the enclitic (e. g. interrogative -r\ia-). The order of pronominal 
enclitics among themselves will be dealt with later (§41,1). If position 
7 is occupied by -ni- i, me, it follows position 8 (see 2, e above). 

§ § 20-22. Prefixes. 

§ 20. Adverbial prefixes. 

^lost of the adverbial prefixes are prefixed to verb and adjective- 
verb forms, one or two to other parts of speech. In origin they are 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language \\1 


doubtless all stems which, once independent, have become restricted 
in usage to composition. In some cases, indeed, a plausible connection 
can be established with independent stems. 

(1) a-' QUIETLY, gradually: 

a'tca'aika to hold quietly, keep quiet 

a'xani' sits quietly 

a'^y'^'ai^ gradually dies 

a-'ijWA'tsiy'unu gradually catch up with them 


i-'Hi'qai' eats beforehand, willingly; is ready to eat 
i-'^k-A^qam to run away beforehand 
i" Lnik-qai^ p'iya got ready, were ready 
H' 'Tjwaru A^'qantLni.'' who is willing, ready 
i-'potsLfi'i-kaini I (am) ready to start oft" 

(3) 'i'-o IN vain: 
'i'p'inin'ni looks around in vain 

(4) nam'i-' first: 

nam'i'iviniV always drinks first 

naml'^'aip'i'ya' ( < nam-'i'-y'ai-) died first 

namo' ^v'^itu' piya ( < nam-'i' -uv'^it-u-) sang the first song 

naml'v^axai' goes first 

nam'i' xaxa-yiav u'ruA first-sing-noun-own it-with, with his first song 

This element is sometimes also found with primary nouns, e. g. : 

namu'ruwatsmi first-son-little-my, my first-born son 

(5) nani-" separately (cf. independent adverb nariLCU separ- 
ately, § 60, 2, d) : 

nanipaaitcA separately-three-times, three each (see Numerals) 
nani'ti'qaqai' (they) eat separately 


Qno'tA^claijqu early-dawn-when, very early in the morning 

ono'tuywar'uinti' early-night-become-participle, early in the night 

ono'tavai' early-day-present, (it), is early in the day 

ono'pitci earl^-arrive, to have just arrived 

Quo't Dvun'ni-^a when just waking up (assimilated from -tuvun'ni-) 

118 X Southern Pciiutc and Ute 

100 SAPIR 

(7) pdi-" PERFECTLY, ALTOGETHER (perhaps identical with adjec- 
tive-verb pai-" TO BE smooth): 

'pdi'myan'noayant'i perfectly hollow (used of park or valley) 
pai'mpo t D'^qwaRi perfectly spherical 

pai'ntoy{o)imu'quntaR'i perfectly-just-straight (see 15 below) 
pdi'yuaxdnt'i perfectly-plain-being, level desert with little or no 

Probably identical with this is ya- entirely (for a- < di see § 4, 1) 

pa'manunC entirely-all, every single one 

pa'tsL7jqo7)qo'° entirely destroyed (as of field trampled down by 

(8) pi-' BACK (cf. instrumental pi-' below; § 21, 3): 
pi-'v^nikd to look back 

(9) pimi- BACK AND forth (cf. no. 8 above; instrumental pi-"; 
and independent pimi'tux-WA backward, § 60, 2, b): 

pim-i'rfw'i'LJcai* (they) dance back and forth 

(10) p'irjqa-' to keep on -ing: 

p'iijqa' Riqa'"^ keep on eating! 
pir)qa' avLp-'i-yd kept lying down 
pirjqa'maip'iya' kept on saying 
p'irjqa" ampaxai' keeps on talking 
p'iriqa'ma{)nLyini I do so very (fast) 
p'irjqa' vaaip'iya'aikw A kept calling it 
p'irjqa' ywa'ayu keeps shouting 

(11) cv-" very (probably identical with numeral stem cv- one): 

cv'a'iy'ii' is very good, feels very well 
sv'pa'ant'i very high 
cv' MU'qunta' miap'i'yd went right ahead 
su'tcaxt-pA very near 

(12) cu{w)a-'' nearly: 

cua'<t>A'qarfuntsani'^ nearly-kill-preterit-me-thou, you nearly killed me 
cuwa' Tjw AHcip 'iya' aiin'i nearly caught up with them 
cua'royoMU'quntaRi nearly straight 

Southern Paint e, a Shoshonean Language 119 


cuwa' Rup^iku piya' were nearly all gone, used up 
cua'ruywLp'iya' (fire) was nearly out 
cuwaWoyomA^ciiywiYU nearly-ten, nine 

This element is probably identical with cuwa-" in: 
cuwa'pitci' wakes up (lit., nearly-arrives) 

(13) <a-" far; used only, so far as known, in tantt'v^ai- far west 
(cf. ttv'^ai- DOWN, west): 

tanti'v^aipa in a far-western land 
tanU'v^aiuv^i.a4)'i far-western songs 

(14) /ii-" WELL, thoroughly: 

tt-'ntoyDqwipiya" ran well, was on a dead run 
ti'nti^qai' eats well, eats a grand feast 
ti"^ampayai^ talks well, has a good talk 
ti'ywa'ayu gives a good shout 

(15) toy{o)i-", toy{w)i-^, more rarely toyo-" just, right, in midst of. 
This prefix is very common and occurs freely with all parts of speech. 
Examples are: 

toyo'itavaV (it) is mid-day 

toyo'nHv'^aiHim"''inL just-I-comparable-being-plural-like, equal to 

me (in strength) (toyo'nH- < toyo'in'i-) 
toyo'MU^quntayqw'aip'iya' went right straight ahead 
toyo'ip a ant'f just high (enough) 

toyo'iti'qai^ is right in eating, is about half through eating 
toyH'mava'anA right above that 
toy^i'ayaruqwA right under him 
toyo'iyqwtyumparjquni right on the center of my head 

§ 21. Instrumental prefixes. 

Under this term are included a considerable number of elements 
of prevailingly instrumental significance. They are used chiefly 
with verb forms, but not exclusively. In nouns they may in part 
be employed non-instrumentally, nor is the properly instrumental 
function always apparent in verb forms. Their origin is largely ob- 
scure, but certain analogies suggest strongly that they are on the 
whole specialized forms of incorporated nouns with instrumental 
function (see § 18, 2, f, a); to some extent they may be related to 
verb stems. 

1 20 X Southern Pciiute and Ute 

102 SAPIR 

(1) ma-' {man- before tc, ts) hand. This prefix is clearly related 
to, but not directly derived from, independent vid'o-' hand. It is 
found in one form or other in all Uto-Aztekan dialects (e. g. Tiibatu- 
labal independent ma-; Fernandino, Luiseno -7na; Tarahumare, 
Pima ma-; Nahuatl via- in compounds and as instrumental prefix). 
It is very common as instrumental verb prefix, many verbs not 
occurring without it. Its great age is indicated by the presence of 
verbs in ma-yw-, spirantized from via-m-. Instrumental (in part 
apparently objective) examples of verb forms are: 

mavi'tcA'qirjq'i to crush with one's hand 

mayu'xika to point at 

mavi'tsiyC claps (his) hands 

maya'i' tests by feeling 

mayu'tcu'i' feels around, picks at (ear, tooth, arm-pit) 

mayu'{w)ai'^ rubs with (his) hand 

mayu'm'u^kwirjq'i to nudge with one's finger 

mafiyqa- to create 

mayari- to protect 

via{i)yu'naqai{y)arjA to have arms around his neck 

maxo'pin'NA to break (trans.) 

ma'a'ipa" to stretch out one's hands palm up 

ma'niki to stick one's hand in (water) 

marjw'L'n' larjqiarjA roll him over ( < ma- + vuti'lcl- to turn) 

maym" ipiarjqip'iya'^ tore out of ground with hands (cf. tam'i'\ina't)q'i 

to dig out by scraping or poking with foot) 
mao'pA^qaijqi to make a hole by sticking one's hand into 
na7)wa'{i)yunNA''qaaimi they two hold arms around each other's 

necks (< na-ma-; see § 22, 1) 
mantca'va.i^ waves (his) hand 
mantca' rjqip'iyaiyaq- A reached for it 

A few verbs have ma-^, e. g. : 

MA^pi'ki to touch with one's hand 
MA'tca'i' ayqipXya' aikwA reached for it 
MA'ciqLa{i)yini my hands are cold 
MA^cu'ywi- ten (i. e. hands-completed?) 

Examples of ma-" and man- (before tc, ts) in noun compounds are: 

MA'ci'u(t>i finger 

MA'pa'{i)yavu(^i hand-surface, palm 

Southern Paiiite. a Shoshonean Language 121 


mantca'qoi(f)i flesh from elbow to wrist 
manisivi(i>i bone from elbow to wrist 

(2) mu-' (mun- before tc, ts) nose (cf. independent muv^i-" nose). 
Verb examples are: 

muv^a'ntui' shakes head from side to side (like a horse) 
muro'nA to strike with one's nose 
moyo'inai^ takes off with (his) nose 
muntca"aik a' to hold with one's nose 
muntca' Til I holds iip (his) nose in the air 

mu-° is found in noun compounds, e. g. : 
Mu'p^i'kL(f>i nasal mucus 

(3) pi-" buttocks, rear (for pi- as independent stem cf. pimi- 
iuxwA backward, § 60, 2, b). Verb examples are: 

pi'tcu'qwLtiNA to crush with one's buttocks, by sitting on 

pfVi'ijwaV closes by pushing with (his) buttocks 

pi^ko'i'nai lets (his) trousers down (-qoi'na- to remove an article 

of clothing) 
pi^ki'kinV to sound like a slap on the buttocks (face, or other soft 


Examples of pi-^ in noun compounds are: 

pi'to"ompi rump-fat 

pina's i-x.ani my rear-cleft, my crotch 

(4) pi-", pu-" eye (cf. independent pui-' eye) : 

pTfi'na{i)yiar)A follows him with (his) eye 
pu'ca'yaip'iyaiatjA looked for him 

This is an uncommon prefix. A nominal example is: 
pu't'i'r)qam(f)'i eye-cave, superciliary ridge 

(5) q'i-" teeth (cf . perhaps verb-stem qV'i- to bite) : 

qTtcitcuxwC grinds, gnashes (his) teeth 
qTico'xw'a.i'' chews 
qini pnxwL (mouse) gnaws 
qiu'rjwqV hangs by (his) teeth 

122 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

104 SAPIR 

qVqa'vdcai^ breaks (them) in (his) mouth, by grinding with (his) 

qrtcv'i" squeezes between (his) teeth 
q'rca'raqaip'iya^ (his) mouth remained open 

(6) ta-' FOOT (cf. perhaps verb-stem tarja- to kick). Verbal 
examples of this very common prefix are: 

A^jm'qwL- to jump 

A'qu'qwL- to foot-shoot, to kick one's feet out into the air 
a'q'i- to feel with one's foot 
aya'nunuTjqi- to have one's feet dangling 
A'qwi'pa- to stumble 

arj'w'i'tciyi- to keep time by tapping with one's foot 
a'ora- to dig a hole with the foot 
A'tcu'n'na- to scratch around with claws 
A*ci'n'aiy'ini my feet burn from cold 
A^qo'itcai' takes off (his) footwear 
aa'ini touches with the feet 
ama'xai tests (its) depth with the foot 

rviv^a' RA''ton' Ni'iiijwava piya" snow-foot-shake-make-noise-past, made 
a noise of stamping snow off (his) feet 

Noun compounds with ta-" are, e. g. : 

tana'sL'xa<f)i foot-cleft, split in hoof, spaces between toes 

tA'pa'ia(t>'i sole (of moccasin) 

tA'qu'c I top piece stitched on to upper of moccasin 

(7) to-' FIST (cf. perhaps verb-stem tona- to punch): 

to'tca'ro'C shakes (his) fist (at) 

to'pa'tA''qiijq'i to burst (trans.) by punching 

to'tt'i)waV closes up (a hole) by punching (his) fist (against it) 

to' pa'raiva niam-Lni I shall knock them down with (my) fist 

ioya'u'qwai' pushes in with (his) fist 

(8) tco-" HEAD (survival of old Uto-Aztekan stem for head, cf. 
Nahuatl tzon-tli): 

tco'pa'ntm shakes (his) head 
tcomo'ntiyi' shakes (his) head 
tco'qo'q oinH' sounds like a noise of punching hard on head (or face) 

As first element in noun compounds it occurs, e. g., in: 

tcD^pt'k L- brains 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 123 



very frequent instrumental prefix. Examples are: 

isiml'ni'cai' turns (meat put to roast on red-hot ashes) with a stick 

tstsa'yki'aqd' to hold on a pole 

tsqu'r'uV pokes in a hole with the point of a stick 

tstu'n'nai^ braces (house, tree) with a pole 

tsjpo'i tries to remove (splinter from flesh) by prying out with a 

point (e. g. of needle) 
tSLm'ntc'ikirjq'i to shake with the end of a stick 
tsnjw'i'naiva-rjA will throw him (in) with a stick 
tSLrjw'i" lyqi to knock down with a stick 
tska'mnai" cuts (with a knife) 


applicability of the primary meaning of this prefix is sometimes 
obscured. Examples of its use are: 

fvrpo'n'noaV drums 

w'intfruxwL moves a stick back and forth on the notched rasp 
wTqo'yin'NA to break against the edge of something 
wTqa'vitcaV cuts several objects 

wTpa'raV knocks (them) down by slashing with a stick 
wTpi't-'kLijuplya grazed (it) with (his) wing 
wi'qa'm'mL- to cover 
wTto'n'no.i" shakes (e. g. a blanket) 

nayqa'varjwi'pantuywiy'ini ear-instrumental-shake-iterative-present-I, 
I shake my ears 

A few examples of wi-, before y, may contain another form of 
this element: 

wiyu'mMU'qwLrjq'i to hit slightly (as with a willow switch) on the 
edge (cf. mayu VI MU'^kwiriqi to nudge, poke with the finger) 

wiyciTjql'na- to cut notches, wi'ya'yqina-q ai- to have notches cut 
into (itself) 

(11) ta-° BY THROWING, WITH A STONE (cf. perhaps verb-stem 
tavi- TO THROW A stone). Externally it is identical with ta-<' foot (see 
6 above). Examples are: 

tan'i'ntc'i'kiyq'i to shake by throwing an object at (it) 
tA'pa'rai' knocks (them) down with stones 
tar)wi"njqi to knock (it) down with a rock 

124 X Southern Paiule and Ute 

106 SAPIR 

Ia'ci 71 1'qavaraijw A let us all play the ring-and-pin game 
tA^qa' .iyutjWL- to split in two by hitting on a stone 
yu o' RA^qopin' N A leg-instrumental-break, to break a leg by throwing 
a stone at (it) 

Cf. also, as example of a noun compound: 
tA^ci'rjwampi coarse gravel (cf. cirjivampi gravel) 

(12) qu-" FIRE (cf. independent noun stem quna- fire; also inde- 
pendent Shoshonean *ku-, e. g. Tiibatulabal gu-t, Cahuilla ku-t): 

qumu'ntuaR'ip'i'ya' heated stones by putting them on the fire 

quHu'nx^V drills for fire 

qu'pa'raxdi^ pops in the fire 

qu'tsLkiy'inl I build a fire 

qQno'yoxioai water boils 

qu'tsL"ai^ roasts on a spit 

qoqwavUcay'i' breaks it in half by burning over tlie fire (song form) 

(13) ci-o COLD (survival of Uto-Aztekan stem *se-, cf. Nahuatl 
cc-ti). This element is not freely used, but occurs only in certain 
stereotyped forms, e. g. : 

cTp'i'raV (object) is cold 

cTpa'i'aiyini I feel cold (lit., I die of cold; cipa- as incorporated 

noun has not been otherwise found) 
cTp'i'xiirutca qaip'i'yaini felt as though a cold breeze were in his head 
cT(u"i (it) is cold weather 
cTp'i'nif^aini (it is) draughty, chilly 
MA'ci'qLaiyini my hands are cold 

(14) ia-^ SUN, HEAT (cf. independent iava- sun, day). This ele- 
ment also occurs only in certain stereotyped forms: 

taro"C (it) is hot weather (cf. c'i-tui- above) 
iA'ci'a-'^ to be dawn 
tA'cVpa-' to be evening 

Possibly also: 

tavai- to set (brush) on fire 
tavacu- to dry in the sun 

(15) ica-". This prefix is fairly common and is clearly instrumental 
in force, as shown, e. g., by its alternation with other instrumental 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 125 


prefixes (e. g. ma-\ ta-\ tsi.-"). Its precise force, however, is far 
from clear. Perhaps it denotes indefinite instrumentality. In some 
cases it seems to refer, like ma-, to the hand. Examples are : 

tcA'pa'ntuV shakes (with the hand) (cf. tA'pa'ntu- to shake with the 

tcq'u'wa.i' scratches (with the hand) (cf. tq'u'wa.i scratches with the 

tcA'qo'itcai" takes off clothes (cf. mayo'itcaV takes off gloves, bracelets, 

tca-'viy'in'na- to raise so as to uncover {ica-i'myinna--) (cf. vidi'- 

mplnarjqi- to raise covering from) 
tcA'^pa'qLn'NA to tear into two pieces; tcA^pa'yiajitca- to tear to 

pieces (cf. to'pa'ydca- to rip open in several Tplsices; wii'ijwVpaqi.n' n a 

knife-edge-tear-momentaneous-causative, to rip open with a knife) 
tcano'-rjqwaTjqwatiL' will pull (feathers, hairs) out by force 
tcA'pu'ruxwL' scatters (trans.), sows (seeds) 
tcA'pi'nikiTjup'i'Yain C (it) appeared like open, darkness cleared up 

(16) 0-, assimilated u- round object, hole (o-" before momentan- 
eous forms, o-" before durative forms). This element occurs only 
in a few stereotyped forms: 

o'pa'qi- to be (one-) holed, participle Q'pa'q{a)itci with a hole, 
ov'^a'xdcai- to have holes (derivatives from -paqi-, -payt- to tear, 
see under tea- above) 

u'pu'qwi- to bounce (like a ball) (cf. tA'pu'qwL- to jump). 

This element is not a true instrumental, but rather a stereotyped 
objective classifier. It may, indeed, be used with true instrumental 
prefixes, e. g. mao'pA'^qarjqi- to make a hole by sticking one's 

HAND into. 

A few verbs in w-" referring to sleep or closing one's eyes may 
possibly contain this element (round opening metaphorically > 

eye?) : 

u'tu'cuyw'i'i.- to cause to go to sleep (cf. tu'cu'y'wi- to exercise 

power upon, to cause to do as one wishes) 
u'tcu'in'mi- to have one's eye's closed, uHcu'm'ma- to close one's eyes 

It is just as possible, however, that this w-" is assimilated from an 
z-" that appears also in 'it'i'ij'wa-ampaya- to talk in one's sleep. 

(17) pa-' water. This is nothing but the incorporated noun 
stem pa-\ pa-' water used instrumentally. It is listed here as a 

126 ^ Southern Paiute and Ute 

108 SAPIR 

prefix because it occurs in a number of verbs whose bare stems are 
not found in use without it: 

patca'qwa- to get wet, patca'qwi- to be wet 
pari'yi- to wash (trans.), navn'riyi- to wash oneself 
■patca' q'lTjwa- to water, irrigate 

Less probably also: 

nava'q'i- to bathe (intrans.) (non-reflexive -paq'i- not found) 

The instrumental prefixes are much more closely connected with 
the verb stem proper than any other elements preceding the stem, 
e. g. adverbial prefixes, reflexive na- (see § 22, 1), or incorporated 
nouns. An instrumental prefix comes nearest the stem. Owing to 
this close connection, the psychological analysis becomes somewhat 
obscured at times, so that the notion of instrumentality may be 
repeated in a preceding incorporated noun, e. g. wii'-rjwTpaqLn'NA 
TO RIP OPEN WITH A KNIFE (contains both instrumental incorporated 
noun wii- knife and instrumental prefix -rjw'i- < -w'i- with the 
BLADE OF A LONG OBJECT). Sometimes an instrumental prefix is 
so closely identified with the stem that it may be preceded by another 
instrumental prefix, e. g. MA'pi'k-i- to touch (that ma-" is a prefix 
is indicated by parallel tA'pi'ki- to touch with the foot): w'ima'- 
piki TO touch with the EDGE OF A STICK, toma'piki TO touch 

with THE fist. 

§ 22. Reflexive and reciprocal prefixes. 

(1) na-' SELF, EACH OTHER (jian- before tc, ts). Properly speaking, 
forms in na-' are nothing but compounds of reflexive pronominal 
stem na- (for independent na- with postpositions, see § 46) and verb- 
stem or noun-stem (for type of compound see § 18, 2, c; 1, i). 
The element na- is so frequently and idiomatically used, however, 
that it seems advisable to treat it as a prefix. 

Its primary significance is reflexive, e. g. : 

plni- to see navi'nifuikai{y)aija?ii he let me 

see himself 
uijwai- to hang nq,%'waip'Lya hung (him)self 

aya-ru- to make a pifion jay na a'^rjaRUqwqumpa shall turn 

(them)selves into pifion jays 
sa'a- to boil NA'sa"ai' boils (him)self, takes a 

parixL- to wash (trans.) nava'rixi-' washes (him)self 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 




Many verbs in na- have an indirect reflexive or mediopassive signi- 
ficance. Not infrequently the stem is not in use without the prefixed 
na-. Examples are: 

-qa- (stem not used alone) 
-to'a- (stem not used alone) 

naya- to wear (clothing) 
naro'a-rju- to have (one's skin) 
-paq'i- to bathe (bare stem not nava'qip'iyd' bathed (them)- 

in use) selves 

-qutdi'a- (for qu-^ see § 21, 12) nayu't-ci'a- to burn up (intrans.) 

A very common derivative of the primary idea of na- is that 
of reciprocity, generally of the subject, less often of the object, 
e. g. 

quqwi- to shoot 
ton- a- to punch 

nayu' qwiTjqi- to shoot at each 
other, i. e. to fight 

m'ayA naro'n'nayqii^ I-him self- 
punch-to-present, I have a fist- 
fight with him 

naywi'p a'^qap'iya" (they) hit 
each other 

natjwa' zaijqi- self-give-to, i. e. 
to pay 

nafi'nE7iia{i)yV'iin'i they tell on 
each other 

nafi'v^iijuqwaV (they) ask one 
-tsLu'na- (stem not used alone) nantsin'na- to joint, cause to be 

joined together 

kwipa- to hit 
maya- to give 
tmtinia- to tell (on) 
tiv^irju- to ask 

Reduplicated nana-, to express either iteration or distribution of 
reflexive-reciprocal activity (see § 58, 3 and 4), is common, e. g.: 

na-ro'qwa- to stretch oneself 

nana'roqwaV stretches (him)- 
self several times 
. cu- to be one nana' cvyuyqwaiyucu (they) be- 
ing one by one 

It is frequently employed where emphasis on reciprocity, as distinct 
from reflexive activity, is desired, even when not more than two 
actors are involved, e. g. : 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 


w'inai- to throw down 


nana'yw'^nairjqiyiayani I throw 
each other with him, i. e. I 
wrestle with him 

nana'ruywa{i)y'iaqA (they) 2 
give it to each other 

The idea of reciprocity leads naturally to that of duality of terms 
involving mutual relationship, e. g.: 

naruywa- to oneself, to give to 

nava'myw'C two brothers 

nantca' q aitsLywi. two brothers 

na'rj'wAtsLrjxvi self-fathers, father 
and son 

navi'aTjw'i self-mothers, mother 
and daughter {or son) 

nayu'marjw'i self-husbands, hus- 
band and wife 

nay'i' inanisirjw'i two who are 
strangers to each other 

nar'i'xiV^'irfw'i two friends 

naval- 2 x 3, i. e. six 

pavi- elder brother 
tcA^qa'itsi- younger brother 
vwaitsi)- father 

■pia- mother 

qum a- husband 

qimantsL- stranger 

tty'iv"''i- friend 
pai- three 

Plurals of such dual reciprocals are formed by reduplicating na- to 
nana-, e. g. nana'vavLrjw'i (three or more) brothers; nana' -tj' watsi- 
yiv'C FATHER AND SONS; nana' fiyiv^'iywi (three or more) friends. 

(2) riai-"^. This element, which is perhaps compounded of reflexive- 
reciprocal na- and an unexplained -/-", occurs only in: 

pirjwa- wife na'impiijwa- wife's sister, (man's) 

brother's wife, i. e. potential 

quma- husband na'irjqunia- husband's brother, 

(woman's) sister's husband, i. e. 

potential husband 

§ § 23-37. Derivative and Formal Suffixes. 

§ 23. Types of derivative and formal suffixes. 

By "derivative suffixes" are here understood such elements as have 
derivational rather than purely formal or syntactic value, i. e. such 
elements as help to build up the word as such from the stem rather 
than to relate the word to other words in the sentence. Under 
formal suffixes are not here included strictly syntactic elements. 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 129 


Derivative and formal suffixes may be grouped into seven more or less 
clearly distinct types of elements. 1. Noun suffixes, including abso- 
lutive or classifying elements, elements defining possession, and tense 
elements; 2. Nominalizing suffixes, generally suffixed to verb stems, 
embracing agentive, instrumental, and verbal noun suffixes, certain 
special noun-forming elements, and participial suffixes; 3. Verbalizing 
suffixes, affixed to nominal, adjectival, or demonstrative stems; 4. 
Verbal derivative and formal suffixes, affixed to verb stems, embracing 
suffixes of movement, voice, verbal aspect, number, tense, and mode; 
5. Diminutive -{n)tsL-, suffixed to both predicating and denominating 
terms; 6. Numeral suffixes; 7. Quasi-pronominal suffixes of special 
nature. In general it may be said that the derivative suffixes of 
Southern Paiute are, on the whole, of a general and colorless rather 
than of a specific or concrete nature. 

§ 24. Noun suffixes. 

(1) Absolutive or classifying ELEMENTS. Many nouns end in 
a suffix that either suggests classification of the noun under a general 
category or that has little assignable significance except to render the 
noun absolute. Some of these elements disappear in composition 
or when the noun is used with a possessive pronominal enclitic, others 
may or may not. Some nouns appear with or without an absolutive 
suffix, e. g. ni'rjw'i and nirjw'i'nts- person. 

(a) -?)?-", -pi-", -rnpi-" absolutive suffix implying indefiniteness 
or non-specification of possessor. These elements, which immediately 
follow the stem, are used with nouns expressing objects, persons, or 
relations that can hardly be thought of except in connection with 
other objects or persons, e. g. terms of relationship, body-part nouns, 
and substantivized local concepts (e. g. bottom, surface). They 
may be rendered by somebody's, of something or, preferably, left 
untranslated. They always disappear with pronominal enclitics and 
in composition. 

Examples of -t)i-" are: 

moa'-m,i father-my moa'<})i (somebody's) father 

paa'-ni aunt-my paa'<i>i (somebody's) aunt 

t'i'ti'xLv'i-' friends t'rti'xtvl<pi (one's) friends 

(plural, not reciprocal) 
taya'p'ia-ni servant-my taya'p'in4)i servant, one who 

serves another 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



tu'tu'xua-ni guardian-spirit-my 

w/'aa-* feather 

y'irii-' crown of head (e. g. yini'- 

xanti having a crown) 
mo'o-' hand 
oa-' back (e. g. oaru- to make 

a back) 
pw'i-* eye (e. g. pu l -tjwTtuv^oa- 

to cover one's eyes) 
ni{y)a-'-ni name-my 
u''qwL{y)u^ arrow, u'qwi{y)v-ni 

fina-' bottom (e. g. tina'aq a its 

w'iya-' bank, edge 

naywa'-ni tracks-my 

Examples of -pi-" are: 

muv'^i-'' nose 
pai-' blood 

vyl'a-o penis, nyi'a'{i)yayaruar'o- 
nC like his penis (obj.) 

Ura'xua-" center, middle 
Examples of -mpi-" are: 

tu'hi'xua(t>i guardian spirit 
wTcLa<i>i feather 
yini'4>i crown of the head 

mo'o'<f)i hand 
oa'(f>i back 

pu'L'(t>i eye 

ni.{y)a'<^i name 
u''qwL'(y)v(f)''i (somebody's) ar- 
tina'4>i bottom (of anything) 

wixa''^4>i bank, edge (at top of 

naywa'4>i tracks 

viuv^i pi nose 

pdi'pi blood 

ufVa'pi penis, w'i'a'pLntuar'ont' 
like a penis (as such, not 
thought of as belonging to any- 

tira'xuapi center, middle (obj.) 

tarywa-'* tooth tatjwa'mpi tooth 

(e. g. tarjwantu- to make a tooth) 
ayo-" tongue (e. g. ayo'rjqwai- to ayd'mpi tongue 

have a tongue) 

It should be carefully noted that even when the noun is uncom- 
pounded or used without other derivative suffix, it does not take 
the absolutive suffix when its possessor (person or object) is referred 
to or implied elsewhere in the sentence, e. g. ni'ni a'xo of-me tongue 
like ayo'ni, not ni'ni ayo'mpi, which would be intrinsically con- 
tradictory; fina'i v'u'rainfiA bottom (obj.) it-toward-being (obj.), 
i. e. being toward the bottom (of something already specified). 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 131 


(1)) -t)/-", -pi-'', -mpi-" classificatory suffix referring chiefly to 
animals, topographical features, and objects (chiefly movable), less 
frequently persons. It is perhaps identical etymologically with (a). 
These suffixes are in some cases constant, i. e. never dropped, in others 

Examples of -vi-" (non-movable and movable) are: 

qi'(l)i locust, q'i'vLtii my locust 

a7fa'''4)i ant 

tA'd'a<i)i red-ant: iA'ci'axa{)nLvi- ant-camp, ant-hill 

wi'tca'(l)i bee 

pa'a'{tsL)4>i animal 

iyo'(i>i mourning dove, iyd'vdcuAtsiijw'i mourning-dove-children 

cina"a4>i wolf 

clna' ywa(l>i coyote, clna'rjwavintots- coyote-headed, cina'ywaviyjfai- 

to be coyote 
toyo'act)! rattlesnake: toy.yaruAtsirjw'i rattlesnake-children 
ayi'4>i mosquito 
■po'a'(j)i louse: po'a'ni my louse 
tira'<i>i desert: ti'ra{i)yua- desert-plain, open plain 
ava'(i>i shade: ava'xani shade-house, summer shelter 
kiywa"a(t)i doll 

pv'tsL4>i star: pv'tsLywdcap'i star-excrement, shooting stars 
di'<i)i now: at-* to be new (at'-'yi- probably originally noun, "recent- 

pi^qo'4>i cactus-cake 
qa'inaca(f)i supernatural being who owns deer on Kaibab Plateau 

(perhaps contains agentive -w-", see § 25, 1) 

Examples of -pi-" are: 

pdya'tcA^qap I red-winged blackbird 

o(w)i'pi canyon, viaa"oipLmpar}ivUuxWA brush-canyon-in-to: 

oi'tV end of canyon, o{w)i'rjwaya7itj canyon-having, canyon 
q{w)o'a'pi tobacco: q{w)o'a'tTqa- to eat tobacco, to smoke 
qu^qwa'pi y\ood: qu'qwa' no - to carry wood on one's back 
wVna'pi arrow-head 

Examples of -mpi-" are: 

u^'qwa'mpi tarantula (cf. u^qwa'tsatfi- small spider) 
si'i'nro-^rampi buml)le-l)ee 

132 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

114 SAPIR 

A few personal nouns are derived by combining {-vi-",)-2)'i-" 
(,-mpi-'*) with -tSL- (see below), e. g. : 

'iya"pits- baby: 'u)a"ani my baby 

'ini'pits- evil spirit, ghost, in'i' p-Lntup i ghost-making-game (for 
final -pi, see § 25, 5, a) 

Less frequently this suffix is also combined with -mp'i- (see e below), 
6. g.: 

cu'v^'unpi squaw-bush, ordinarily m'0i" (stem rift-', e. g. dlru- to 
make a basket out of squaw-bush twigs) 

(c) -mpi-' BERRY. This classificatory suffix can hardly be identified 
with -vipi- of (a) or (b) al)ove, as it occurs in consistently nasalized 
form after all stems (e. g. iva'a'mpi cedar-berry < wa'a-" cedar) 
and has spirantizing, not nasalizing, power. Examples are: 

tirjwa'vipi service-berry, tiijwampi.<})'L service-berry bush (for -v'i- 

see e below) 
wa'a'mpi cedar-berry (cf. wa'a'p'i cedar tree) 
tsiampi wild-rose berry, tsCampL(i)'i wild-rose bush, tsia'mpivats- 

wild-rose spring (place name) 
poxo'mpi currant, poxo' m picf)! currant bush 
WLa'mpi red holly-like berry, wia'mpL<i>'i berry bush, wi{y)ampi- 

xarin berry-sitting (obj.), berry-knoll (obj.) 
piya' iHcavipi4>L locust tree (lit., locust-berry-tree) 

(d) -v'i-", -p'i-% -mp'i-' absolutive suffix, very similar, as regards 
range of usage, to -2>i-", -pi-"^, -mpi-'^ (b above). It is used in certain 
body-part nouns, in nouns denoting movable objects, objects in mass 
(e. g. SAND, mud), and topographical features, and in nouns denoting 
HIDE, BLANKET. It is partly movable, partly fixed. When appropri- 
ate, this suffix may be followed, though infrequently, by -vi-^ (see a 

Examples of -vl-' are : 

pA^qa'(t>L sweat 

tava'tsL4>L leg bone 

qi'ca'<i>'i (hawk's) wing, qi'ca'v'iarjA his wing, qTca'vl4)i (somebody's) 

pai''YL4>L hair of the head: pat'.r/ hair, pa'i'yLHi my hair 
03'</>i.' bone, totsioo(i)'i head-bone, skull: oo'ru- to make a bone, oj"ani 

my bone 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 133 


quna'cfC sack: nyu'nA arrow-sack, quiver 

ora'4)'L pole, post 

watva'(f)'L foreshaft of cane arrow, waxoa'v'ini my foreshaft: wawa'- 

s-iva- to whittle a foreshaft for a cane arrow 
inantsi'(i)i scraper made of foreleg of deer, mants'i v'i<t>i (one's) bone 

from elbow to wrist: manisi'ani my bone of forearm 
tTca'4>i rope 

uv^a'4>i meat-soup: vv^'a'ca'ai'^ boils meat with soup 
AHa'4>'i ssind: A^ta'RA'^qayant'i sand-flat 

yona'4>'i rocks lying around loose: yona'zanints- little gravel-house 
ivta'cpi. mud, wia'vmi my mud: wia'naxuqwL- to fight with mud 

soyo'^'i moist ground : sox^' dxant'f moist 

pa'vlts- little spring (< pa-' water; for diminutive -isi- see § 35) 
p'i'*'i'a4>i fur (of animal) : pP'i'ayA his (animal's) hair 
pu4>i hide: pP'i^'arjA his skin (for -a- see 2, c) 
ti7)qwL'tca'a(t)'i rabbit-skin blanket 
pom'a4>'i skunk-blanket (< ponia-' skunk), poniavuru- to make a 

fiyLa4>i tanned deer-hide (< t'iyLa-' deer) 
pao'7itsL(t)'i hair-wrapping beaver band (< paonisi-" beaver) 
t'iv^'i' (pi. hide (owned by one), t'iv^'i-'v^'ini my hide (owned by me; 

not my own skin) 

Examples of -pi'-' are: 

tA'^pa"ap'i stockings, socks 

qiracCap'i water-jar stopper 

qwi'{y)a'p-'i fence 

tA^si'p'i flint, tA^ SL pu<i)U\axai- to look for flint 

pdi'qap'i ice 

qu'tca'p L ashes: qu^tca'qaRi ash-colored, light gray 

tiv^i'pt earth, country, tiv^L p-'iani my country: (iv^LnA'qiodcuis- 

pia'p'i mare (< pia- mother, female) 
A'ta'p'i rawhide 
tu'qu'p'i panther-hide (< tvqu-" panther), tu'qri'p'iyai- to have a 


One or other of these may really be past passive participles in 
-p'i- (see § 25, 5, b). 
Examples of -mp'i-' are: 

1 34 X Southern Paiute and Vte 

116 SAPIR 

ayjwa'tampi rib 

c'ini'mpi vulva, c'in'i'mp'iarjA her \iil\;i 

drjwa'vip'i sandy gravel: pan'sLTjicaoipi sund-gravei "wash," ar- 

toia'mpi gravel, mass of big and small rocks: toi'o'ipi creek running 

through rocky bed (probably toia- + oi'pi canyon) 
pa{q)'xivip'i hail: pa{a)'u'xn)wa- to hail (lit., to hail-rain) 
qu^ca'^rumpi trousers string, leggings thong (lit., leggings string-hide) 
naro"omp'i underwear (< narSo-'"^ clothes, naro" oriqwai- to have 

qwi'noro'dmpi clothing, blanket 

Here probably belongs also L'tuinpi old (e. g. L'tionpira '7 old 

It is not at all improbable that all examples of -m-', -p'i-\ -nip'i-' 
that indicate hide, blanket, clothing are only apparently pro- 
vided with absolutive -pi-' and that they are really compound nouns 
whose second element, -pi-\ is shortened (see § 11) from p'u-\ 
pi-' hide (see above; -vi-' of p'ii'4)'i hide itself, however, is clearly 

Apparently distinct from absolutive -v'i-', though not easy to keep 
apart from it, is -v'i- {-p'i- and -vip'i- are not found alternating with it) 
suffixed to nouns used in some specialized or metaphorical sense. 
These nouns are generally compounds. When possessive enclitics 
are added, possessive -a- (see 2, a below) is generally suffixed to 
-v'i-. Examples are: 

qani<i)i nest (< qani- house) 

tA^CLaxani4>'i ant-house, ant-hill 

(irjqa'niviani stone-house-owned-my, ca\e that I own: firjqa'ni cave, 

tirjqa'mni my cave (that I live in) 
puHi'yqanLcpL eye-cave, superciliary ridge 
tumpa'x'^SL<i>'i mouth-rim, lip (cf. t.-x'^qu'ci top-piece stitciied on to 

upper of moccasin) 
qani na7)qava4)'i house-ear, flap of tepee (cf. narjqava-^ ear, narjqa'vatpi 

one's ear) 
tA'qo'va(l)L foot-face (cf. qova'4>i one's face) 
tA pa'ia 4>i foot-surface, sole (< pain- surface) 
ti'rauqwiv'i- unfeathered arrow (cf. i'i'ra- empty; uqwL-(i/)v- arrow) 

(e) -2)1-', -p'i-', -vip'i-' classifying suffix for plants. It may be 
rendered plant, tree, bush. Less frequently it is used with nouns 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 135 


indicating parts of plants. It is a movable element. Perhaps it is 
only a special use of -vi-', -p'i-', -mp'i-^ of (d). 
Examples of -vi- are: 

viaa'4>i brush, phint, viaav'ini my brush: viaa'xai<pA brush-mountain, 

timbered mountain 
oxi^i-'4>^ grass: oxwi'axai- to be grassy (but also oxt^'i-'viaxdi- to 

have grass) 
ao'yqocpi. dried-up tree, ao' rjqov'iani my dried-up tree 
wii<i>i milkweed: WL\'tTca4>i milkweed rope 
qana'(t>i willow: qana'rV canyon-mouth bordered by willows 
ciya'<i>i quaking asp 

sai]wa'4>L sagebrush: saywauiayatifi- sagebrush-singer 
qwiya'<i>i scrub oak: qwLya'fina4>i oak-stump 
to'oi'(f)L bulrush 
tla'<f>L service-berry bush 
narjqam- leaf (< narjqa- branch) 
qa'o'4>'i. pine-cone 
uru'4>i arrow-stick, stick from which arrow is to be made (< uru- 

to fix an arrow) 
t:ina'4>'i stump (perhaps related to fma'4>i bottom, see a above) 
qo''co'4>i tinder, slow-match, qj'co'vuru- to prepare a slow-match 

of cedar-bark 

See also -mpi-4)'i berry-bush under -mpi-^ (c). 
Examples of -p'i-' are: 

wa'a'p'C cedar: wa'a'mpi cedar-berry, wa'a'pats- cedar-spring 
(iv^a'p'i pinon: tiv'^a-^ pine-nut 

'ina'pi cedar-like tree: 'ina'tiaywi apron of ina' p i- bark 
cia'p'i sapling, oyo'cLap'i fir-sapling: cia'pia<t>i tree-sap 
so'vLpL Cottonwood: co'vmuqwLnt'i cottonwood-stream 
moywa'p'C cedar-bark: moywa'qani cedar-bark wickiup 

Examples of -tnpi-' are: 

oyo'mp'i fiv.oyo'ntava'ats- fir-chipmunk 
A'qi'mp'i sunflower-plant: a^'i-" sunflower seeds 
tACi'mpi barrel-cactus clump: tA'ci'in-^ana^ii cactus-spines 
yivH'vip'i long-leafed pine: yWi'ykanRi pine-mountain, Mt. Trum- 
yu'a'vLmpl opuntia: yu'a'<t)i opuntia fruit 
s qu'mp'i "rabbit-bush": stku-" gray squirrel 

136 X Southern Paiutc and Ute 

118 SAPIR 

(f) -tsL-^, -ntsi-'^ (when preceded by nasal consonant) classifying 
suffix, chiefly for animate nouns. The suffix is sometimes movable, 
sometimes not. Animate examples of -tsi.-" are: 

fiv^a'ts- wolf (myth name), fiv^a'tsvnavavLTjw'i wolf and his younger 

mu'rats- mule 
qwi{y)a'ts- grizzly bear, qwL{y)a'tsLntTqa7fwi to become a grizzly bear: 

qiCL'(y)ay(i?ifi grizzly bear 
pill teats- mouse: navu"dcaru- to change oneself into a mouse 
sari'ts- dog: sari'vurjquni my dog (lit., my dog-pet) 
tavu'ts- cotton-tail rabbit: tavu'muru'^ cottontail-rabbit blanket 
qa-'ts- rat: qa'-tsLn'noro- to poke with a stick into a hole for rats 

(-tsi,- is instrumental prefix, not classificatory suffix) 
so"ds- soldier 
paru'xids- prophet, composer of ghost-dance song: par u'xuy want)' 

qwi'ts- left-handed person (personal name) : qwi'ni my left (hand) 
qu^tcu'mpiyats- buffalo-female (personal name) : qu'tcu'mptA heifer 

-tSL-" is common in tribal names, e. g. : 
inori'tsirjw'i bean-people, ]Moapa Paiutes 
y'iv^i'nfiHsnjw'i pine-canyon-mouth-people, Uintah Utes 
payi'idsLrjWL fish-people, Paiutes of Panguitch Lake 
qa ivavdcd.urjWL mountain-lying-people, plateau people, Kaibab 


It is not always easy to decide whether a nominal -tsL- is classifica- 
tory -tst-" or diminutive -tsL- (§ 35), e. g. a'ipats- boy, plur. -tsLyw'i. 

A number of inanimate nouns also end in -tsL- (apparently not 
diminutive -tsL-), e. g. : 

wii'ts- knife: wiiy'w'inapi knife-point, tvi'p-u^cayai- to look for a 

viara'ts- metate: ma'RA metate 
mo'a'ts- stone mealer 

Such nouns as these corroborate Shoshonean comparative evidence, 
which shows that *-ti, *-ta (S. Californian -t, -I; S. Paiute -tsi-) was 
originally used, like its Nahuatl cognate -tl(i), for all types of nouns. 
In Paitite, however, this element tended largely to become restricted 
to animate (including particularly personal) nouns. 

Examples of -ntst- are: 

Southern Palute, a Shoshonean Language 1 37 


qima'nts- stranger, ^ma'n^^iT/H^i.' strangers, Shoshones (> Comanche): 

qiina-^ other 
niyiv'i'nts- person, tiiyw'i'ntsLyWL persons, Indians: irirjw'i-" person 
tovu'nts- (male personal name) 

pA'^ci'y'i'maits- water-lizard: p.Cci'xi'mivaxaT'iRi water-lizard lake 
ci'vii'nts- Muddy River 

(g) -v'CtsL-", -p-'itsi-", -vipitsi-^ classifying suffix for animate nouns. 
This suffix is compounded of -v'i-% -p'i-% -vip'i-^ (see d above) and 
animate -tsi-'^ (see f above). It is also quite possible that some of 
our examples contain diminutive -tsL- (cf. pa'v'its- spring under d). 
Examples of -v'itsL-'^ are: 

yoyo'v^its- coyote (probably < yoyo-^ to copulate with) 

a''icLV'^'its- butterfly 

y'ini'v^'its- bald-headed (personal name; y'ini-^ crown of the head) 

'a'iv^iywavits- newly married one (ai-^ new + piywa-' wife) 

vna" p'iv^'itSL- little one {viia" p'itsi.- little with diminutive -tsL-) 

Examples of -p'itsi-" are: 

wantsip'its- antelope: wa'nts- antelope, ^vanisL^an'i 2t.v\ie\oY)&-co\oved, 

light gray 
tu'qu'p'its- wildcat: tu^qu'ts- wildcat, tu^qu'qaiicoxu hat of wildcat 

AHa p'its- crow: AHa'qwots- crow 
moo'p'its- hooting owl: raoo'nap'irjw old man Owl 
ciy'i'p'its- lizard (cf. ciy'i" mints- under f) 
a'i(f)Apits- young man: a'ivam'i young men 
nan- a' p'its- old man (perhaps with diminutive -tsL-) < naji-a- to 


It is very difficult to separate examples of -p'itsL-^ that contain 
animate -tsi- from such as are clearly compounded with diminutive 
-tsL-, e. g. mia"p-'its- small (cf. mia"ants- a little); piya'p-'its- yoUxNG 
female animal, filly (cf. piya'p-'i mare); qam-'i'oap-'its- little 
JACK-RABBIT. Cf. cnclitic- p-'itsi- (§ 19, 3, b). Another difficulty 
lies in separating -p-'i- of -p-'itsL-"^ from past passive participial -p'i- 
(§ 25, 5, b); thus, nan-a' p-'its- may be plausibly analyzed as little 
GROWN-UP one. 

Examples of -mp'itsL-^ are: 

Ina'mp'its- badger: 'ina'r)qwac-i badger-tail 

m'iy'i' VI p'its- gopher: m'iy'i' ijqauL^i gopher-house, gopher pile 

138 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

120 SAPIR 

y'iiji' inp'its porcupine: y'irj'i'rjqwac-l porcupine-tail 

oyo'vip'Cts- bull-snake 

qa{a')mpits- ruffed grouse 

vvi'qu'mp'its- buzzard 

tavu'mputs- cotton-tail rabbit (song-form for tavu'ts-) 

y'lv'^i'mpits- pine-man (personal name) < y'iv"'L-" pine 

(2) Elements defining possession. Here are grouped a number 
of suffixes that appear chiefly with possessive pronominal enclitics and 
which, on the whole, define the nature of the possessive relation. 
It is not always easy, as a matter of fact, to see exactly what increment 
of significance they bring. 

(a) -a- seems to be used to indicate possession that is alienable, 
particularly, it would seem, of such objects as are not normally 
thought of as being possessed. It is generally preceded by -pi,'-' 
(see 1, d and e). Examples are: 

t'iv^Lp'ianimi our (excl.) country {-niini our); Uv^l p'iaian'imi our 

country (obj.) {-ia- objective, § 49, 1), 
pa'^viani spring that I own 
a'orjqdv'iani my dried-up woods 
tt7)qa'nivia(i)ya'7jWA his cave (obj.) owned as house {-ya- objective); 

t'i7jqa'nLVudsla4>L his own little cave (obj.) {-tsi- diminutive; -a- 

objective; -(/>!, § 40, 4) 

Possessive -a- may also be used with causative -tui- (§ 29, 12) 
to form verbs indicating to cause to have so and so, e. g. : 

tiimp^i' Atiip 'iya" caused (it) to ha\e stones 
qan L Atuip'iya caused (it) to have houses 
narjqa' Adiip'iya cau.sed (it) to have branches 

For possessive -a- combining with \erbalizing -kai- to have into 
-ayai- (participle -ayanfi-), see § 2(5, 1, b; for possessive -a- after 
past passive participial -p'i-, see 3, b below. 

(b) -rjwa-, -rj'wa-. These elements are used very much like -a-, 
occurring both before possessive pronominal enclitics and verbalizing 
-kai- TO have, not, however, before causative -(ui-. They do not 
seem to be used after classificatory -pi-' (1, d and e), but may be 
directly appended to noun stems. Examples of -i)wa- are: 

pa'i'ijwani my blood (absolute pa'i'pi; in possessive forms of this 
no\m -rjwa- is always used) 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 139 


u{w)ir)wayant'i canyon-possessive-having, canyon 
pan-a'qar'ui7)wayant'i money -become (§ 26, 1, g)-possessive-having, 

one who has money 
quna'ywaxaiyup'i'ya fire-possessive-have-momentaneous- past, got 

mmpL tjwaridcarjwapirjwaxaiYU person-wife-deprive-past pass, partic. 

(§ 25, 5, a)-possessive-have-subordinating, while having (as his own 

wife) somebody else's wife taken away (by him) 
niv'^a'\i'r)wa{uintL7)xoani snow-rain-become (§ 26, 1, g)-present ptc. 

(§ 25, 6, a)-possessive-my, snow belonging to me (snow-raining = 


Examples of -tj'wa- (it is not clear how, if at all, it differs in usage 
from -ywa-) are: 

tump^i'rfwarjA his rock 

ma' xar'ir"i7)waii)yar)A his clump of trees (obj.) 
qa'ntuintLrj'warjA sing-become (§ 26, 1, g)-present ptc. (§ 25, 6, a)- 
possessive-his, song belonging to him 

Both -rjwa- and -rfwa- are used particularly to indicate possession 
of one of a group by the group (e. g. our leader = that one of us 
WHO is leader). This includes adjectival participles indicating 
selection (e. g. the good one of several). Examples are: 

rua'vLij'waraijWA our chief; qaniayanfiA nia-'virfwA house-possessive- 

having-obj. chief-possessive, village's chief 
ampa'xafiy'wam'i talker- possessive-their, their talker; qani'ayanti 

ampa'xafiy'iVA village's main speaker 
ava'i'iyw'ayw'urjiVA big-present ptc. (§ 25, 6, a)-possessive-animate 

plur.- their (anim.), their big ones (anim.), those of them (anim.) 

that are big 
"'a't-'iywaywla'ayWA good-present ptc. -possessive-animate plur.-obj.- 

their, the good ones (anim. obj.) 
(iv'^itc atir)wa{iyyaq-WA very good-present ptc. -obj. -their (inan.), 

a very good one of them (inan.) 

(c) -a- is used to indicate possession, chiefly of body-parts, that 
is inherent without being strictly inalienable. In other words, it 
is suffixed to nouns indicating objects (or persons) that do often 
occur disconnected in experience (e. g. saliva, bone, skin) but are 
thought of as indissolubly connected. Examples are: 

140 X Southern Paint c and Ute 

122 SAPIR 

do" am my bone (i. e. bone of my own body); aya'v'ioo'" shoulder- 
bone-possessive, shoulder-blade: absolute 3j'<^t bone 
p'iH"a(i)yayA his skin (obj.): absolute pu4>'i skin, hide 
n'i'ni qrtsi"" me saliva-possessive, my saliva: absolute qTtsL4>i saliva 
n'i'ni tqmu"'^ me sinew-possessive, my sinew: absolute ta)nu'4> '^i 

t'iyi'ayoo'" deer-fat-possessive, fat of deer: absolute yoo'<p ''t fat 
qafi'n'impjROtsi''^ saddle-head-possessive, saddle-horn 
7U7)w'i"a(i)ya QA pcrson-possessive-obj.-its, its (country's) people 

(d) -in'{n)i-' (-'m/-*) owned. This element is always employed 
with alienable nouns and has a specific reference to actual ownership 
as contrasted with mere possession in the grammatical sense. Ex- 
amples are: 

pnra'oMnini my flour 

poo'in'nini my owned trail (not merely: trail that I use) 

saxiv{£')iain'7iini my owned belly, (some animal's) belly that I 

possess (as meat); contrast saxio{E')iatii my belly 
qani"nini my house (that I own) ; contrast qani'nt my house (that 

I live in) 
quna'i'niaraywA our possessed fire (obj.) 
7il' qam'i"ini^a I jackrabbit-owned-have, I have a jackrabbit 

{qaml'xd' to be a rabbit, see § 26, 1, a) 
cTpu'v^'ainLntSLyaini C cold-water-owned-diminutive-have-usitative 

present, is wont to have cold water (cTpu'v^^'a-) 

(e) -vuTjqu-\ -purjqu-^, -mpuyqu-^ pet, do.\iestic.\ted .a.nimal. This 
is no true suffix, but merely the compounded form of purjqu-^ horse 
(belonging to one; contrast qava" horse absolutely), originally pet, 
domestic.\ted animal, dog (cf. Tiibatulabal pnrjgu-l dog). It is 
listed here because it is regularly added to all nouns denoting owned 
animals. It is a suffix in the making. Examples are: 

qava 'vur/quni my horse (more frequently simply puyqu'ni) 

pi'xLVuijqurarjWA pig-pet-our, our pig 

a{i)ya'vu7)quni my turtle 

sari'vuyquni my dog; sari' vmjquxwai- to have a dog 

qu'tcu'mpuTjquni buffalo-pet-my, my ox; quHcu' mpumpurjquyw'irarjn' a 

buft'alo-pets (for reduplication see § 58, 2, d) -animate plur.-our, 

our cattle 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 141 


(3) Tense elements. Tense can be expressed in nouns provided 
they are first verbalized. This is generally done by suffixing -kai- to be 
(§ 26, 1, a) and then turning the denominative verb into a participle. 
Thus, the future form of qava-' horse is qava 'xaivant'i horse-be- 
FUTURE-PARTiciPLE, A HORSE TO BE; similarly, qam'i'xaivatc'i jack- 


shall specifically list only two compound suffixes relating to past 
time, because of their rather characteristic usage. 

(a) -yaip'i-, -qaip'i-, -yqaip'i- having been, past, former; 
compounded of -kai- to be and past participial -pi- (see § 25, 5, a). 
Examples are: 

ini' ayaip'ini my dead relation < ini'ani my relative 
inuru"L-^aip i cast-away blanket 
oHca' (v'Cjyaip'C formerly used water-jar (o'tcA) 
qa'yaaitiaxaipici''arjWA rat-hunt-place-be-past partic.-obj.-his, place 

(obj.) where he used to hunt rats 
tona'vLTjkaip'i punch-er-be-past partic, one who used to be a puncher 

(b) -p'i- past, former. This is the past participial -p'i- (see § 25, 
5, a), only rarely used with noun stems, e. g. : 

qani'pi abandoned house, village site, old camping place 

It is sometimes found combined with possessive -a- (2, a) as -p'iu-, 
e. g.: 

a'i4)Api{'y)anyiv^uii youth-past-possessive- friend-my, my former 
youthful friend 

This -p'ia- occurs also combined with other elements in verbal 
forms (see -p'ia-yai-f ua-, § 32, 8; -p'ia-y'i-, § 32, 7) 

§ 25. Nominalizing suffixes. 

These are formed chiefly from verb and adjective-verb stems. The 
verbal noun in -na- and the various participles are in very frequent, 
in part idiomatic, use. 

(1) AGEtiTiXE -vi-", -in pi-". Examples of agentive -?j/-" are: 

muwaraxi- to crush wa a vipLinuwaruxi.(i>i cedar-ber- 

ry-crusher, spermophile 

marina- to chase n'iyw'i'jnarinacf)! man-chaser, 

lizard (sp.) 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 

124 SAPIR 

naya'nyqri- to dodge 
no- to carry on one's back 
ampaxa- to talk 
tona- to puncli 

Examples of agentive -mpi-" are: 

tarja- to kick 

ororjwi- to grunt, growl 

7iaya'nr)(p,4>i dodger 
nir)w'i'no-'4>i man-carrier, roc 
ampa'x(i4>i talker 
hna'virjkalp-'i one who used to 
be a puncher 

taija'mpi kicker 
oro'ijwunpi grunter 

Agentives are used to refer only to permanent (quasi-occupational) 
activities. Temporary or casual agentives are expressed by means 
of active participles (see 6 below). 

(2) Instrumental -ninipi-, -u'lmpi-. This suffix is compounded 
of usitative -?ii-" (see § 30, 11) and passive participial -p'i- (see below) ; 
-n'impi- has accessory ', perhaps of momentaneous significance (§ 
53, 2, a, 3). There seems to be no clear difference of function between 
-nimp'i- and -n'hnp'C-. 

Examples of instrumental -nimp'i- are: 

yV'ixi- to swallow 

qafl- to sit, ride horseback 

wTqa'vi'mi- to cover 

yum')nuxu'i- to poke 

tsqivan'no- to stir up (mush) 
tA'cin'm- to play cup-and-ball 
with a rabbit's head 

Examples of -n'impi- are: 

iya- to enter 

Urjwa- to close 

Tta'- to stretch out (a skin) 

kwipa- to beat 

pA'qa- to kill, to guess the right 
bone in the hand-game 

yL'i'xinimpL swallower, throat 
qafi' n'impi saddle 
puLTjwTqam^ minim pi eye-cov- 

erer, blinder (for a horse) 
iayu'm^m uxwDiim pi foot-poker, 

tsqioa'n'nonomp'i mush-stirrer 
tA\''in7unimp'i rabbit-head used 

in cup-and-ball game 

7nov^i''iX(m' nimp'i nose-en terer, 
bit and bridle 

qaju'ntdywq' n'impi house-closer, 

Vta'n' n'impi hide-stretching 


kwi'pa'7i''imp'i beater, shinny- 

pA^qa'n' nimp'i bone that is to be 
guessed in the hand-game 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 143 


On the whole it seems that the action in instrumentals in -n'lmyi- 
is conceived of as momentaneous, in those in -n'imp'L- as durative. 

(3) Verbal noun in -na-. Verbal nouns in -na- are freely 
formed from all verbs and often appear in syntactic combinations. 
More often than not, a verbal noun in -na- is used with a possessive 
pronoun, often in a subjective or objective relative sense. When a 
tense suffix is absent, it refers to present or general time. Futures 
in -va-na- (cf. § 32, 4) and perfectives in -qai-n-a- (cf. § 32, 3) are also 
very common. In the case of transitive verbs, the action is to be 
thought of as passive rather than active, e. g. ampa'yanani my talk- 
ing, WHAT IS SAID BY ME. Nevertheless, the matter of voice does 
not seem to be clearly defined in -jva- forms. Examples are: 

ni'ni no' nam me carying-my, my pack 

nltjw'i'Ruqivatuywaq anararjWA person-under- to-plural subj. -verbal 

noun- our, our going under a person, our being beaten 
w'a'ymani- %ir 'a'i'nirjucampA shouting-their it silent-become-but, 

but their shouting became silent 
tD'o'iv'C'oran'narjw am bulrush-digging-his it, the bulrushes he digs 

(dug) up 
ni' o-'pa' atu'van-L imi a'i'nami I thus do-shall thee saying-thy, I 

shall do as you say 
iTqa'van'aTjw u'r eat-future-verbal noun-his it, his being about to 

eat, for him to eat 
nqno'c-ivarvani what I shall dream 
ngno'cjcainani what I dreamt 
my a 7) 'ani'ka ui vuruijuqwainani that-one do-resultative wounded- 

make-momentaneous-perfective-verbal noun-my, that one it is 

whom I have wounded 

Cases of -na- as noun-forming or adjective-forming derivative 
without clear verbal force are uncommon, e.g.: 

uru"anA being, property < uru'a- to be 
vxiyo'D^paqlnA vulva-perf orated- verbal noun, vagina 
ava"''?iA much < ava'" to be much 

For the idiomatic use of -na-cu- with verbs of doing and saying, 
see § 62. 

(4) Special nominal derivatives. Here are grouped a few 
nominalizing suffixes of more than ordinarily concrete significance. 

144 X Soutlwru Paint e and Ute 

126 SAPIR 

(a) -t'ia- PLACE OF. Examples of nouns in -t'ia- formed from verb 
stems are: 

naa'itui- to cause to burn naa'iiutV cause-to-burn place, 

tuy{w)v- to cache tuy(w)u"tiani my caching-place, 

my cache 
qa -yaai- to hunt rats qa'yaait'iaxaip ia'arjWA place 

where (obj.) he used to hunt 

niv"'a-RA'ton'ni- to shake off snow mv'^a'RA'ton'Ni'ti'aijwA his place 
from one's feet of shaking off snow from his 

kwi'tu- anus + y-}y-J- to copulate kwiHi'ioyotV anus-copulating- 
with place, passive pederast 

Less commonly -t'ia- is suffixed to noun stems, e. g. : 

qani- house qant't'iani my house-place, my 

camping place 

Alone among derivative suffixes, -t'ia- forms a reduplicated plural 
(see § 58, 2, b) : -t'ifia- places of, e. g. : 

t'i'qa'tiA eating place tTqa't'inA eating places 

qani't'iA camping place qanit'ir'iA camping places 

(b) -va-, -pa-, -mpa- contest, fight. Examples are: 

nayu'qwip-A war, battle with bows and arrows (lit., shoot-one- 

another-contest), obj. nayu'qwipaiA 
oo'mpA fist-fight, obj. oo'mpaiA 

An isolated noun suffix -va-^ occurs in yiaijqa'va-' ear (absolute 
narjqa'vacf)!) < narjqa- to hear. Also isolated is -mpa-" in tuyumpa-° 
SKY < tuyu-" UP. Both of these are old Shoshonean elements, cf. 
Hopi nak"-ve, Gitanemuk a-ka-va, i. e. a-ka-va (< *a-7)kava < 
*a-naka-va) ear; Tiibatulabal dogu-mba-l, Mohineyam dugu-ba-t, 
Gabrielino tuku-pa-r sky. 

(c) -n-, -t'i-, -nti- canyon mouth. This suffix seems to be added 
only to noun stems, but is most conveniently listed here. Perhaps 
it is related to -t'ia- place of. Examples are: 

qana-' willow qana'ri mouth of canyon bor- 

dered by willows (> Kanab) 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 145 


oi-" canyon (absolute oi'pi) oi'tt mouth of canyon 

yiv^i-^ pine y'iv^intV mouth of canyon bor- 

dered by pines (> Uintah), 
yiv'^ini'iHsLijw'i Uintah Utes 

(d) -ya-' FORE PART. This suffix also is apparently added only 
to noun stems. It has been found in: 

wawa-' foreshaft to cane arrow wawa'{i)'ya<i>'i foreshaft 
(absolute wawa'(t>L) 

tumpa- mouth tumpa"ya' mouth of canyon 

(apparently found only in com- 
pounds, e. g. : squ'rumpa'ya 
mouth of rabbit-bush canyon 
< squ'-mpi rabbit-bush; oa'i- 
tumpaiiYya' mouth of salt- 
canyon < oa- salt) 

(e) Isolated elements. There are a few elements that may be 
recognized as noun suffixes (or stereotyped compounded stems), 
but to which no definite meaning can be assigned. x\mong these is 
-n'narjqa- (cf. perhaps narjqa- ear-ornament) in bird nouns: 

qiri'n'narjqats- sparrow-hawk 
ova'n'naijqA goose 

-q-wa-(tsL-) occurs in: 

AHa'qwots- crow (cf. parallel AHa'p'its) 

-tea- occurs in: 
V'qwa'tsats- small spider (cf. u'^qwa'mpi tarantula) 

(5) Passive Participles. Two distinct suffixes of closely related 
meaning are frequently employed in Paiute to express the passive 
participle, -pi- and -p'i-. It is difficult to say just what difference 
of meaning there is between these elements, though they are not 
used interchangeably. On the whole, -pi- seems to have a more 
substantival force, -p'i- a more truly participial one; it would be 
incorrect to press this point, however. Moreover, -pi- is primarily 
tenseless except when preceded by specific tense elements, e. g. 
future -va-\ -p'i- is always preterital. Both may be formed from 
intransitive stems, though derivatives formed from transitive verbs 
are naturallv far more common. 

146 ^ Southern Paiute and Ute 

128 SAPIR 

(a) -pi- passive participle. Examples are: 

saa- to boil sa'a'pi what is boiled, mush 

ayani- how? to do (be) in what qatcu"qw aya'ni-kai'pini. naia'- 
way? varjwq'" not-it how-do-perfec- 

tive-passive partic.-like seem- 
negative, it does not look as 
though capable of handling 

cu{w)ai- to be glad cu{w)a'ipi (some one's) being 


non-oci- to dream nono'cLpi what is dreamt, dream 

(as noun) 

tavi- to hit, plur. subj. tavi-ka- iavi'kamipi who are (were) al- 

ways hit 

tixwina- to tell a story tixwr'napi what is told, story 

t'l'qa- to eat t'l'qa'vapi what shall (always) 

be eaten 

im- to drink ivi'pi something drunk, ivi'- 

Jf-aipi what was evidently 
drunk (by someone) 

ampaya- to talk narjqa'p'iya ampa'xApiA heard 

talked (obj.), heard some one 

cvpar'ua- several gather together cv'par'uapi gathered-together, 

gathering place 

A considerable number of nouns referring to games are passive 
participles in -pi-, e. g. : 

naiarjwi- to play the hand-game naiaywipi hand-game 
'ini'pintu- to make a ghost, to 'ini'pintupi ghost-making game 

play at ghosts 
mavo'xoi- to make a pile of dirt mavo'xoip i game of making piles 

of dirt 

(b) -p'i- past passive participle. Examples are: 

sa'ma- to spread out (a blanket, sa'tna'p-'i having been spread 
sheet) out, cover on which something 

is put 
wi'tca'- to wrap about wiHca'p'i having been wrapped 

about, band 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 




no- to carry on one's back 
ai- to say 

nayqa- to hear 

qimi- to take 

ora- to dig up 

qwA'ci- to be ripe 

qwiica- to defecate 
si'i- to urinate 

no'p'C carried on one's back, 

a'ip'iaT) o'pac- ani'p'iya" say- 
passive partic.-obj.-his that- 
way-again it-did, it happened 
as he had said 

mai'm imi narjqa'qaip'i'mi that- 
thy thee hear-perfective-pas- 
sive partic.-thy, that (is) thy 
heard, that is what you heard 

pirjwa'xvnip lywA wif e-taken- 
his, whom he had taken as wife 

ora'p'ini my having-been-dug, 
something that I dug long ago 

qWA'cl'p'iaq-A ripened-it, it (is) 

qwitca'pi excrement 

si'i'p'i urine 

Several nouns referring to ceremonials, dances, and games are 
really past passive participles in -pi-, e. g. : 

ki{y)a- to play, dance a round ki{y)a'p'i round dance 

-tiv^'C- to lead away 

yaya- to cry 


to dance the scalp 

qavi'i' nafiv^'C p- i jackrabbit-re- 
ciprocal-lead away-passive par- 
tic, game in which each tries 
to head off rabbits from others 

yaya'p'i having been cried, 
mourning ceremony 

tu'u'n'Ni'qap'i scalp dance 

(6) Active participles. The primary form of the active parti- 
cipial suffix is -ti-". When unpreceded by a tense element, it refers 
to present time or, particularly in secondary substantival uses, is 
tenseless. Participles of explicitly temporal reference may be 
formed from the present participle by prefixing appropriate temporal 
suffixes to -fi-". Animate plurals are formed by suffixing -m'i- (§ 
48, 1, a), e. g. -rim'i-. 

(a) Present participle: -r'i-" {-tc'i-"- after i; -ntci-" after nasal + i), 
-^^-", -nit-'*. Examples are: 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 

130 SAPIR 

tTqa'm eating 

ivi'k arim'i those drinking 

nia'Ri blowing, wind; nia'fintT- 

qay'wi'p'iya turned into wind 
q.Cqa'riRi one who runs away 
i'mi pu'tcu'tcuywar'iqwA thou 

(art) understanding-it 
ivi'tci drinking 
tcaywCkiqwa' (a)itci[m^'iA those 

dying off (obj.) 
avi'tc'i lying, plateau 
ani'ntci doing so, anim. plur. 

a'intc'i saying, sayer (§ 13, 3) 
"'a't'i good 
A'pLiywa'aiti one who does not 

na'a'inti burning, fire 
a' imint'im'i those saying 
tuywa'r'uinti becoming night 
NU'qwi'nii flowing, stream 

For -A;an<z- HAVING ; being < -kai- to have; to be, see § 26, 1, a, b. 

(b) Future participle: -vant'i-", -mpanti-"; formed from future 
-va-", -mpa-" (§ 32, 4). Examples are: 

ti'qa- to eat 

ivi'-ka-' several drink 

Tiia- to blow 

qAqa'fi-' to run away 
pu'tcu'icuywa-' to understand 

ivi-" to drink 

tcarfw'i'kiqwa' (a)i-' to die ofi" 

avi-' to lie 

ai-' to say 
"'a-o to be good 
A^pi'iywa'ai-" not to sleep 

na'ai-" to burn 
-mi-" usitative 
-r'ui-^ to become 
NVqwi-"* to flow 

pi^pi'tci- to arrive 

pi'ka"ayaxai- to be a hard-shell 

pA'qa'yu-" to kill 

pi'pLtciv^ant'i being about to 

arrive, going to arrive, shall be 

pi'ka" axaivant'i destined to be a 

hard-shell turtle 
pA'^qa'rjumpani'i going to kill, 

will kill 

(c) Usitative participle: -vatci-'\ -mpatci-'^. The usitative element 
-va-, phonetically treated as though terminating in -i-% is not other- 
wise used as a verb suffix. It is perhaps identical with postpositive -va- 
AT (§ 50, 4, 37), which also changes following -t- to -tc-. Examples are: 
nono'ci- to dream 7iono'c ivdtc'i accustomed to 

dream, having ever dreamt 
na'ai- to burn na'a'ivdtc'i wont to burn 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 149 


qafl- to sit qari'vatc'i who always sits 

oxwai- to have an arrow o'xwaiv'dtc'i provided with an 


nontsin'i- to fly nontsi n' iviitci always flying a- 


-mi-" usitative avi'mimpatci always accus- 

tomed to lie down 

(d) Perfective 'participle: -qanti-"; based on perfective -qai- (§ 32, 3). 
Examples are: 

p\Tn'Jcai- to see pini'kailcant'i having seen 

pa'xiqwo'ai- to go away pa'xiqwo'aiJcanti having gone 

qam'-^ai- to have a house qanL}^aikant'i who had a house 

(e) Narrative preterital participle: -p-'iyanti-"; based on narrative 
preterital -p-'iyai-. This participle differs from the preceding in 
referring more explicitly to past time, also in being more frequently 
used in narrative as a sort of equivalent for properly preterital forms 
in -p'iyai- (see §32 , 6; also § 55, 4, e). Examples are: 

pA'qa'yuti- to be killed pA'^qa'ijut'iipLyantVr) uru"av'"'C he- 

killed-preterit partic.-he . is- 
dubitative, maybe he has been 

fiyai- to take place tiya'iplyant'i having taken place 

qA'^qa'yuyqv- would kill pA^qa'r)ui]quu'piyantini who 

would have killed me 

'u'rairju- to go towards it rii' u'rairjup'iyant'i I (am) having- 

gone-towards-it, I went to- 
wards it 

(f) Animate plurals of participles. Animate plurals of active 
participles have been already referred to. They end in -ti-m'i-. A 
curious idiom allows of their use also as singulars. This takes place 
when the participle refers to a person (or animal) that is singled out 
from a number or is compared with others. The plural ending of the 
participle, in other words, refers to the implied collectivity rather 
than to the person explicitly indicated. Examples are: 

qu'tca'poto'qwanm'i blue-round-ad j. verb-partic.-plur., one who is 
blue around (as contrasted with others of different color) 

1 50 ^ Southern Paiute and Ute 

132 SAPIR 

toyo'7i"opa' toyo'qwdcim'i quite-me-like running-plur., equal to me 

in running 
qa'tc 'a'iyuijwait-\vi'i not good-negative-partic.-plur., not a good one 
nixa'''vat'im'"'iarjA me-greater-partic.-plur.-he, he (is) greater than I 
i'iv'^Lts- pa'a'ntim'i very tall-partic.-plur., tallest; contrast ttv'^i'ts- 

pa'a'nt'i very tall (no comparison involved) 

Analogous constructions are found in other than -t'i-" forms, e. g.: 

nf nan'xwinAp'irjwC I mighty-plur. (§ 48, 1, b), I (am) a mighty 
person (as contrasted with others) 

§ 26. Verbalizing Suffixes. 

A number of verb-forming suffixes are in common use. They trans- 
form noun, adjective, and demonstrative stems into verbs. 

(1) Elements suffixed to noun and adjective stents. 

(a) -yai-, -qai-, -rjqai-, to be. Any noun or participle may become 
a verb of being by means of this suffix, e. g. : 

n'iTjw'i-' person niyw'ixaiYU while being a person 

qam-' house qam'^aiiju house-be-momentan- 

eous, to be already manifest as 
a house 
wTcia--' feather wTciaxO''ih'0''in(iVA feather-be- 

perfective-verbal noun -his, 
what had been his feathers 
saritsL-' dog ni' sari'tsiya^ I am a dog 

tump^'i-'' rock tiXmp'^i'kaini I am a rock 

mxa'^m'^t-" greater than I nixa'^vaHiyqaivat-nnL I-great- 

er-active partic.-be-future- ger- 
und-like, if (you) are to be 
greater than I 

For negative -ai- not to be, see § 57, 2 c. 

Before subordinating -qu- (§ 55, 1, e) verbifying -kai- to be becomes 
-ka-, e. g. : 

a'ipatsijai- to be a boy a'ipatsLyaquni when I was a 


For corresponding negative -a'-qu- when not to be, see § 57, 2, c. 
The active participial form of this suffix is -yanti-'', -qanti-", 
-yqanti-". e. g. : 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 151 


tA'qa-' to be flat tA^'qa-'yanti being flat, flat coun- 

cii-' to be strong cii'xant'i strong 

*ontcoxL-' to be one-eyed ^ontco'xiyanti one-eyed 

yu{w)a-' yu{w)a'''xO'nti being level, plain 

wTqonoi-" to be circular wTqo'noikant'i circular 

As may be seen from these examples, -kanti-" forms many nouns 
and adjectives. Many of these participial forms, indeed, seem to be 
more freely used than the -kai- verbs from which they are derived 

Compounded with indirective -yqi- (§ 29, 2) this element seems to 
appear as -ai- (cf. negative -ai- not to be, § 57, 2, c). -ai-yqi- seems 
to indicate to act like — to. It occurs in: 

c'iyia'rjwavL-ykai- to be coyote ; to c'ina' rjwavC aiTjqii acts like coyote 
be amorous, "mushy" to (her) ; acts in an inordinately 

amorous manner toward (her) 

(b) -701-, -qai-, -yqai- to have. This element closely parallels the 
preceding in all its forms (including negative -ai; subordinate -ka-qu-; 
negative subordinate -a'-qu-; participle -kanU-"^). From the form 
alone it is not always possible to tell whether the -kai- suffix denotes to 
BE or TO HAVE; e. g. tump^ikai- to be a rock or to have a rock. 
Frequently, however, the theoretical ambiguity is removed by the 
use of a nominal possessive suffix (§ 24, 2) before the -kai-; e. g. 
sari'tsiyaivatci' wont to be a dog, but sari'vurjquxwaivdtci wont 
TO have a dog (§ 24, 2, e). On account of their particular frequency, 
forms in -a-yai- (§ 24, 2, a) are separately listed. 

Examples of -yai-, -qai-, -ijqai- to have are: 

■puTjqu-' horse (owned) jpurjqu' xwaivani.ani I shall have 

a horse 
ovi-ini-' stick-owned om/'ini^aini I have a stick 

tatja-' knee tarja'xaini I have a knee 

■patci-tjw'i- daughters (§ 48, 1, b) patcu'r)w'LX<^ip^ya (he) had 

imp'i-' what impl'xai' what hast thou? 

mov^i-" nose 'mov^i'kai{y)aijA he has a nose 

a7J-" tongue ayo'yqwaini I have a tongue 

w't-yi-" vulva w'iy'i' rjqaip'iya (she) had a vulva 

nard'o-'' clothes nj" nard"or}qwa I have clothes 

An example of subordinate -ka-qii- is: 


X Southern Paiute ami Ute 


piijwa-' wife 


pirjwa'xaqu that (he) had as 
(his) wife 

Examples of -a-yai- to have, be provided with (subordinate 
-aya-qu-) are: 

ox^t 'VI-- grass 

A'ta'vX- sand 

povo'- trails (§ 58, 2, b) 

qaml'xO'nt- jackrabbit-camp 

tarjwa- tooth 

Participial examples in -kanti- 
po'a-' louse 

pu(w)a-' supernatural power 
nayqava-' ear 
5370- moisture 
qani- house 

ox^t'^totxct' to have grass 
AHa'v'iaxciiaq A it is sandy 
povo'ayaip'iya' (country) had 

trails (all over) 
qain'i'xdnLayai'fuai^ people (§ 29, 

14) have a jackrabbit-camp 
taywa'yaxqoaq A that it (her 

vulva) had teeth (< taijwa- 


-ayanti-" are: 

po'dxanti having lice, lousy; plur. 
po'aqayanfim'i several having 

pu{w)a'yant'i having supernatu- 
ral power, medicine-man 

ava"HiA nana' rjqavaxant'i big 
(obj.) ears (§ 58, 3, c) -having 

soyo'axanti having moisture, 

quni'ayant'i house-possessed-hav- 
ing, camp, village 

(c) -7a-, -qa-, -yqa- to acquire. Examples are 
qava-' horse 

uru'v^'i- stick for making arrow 
tiimp^'i-'' rock 

ayo-" tongue 

wa'qutcani qava'xA two-objec- 
tive-preterit-I horse-get, I re- 
ceived two horses 

uru'v^lxapiyo^ got arrow-sticks 

tump^i'kava'niani I shall get a 

ayo'Tjqwava-niani I shall get a 

(d) -ru- (-tcu- after i; -ntcu- after nasal + i), -tu-, -ntu- to make, 
TO make into. The idea of making is sometimes used in a somewhat 
extended sense. Examples are: 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 




aici-' bow 
fiyiavi-' deer-hide 
pai'caya-' bridge 

pana-' bread 
quvia-' husband 

nirjw'i-' person 



* basket 

qani-^ house 
piy'i-" heart 
OOT-" wood 
iarjwa-"^ tooth 

atci'ruv"'a-7ii will make a bow 
fiyi avurup-'iya* made a deer-hide 
pdi' caxaRuqwap iya several 

made (it) into a bridge 
pa'naruV makes bread 
quma'ruy'iaijA (she) husband- 
makes, marries him 
n'irjivu'runi to person-make me, 

consider me a person 
impu'ruy'iaijA what is he making? 
"^a'tcdcuv^anC will make a 

qani'ntcupiyci made a house 
piy'i'tut makes a heart 
ovLntuv^ani' will make wood 
w|' tarjwa' nturjuaq- A I made a 
tooth out of it 

(e) -a- TO PUT ON FOR WEAR, TO WEAR. Examples are: 
viaav'i- clothes 


viaa'vVai puts on (his) clothes; 

maa'v'i'aiju to be dressed up 
qafi'n'im.'pidtui saddles (ahorse; 

-(ui- causative, § 29, 12) 
'a'nu'ddtui harnesses (a horse) 
qay{(.')i'aV puts necklace (or 

collar) around (one's neck); 

tA'qa'xi'ai" loops around the 

feet (or ankles) 

(f) -ru'a-'' {-tcu'a-'' after i; -ntcua-'' after nasal -|- i), -tua- 


*a'nu'cl- harness 
qay{£)i- necklace 


noun and adjective-verb stems. 
pu(w)a-'' supernatural power 



yuu-' grease, yuu'xn^dnt'i fat (adj.) 
yua-' level, plain 

This suffix is appended to both 
Examples are: 

pu(w)a'r'uai turns into a medi- 
cine-man, commences to be a 
medicine man 

qava ' ru arjuntca-TjA he became a 

yuu'niap'iyd got fat 

xjnyu'ar'uarjqu (it) would be- 
come level 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 


arjqa-' red 
qani.-' house 
tv-o black 
om-" stick 


aijqa'r'uai turns red 
qani'ntcu'aiju to become a house 
tv'iuaijup'i'ya' turned black 
ovi'titu' ayuntcayA he became a 

(g) -ruH-" (-tcu'i-" after i), -tu'i-", -ntu'i-" to become, turn into. 
This suffix, which is evidently closely related to the preceding, is used 
with verb stems, particularly such as relate to time and the weather, 
less often with noun stems. Examples are: 

iuywa-' to be dark, night 

tomo-' to be winter 
iama-' to be spring 

nana'p'itSL- old man 

tatca-" to be summer 
y'iv^ana-" to be autumn 

riia- to blow 

niv^a^UTjwa- to snow 

twyu-"^ to be clear weather 
qa- to sing 

tuywa'ru\nti becoming night, at 

tomo'r'uinti commencing winter 

tama'r'umti commencing spring; 
ono'tamar'uLTjqu when (it) 
becomes early in spring, early 
in spring 

nana' 'p'itcdcuirjum'inica-rj ^oaV he 
has already become an old man 

tatca' (mnii commencing summer 

yiv"'a'nA(uLnt'i commencing au- 

nl{y)a'{u' inii commencing to 
blow, wind 

niv'"a"ur)wa{uintL'r)wani snow- 
snow b-^longing to me 

tuyu'ntuLtjvqv'qiVA it would 
clear up 

qa ■ 'ntuintirfwa ijA sing-commenc- 
ing-possessed-his, song belong- 
ing to him 

(h) -ya-', -qa-', -rjqa-' adjective-verb suffix. This suffix makes 
verbs of being out of adjective-verb stems, e. g. from arjqa- red (cf. 
arjqa- in compounds and arjqa'-rua- to turn red) is formed arjqa-ya- 
TO BE RED. It is particularly common with adjective-verb stems 
indicating color; it may also make color-verbs out of noun stems. 
Most frequently it is used in its participial form, -kar'i-". Examples 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 




to'ca-' to be white 
saywa-' to be blue 
wantSL-' antelope 

tclyka-' to be rough 
yu'vu-' to be warm 
quHca-" to be light gray; ashes 

(absolute qu'tca'p'i) 
to-" to be black 

qwi-" smoke (in compounds) 

to'ca'xaRi white 
saywa'xdRi blue 
wants L ■ antelope-colored, 

light gray 
tclrfka'zaRi rough 
yu^miyam -pa'^ warm water 
quHca'qan'i light gray 

to'qwaRi black (probably coal- 
colored, cf. Fernandino duu-t 

qwi'kaRi smoke (as absolute 

pa'irjqaRi smooth 

sa'yqaxo'oqwA when it is raw 

siu' rjqwam light gray and translu- 

prn-" to be smooth 
5a -" to be raw 

5m-" to be light gray (like rab- 
bit's eyes) 

(i) -ra- adjective-verb suffix. This element is found only in a few 
stereotyped adjective-verbs, e. g. 

cT pi- cold (as noun, e. g. cTp'i'- cT p'i'rai (object) is cold 

v^a cold water) 
2/w' (w) a- (cf. perhaps ?/w'//H- under yu{w)a'rai (it) is warm weather 


(j) Isolated dements. One or two isolated verbalizing (or verb) 
suffixes that can not well be classified are given here, -(ca- occurs in: 

to hear narjqa'tca-qai- to listen (for 

nar)qa-va- ear; narjqa- 

-(ci- (two-moraed) occurs in: 
nmt&i'-ya- to shake 

resultative -qai-, see § 30, 9); 
nana'rjqAtca'qaiva'^ (they) will 

(duratively ; for -ya- see § 30, 1) 

)untci'{c'iV shakes; nintd'ic'i- 
plya'^ shook; yiintci'tcuqup'i- 
ya' started to shake 

(2) Elements suffixed to demonstrative stems. For demonstrative 
stems a-, i- (*'r'-), ma- {m^a'-), and u- ("'w'-) see § 43. 

(a) -ro'a- to be; makes substantive verbs from demonstrative a- 
and U-, e. g. aro'a- to be (visible subject). Substantive verbs are 
dealt with in § 56. 


X Southern Paiutc and Ute 



(b) -ni- TO ACT, DO, BE. This suffix makes verhs of action or 
manner out of demonstrative stems, also out of interrogative aya-, 
e. g. ani- to do so, to act thus; a-yani- to do what? to act how? 
For examples see § 43, 3. These verbs are often used absolutely as 
adverbs of manner, e. g. aya'ni how? 

(c) -n'i- {-n-ri-) verbalizing suffix appended to demonstrative 
stem + postposition (see § 43, 1). From iva- this-at, here, e. g., is 
formed ivan'i- to be here. It is possible that this element is 
identical with continuative -n'i- (§ 30, 12); both are two-moraed. 
Examples are: 

iva-, ivd- here ivd'n'iy'ini here-be-present-I, 

I stay right here; ivd'n'uiifa- 
xain L WA^qi'k-A here-be-a- (§ 
19, 3, a)-he-indeed hither-go, 
he was coming here 

(u)m"'a'va- there waa{i)y {u)m'^a'van-\ka two 

there-be-perfective, two have 
been there 

(d) -qa- TO go; makes verbs of movement out of independent 
adverbs and demonstrative stems + postposition (cf. c above). 
Examples are: 

wA^qi'- hither 

fiv^ai- down 

til- up 

i(y)u'pa- through here 

ua'xaruxwa- through it 

WA'qL'lfa"ijA he is coming 

( < -qa-aya-) 
tiv'^a'ik-^A to go down (away 

from one) 
t'i-''k-A to go up (away from 

i(y)u'paqani I went through 

u'a'xaruxivaq A goes through the 


§ § 27-34. Verb suffixes. 

§ 27. General remarks. 

The suffixes added to verb stems or verbalized bases (see § 26) 
may be grouped into six distinct classes: suffixes of movement, of 
voice, of verbal aspect, of plurality, of tense, and of mode. Many 
of these may be considered as more properly formal than derivative 
in character, but the line is in any case not easy to draw. 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 




§ 28. Suffixes of movement. 

In origin these are in all probability verb stems that have become 
specialized as second members of verb + verb compounds (§ 18, 2, a). 
This appears quite plausible in view of the fact that several verb 
stems of movement (e. g. ^07(0)1-" to go, pa{i)yi- to return) are 
frequently used in composition in a quasi-formal sense. 

(1) -ywa'ai-", -qwa'ai-\ -yqiva'ai-' to go while -ing, to move. 
This is generally used only in verbs whose animate subject is singular. 
For corresponding plurals the compounded verb-stem -mia- several 
MOVE is used (for examples see § 18, 2, a). Examples of -^wa'ai-' are: 

nontSL-^ to fly 

w'ini- to stand, be stationed 

a?'-* to say 
yaywL-^ to carry 

Of -qwa'ai-^: 
pa{i)y'i-'^ to return 

m'in'icL-" to return, turn back 

^amu'^upa-" (to go) past them 

nontsL }^w^ a.%^ goes flying, flies 

w\ni'xw aip-'i-ya^ was stationed 

as (he) moved 
a'i-^w'aip-'iya^ said as (he) went 
yaijwi.' xw' aip-'iya^ went carrying 

pa{i)yiq-w'''a:i return-goes, goes 

m{7n' cqw^' aip-'i-ya" went return- 
ing home 
'' am-u' ''u pa{y qwairjup'i'ya went 
past them 
tu'uma-" to take (several objects) tu'u' jnA^qwai' p-'iya" went and 

took (several objects) 
Of -yqwa' ai-' : 

NU'qwi-^ to run 

pay{a')i-'^ to go 
f/i'd'a-" to dawn 

tA'd'jja-'^ to be evening 

tuywa'-r'vi-'^ to get dark 

iiurai-"' (to go) towards it 

NU'qwi ijqw a.i goes runnmg, 
runs off 

pay{a')i7}qw'a.i' walks off 

tA^ d' arjqwa aixu when (it) dawn- 
goes, when dawn approaches 

tA^ci'parjqwai'ixu as evening 

tuywa'r'iayqw'aixu when (it) 
commenced to get dark 

u'u'rairjqiv'aip'iya' went towards 

158 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

140 SAPIR 

The idea of going, as some of these examples show, shades off into 

that of BECOMING. 

(2) -qwa'ai-' (to move) off, away. This is evidently nothing 
but a specialized use of the geminated form of the preceding suffix. 
It occurs, however, after spirantizing and nasalizing as well as after 
geminating stems and is clearly felt as a distinct, though related, 
element. Examples are: 

payie)!-" to go (see a above) pay{e')iqw'ai(carjar)A did he go 

ya- to carry (one object) ya' q waip'iya'aik-w.i carried it 

tsipi- to appear, emerge is- pi' kw' ah]U p'iya went right 

through beyond 
toyoqwi- to rim toyo'qwiqwa' aiy'iayA he runs off 

wa'arfi-" to yell (e. g. wa'a'r/i- iva'a'yiqwa'aiyu to call out while 
xwa'a.i yells as he goes) going past 

Quite often -qwaai-' off is used in a secondary sense to indicate 
completion (cf. English to die off), e. g. : 

ya'ai- to die, be dying yaa'ikvf'aiva die-off-shall, let 

him die 

pA'^qa- to kill pA^qa' qw^' airjuqwani when I 

kill off, when I have killed 
(but also pA^qa'qw'ai- to kill 
while on one's way) 

cu{w)a- to consume cu{w)a"qwaaixu while eating 

(it) up 

'a'aii- to be silent ^a-" inLkw^' airjUqwaqA as soon as 

it became silent 

Another common development in meaning is that of continuance 
or duration (cf. English to count off, to work away), e. g.: 

yaya- to cry yaxa'qwo.i" cries away, cries 

without interruption 

ampaya- to talk ampa'xqwa'a.i' talks away, keeps 

on talking 

t'l'qa- to eat tTqa'qw'olvdni I'll eat away. 

I'll keep on eating 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 




(3) -ywa'ai-' to go in order to. This element also is evidently 
merely a specialized use of the spirantized form of (a). Examples 

qu'qwi- to shoot 

uru'v^'iya- to get arrow-sticks 

ya-- to carry (cf. under b) 
ani- to do so 

qu'^qwi'-^w'oivani.ani I shall go 
in order to shoot 

uru'v'^'ix^^'O'i''' go and get arrow- 

ya'xw'ai'yWA go and fetch him 

ani'xw'aip'i'ya' went and did so 

In many cases it is not easy to be clear as to whether examples of 
-qwa'ai- and -yiva'ai- are to be classed under (a) or under (b) and 
(c). It is highly probable that -q-wa'ai- (b) and -ywa'ai- (c) are 
related to each other as momentaneous and durative (see § 53, 2, b for 
momentaneous gemination). The two uses of -ywa'ai-, while going 
and TO GO in order to, are reflected in its plural correspondent 
-m-ia-, e. g. qa'mia- several sing while on (their) way and 


(4) -m'mia- continuous motion. This element, which is perhaps 
etymologically connected with plural mia- several travel, is very 
similar in significance to -kwa'ai- (a) and to compounded -pay{a)i- 
while journeying. The idea of continuity, however, seems to 
be more explicit. Moreover, the movement referred to is not neces- 
sarily the straight-line movement of normal walking or travel, but 
may be the periodic movement say of dancing. Examples are: 

poya- to run 

qa- to sing 

qafi- to sit, ride on horseback 
u'tcu'm'Mi-ka- several have (their) 
eyes closed 

yaywL- to carry 
w'i"i- to dance 

phu- to look 
tiv^ai- (to go) west 

po- yam mLa.i goes running, 

keeps on running 
qa'm'mia.i" sings while moving 
along (e. g. in the round-dance) 
qar'i'm'vua.V keeps on riding 
u'tcu'7n'Mi^kam'7nLava' (ye) shall 
have (your) eyes closed as 
(ye) dance 
yaywi'vi'mLap-'iya' carried along 
im.'i'm'iap'iya'' danced back and 

piinL m' viiai' looks while walking 
tiv^a'ivi'miap'iya' travelled west- 


X Southern Paiiite and Ute 

142 SAPIR 

For -m-iku-, the inceptive form of this suffix, see § 30, 8. 

(5) -yi-\ -ki-', -yki-' to come while -ing. This suffix is the 
correlative of (1). Examples of -yi-^ are: 

nontsi-' to fly 
qafi-' to ride 


nontst'xi' comes flying 
qar'i'xV comes riding 

pa{i)yi-° to return 
ya -° to carry 
ya-rjqi- to carry to 
watci- to put 

pa{l)yi'kV comes back 
ya'qi{y)aqA bring it (back) 
ya'rjqiki to bring to 
watci' k-L-^aini having put me 

away and come off 
c'im^'i'A'qifcaywA left him and 
came (back) 
nim^Lvatcuywa- (to go) to us n\m^\'vaivuxwAqC comes to visit 
(excl.) us 

c'im'^'ia- to leave 


pay{a)i-" to walk 
poya-'^ to run 
mot-" to lead 

pay{a')i7)ki' comes walking 
po'yarjqip'iya came running 
mQi'yjkitcina those who come 

It seems quite likely that, analogously to -qwa'ai- (b), -ki-' is 
used after all types of stems to indicate to come away; it would 
be the momentaneous correlate of durative -yi-^ (6). Some of the 
above examples suggest this. 

(6) -yi-' TO COME IN ORDER TO, analogous to -ywaai- (3). 

qa- to smg 
ya- to carry 

no- to carry on one's back 
td'oiviora- to dig up bulrushes 

qa- xt' comes to sing 
ya'xikaai' has come to get (cf. 

yaq-L- to come carrying, to 

no'xwLaijA come to carry him (cf. 

no'qwuiTjA come carrying 

to' d'iv'ioraxipiya came to dig up 


Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 161 


§ 29. Suffixes of voice. 

There are two groups of suffixed elements that indicate voice, i. e. 
direction of action with reference to subject, object, or indirect object. 
The first group (1-9) is a primary series that is not freely used; that is 
closely welded with the verb stem (often w'ith internal stem changes); 
that occurs in contrasting pairs of mediopassive (or intransitive) 
and active (or transitive); and that, for the most part, involve at the 
same time other ideas than that of voice, namely verbal aspect (see 
3 below) and number. This group will be only listed here for con- 
venience of reference and taken up later under other headings. The 
second group (10-14) is used with great freedom and indicates voice 
relations of a somewhat more external sort. Suffixes of the latter 
sort are often appended to the former. 

(1) -qi- mediopassive (intransitive) suffix of momentaneous aspect 
and singular number (see § 30, 3). 

(2) -71-, {-rjqi-) mediopassive (intransitive) suffix of iterative-dura- 
tive aspect (see § 30, 2). 

(3) -7a- mediopassive (intransitive) suffix of durative aspect (see 
§ 30, 1). 

(4) -tcai- mediopassive (intransitive) suffix of primarily durative 
aspect and of plural number (see § 31, 2, a). 

(5) -yia- transitive suffix of durative aspect and singular number 
of object (see § 31, 2, b). 

(6) -n'na- transitive suffix of momentaneous aspect and singular 
number of object (see § 31, 2, c). 

(7) -tea- transitive suffix of plural number of object (see § 31, 2, d). 

(8) -a- final stem vowel indicating active voice (see § 53, 1, d); 
correlative of -/- (9). 

(9) -i- final stem vowel indicating inactive voice (see § 53, 1, d); 
correlative of -a- (8). 

(10) -rjqi-" transitivizing or activating suffix appended to verbs 
of primarily mediopassive aspect. It is particularly common with 
preceding -q i-, -yi- (1 and 2 above) and generally occurs with an 
instrumental prefix in the verb (§21). Before it mediopassive -i- (see 
9 above) sometimes becomes active -a- (8); an -a- of the active stem 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 

144 SAPIR 

is lengthened to -a-, 
-rjqi-'' (see 11 below). 

t A pi' tea- to crush by trampling 

m'in'ici- to turn, roll over (in- 

tayu'7n'muxtL'i- to be poking with 

the foot 

w'i\- to fall 

yauqwL- to go in (momentaneous) 

opa'q{a)i- to have a hole, be per- 
forated (in one place) 

toqwL- to stretch (intrans.), 
toqiva- (trans.) 

t'irjwa- to close (trans.) 

No doubt it is a specialized use of indirective 
Examples are: 

tA'pi"tcAqLr)qi'qwA to crush it 

(cause it to become crushed) 

by trampling 
mayw'i'n'icirjqiarjA to roll him 

over (lit., with the hand) 
tayu' m' MU^qwirjqi to poke, kick, 

spur on with the foot 
qVpu'tsi.xnjq'i to crush between 

one's teeth 
tsLijwi" Lijq'i to knock down with 

a stick 
maya' u'qwLrjqii^ pushes in 
tao'pA'qarjq'i to kick a hole into 

ya- to carry 
uni- to do, make 
a'yawanfci- to hide 

viaru' xqwa-7)qip'iyai{y)aq- A 

stretched it 
inar'i' rjwaTjq'ipiya shut with 

(his) hands 

(11) -tjqi-^ indirective: to, for. This extremely common suffix 
expresses dative or indirective relations and may be rendered to, 
FOR, FROM, WITH, AG.\INST. The indirect object is always animate. 
Examples are: 

ya'yqlki to bring to'ijk'ipi'ya^ made (it) for (him) 
a'yaxvnntcirjqim^^^ has been hid- 
ing from (him) 
u'qiCL yuruTjqup'iya^ made a bow 

and arrows for 
narjqa'fcarjq'i'qaiyuujA listens for, 

instead of him 
to'q wayqiy'irjiVA bets against 

7nantcu"aiyq'iqai(y)ar)A wait for 

sa'a'ijqtni make mush for me 
qa'i)qitii'a{i)y'ini I sing for 
people (indef. ; see 14 below), I 
sing with them 

to make a bow and 

U qwL yurii- 

narjqa'fca-q ai- to listen 

toq wa- to bet 

mantcu" aik ai- to wait 

sa^a- to make mush 
qa- to sing 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 163 


The idea of for quite often leads to the "ethical dative." In such 
cases the person of the indirect object is not really affected by the 
action at all but is merely interested in it. Such ethical datives with 
first person indirect object are frequently employed to indicate an 
affectionate attitude on the part of the speaker, e. g. : 

axa'n-'iriqiijvqwaiynnL ajii'ka' what-do-for-momentaneous-resulta- 

tive-subordinate-me-thou do-so? what happened to you for me? 

what, pray, did you do that . . .? 
'PQni'av'in- am naxa'''r)'w\niJ)q'i skunk-blanket-my it be-clothed-stand- 

for (me), stand clothed in my skunk-blanket for me, please stand 

clothed in my skunk-blanket 
naija'i'aituirjqmijani cause him to get angry for me, (you, who are 

dear to me,) make him angry 

With this last example {-(ui-ijqi- to cause for as ethical dative) 
contrast 7iaya'pajjqit'uip'iya' caused (them) to appear. 

In a considerable number of cases the indirective -yq'i-^ has grown 
so to the stem as to give a new meaning in which the indirective 
idea is not very prominent, e. g. : 

pitcl- to arrive pitcl'yqi- to arrive to, engage 

with (cf. also uni-vitcl- to do- 
arrive, attack) 
nayuqwi- to reciprocally-shoot nayu' qwiijqi- to fight 
tua- to give birth nintu' arjqi- to person-bear-to, 

give birth to 

(12) -(ui- causative, freely suffixed to both transitive and intransi- 
tive verbs. Examples are: 

a'p'U- to sleep A'p'i'i'tui" puts to sleep 

qa- to sing qa'txdni make me sing 

tiyai- to take place fiya'i'iuiy'i'qwA to bring it about 

'aiyii- to be good nain'i" aiYufuirjup'iya first 

caused to be good, first re- 
oaq-L- to spill (intrans.) oa' q''i(uivaA''qa tjA he'll spill it 

na'ai- to burn (intr.) na'a'i(-ui- to make a fire 

pini- to see p'im'tuk a (he) let (him) see (it) 

For passives of causatives and causatives of passives, see (13) below. 
Much less frequently -(ui- makes causatives out of nouns, e. g.: 

1 64 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

146 SAPIR 

tsia'mpLijua- wild-rose plain tsLampiyunt'up'iya caused wild- 

rose plain to be 

qani- house + possessive -a- qani'Ahap'iya caused (it) to 

have houses 

A few survivals seem to indicate that -(ui- is but the geminated 
form of an older variable -r'ui-, -(ui-, -niui-, which has become 
generalized for all cases. There seems also to have been an alterna- 
tion between momentaneous -(id- andd urative -r'ui- (see § o3, 2, b). 
An example of causative -niui- is 'a'cinfui- to like. Causative 
-r'ui- (durative) is exemplified in iyd'r'ui- to cause to be afraid, to 
frighten; with this contrast momentaneous iyd'dvi- to frighten 
(at one moment of time). 

(12a) -ni- causative. This element occurs so uncommonly that 
it has not been foimd possible to determine its precise application. 
Examples are: 

yu'u'run{.p'iyai{y)aqa7)A leg-make-causative-past-it (vis.)-he (vis.), 

he made a leg out of it 
7iar)wi'qanHnip'iya self-cover-causative-past, covered (him)self 

(with leaves) (cf. wTqa'm'C covers, tr.) 
NA^so'xo'ma'nip'i'ya^ covered (him)self with moist ground, dirt (cf. 

also NA'so'xu'maplya^ covered self with dirt) 

In the last two examples, which are provided with reflexive pre- 
fixes, it is to be noted that the reflexive is better considered the logical 
object of the causative suffix than of the verb; e. g. he caused him- 
self TO be covered, not he caused to cover himself. Contrast, 
with ordinary causative -fui- (12), nav'i' ni{uikai{y)ar)ani he caused 

ME TO SEE himself, not HE CAUSED HIMSELF TO SEE ME. PoSsibly -ui- 

is best defined as an indirect causative, like -i]qi- (10, 11), whose -?/- 
is perhaps a reduced form of -n/-; e. g. he made it into a leg, 

HE covered to himself. 

(13) -t'i-' passive; sometimes heard as -t'i-, but always two- 
moraed. This suffix is freely used to make true passives out of 
transitive verbs. Examples are: 

tona- to hit, punch tona't'ih^aniani I shall be hit 

pA'^qn-tju- to kill pA'^qa'yutl'qaqa (they) have 

been killed 
ivi-c-u(i-))u- to drink up pa- ivi'cuutjufivqa water has- 


Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 165 


iai]a- to kick taTja'tiqafcararjWA we were all 


Jinivifcl- to attack xim'vitdt'iya when being attack- 


SA'pi'-j(.a- to overcome SA'pi'xAfiR'i one who is overcome 

qo'oi- to kill several qDo'it'ifim^A those (obj) who 

are killed 

The last two examples illustrate passive participles in -t'i-ri-" (cf. 
§ 25, 6, a). These difPer from passive participles in -pi- and -p'i- 
(§ 25, 5) in referring to passing or non-characteristic states. Con- 
trasting with sA'pi'xAfiRi, for instance, is sA'pi'xamipi one who 
IS ALWAYS OVERCOME (-mi- is usitative, § 30, 10). 

Passives may be readily formed from causatives, e. g. ivi'tuirjufi- 
tcarjA drink-cause-momentaneous-passive-preterit- he, he was 
CAUSED TO drink. Here the causative suffix precedes the passive, 
as is to be expected. Curiously enough, the same order is followed 
in causatives of passives, an indirective -rjqi- coming in between the 
causative suffix and the passive -t'i-, e. g. : 

maa'ifuiyk'i't'i v'^'ar/araywA catch-cause-to-passive-shall-he-us, he will 

get us caught (lit., he will cause to us to be caught) 
pA'^qanhdrjqiEtcarjA kill-cause-to-passive-preterit-him, (he) caused 

him to be killed (for -ndii- cf. 12 above) 

In other words, the passive suffix can not precede the causative. 
In the preceding examples the indirective is required to point to the 
logical object as the indirect object, the passive of the verb itself 
being apparently conceived of as the direct object, e. g. he will- 
cause-being-caught to-us. That these forms are causatives of 
passives, not, as would be inferred from their appearance, passives of 
causatives, is proved by the absence of a plural subjective -q a- (see 
§ 31, 1, c) in the first form above; this would be retjuired if the fomr 
were to be understood as we shall be caused to be caught by him. 

(14) -tu'a-" {-fua-') impersonal. Verbs with impersonal subject 
or, less often, object refer either to an indefinitely defined person or 
to a collectivity, people in general. In the latter case, if used sub 
jectively, it may be preceded by the pluralizing -q a- (§ 31, 1, c). The 
impersonal suffix is often employed as the ec|uivalent of the passive, 
never simultaneously with it. It follows perfective -q ai- and nar- 
rative preterit -p'i{a)'Yai-, but precedes present -yl- and future 
-va{nia)- (see § 34). Curiously enough, present -y'i- regularly 

166 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

148 SAPIR 

follows -tii'a- even in preterit tense forms (cf. also -p'ia-yai-i-ua-y'i-; § 
32, 8). As already noted (§ 19, 2, e), it is frequently accompanied 
by enclitic -noa-. Examples of subjective -tii'a- are: 

yA" qa' r)u(ua{i)xjiar]A kill-momentaneous-impersonal-present-him, they 

(indef.) kill him, he is being killed 
pA'pa'qAqwa'irjup'iyai'(ua{i)y'ia7}n kill (distributive)- go-momentan- 

eous-past-impersonal-present-them, people went to kill them 
pA'qa'ijuqwarfua^ijy'iayA kill-monicntaneous-perfective-impersonal- 

present-him, they (indef.) killed him, he was killed 
tavitua'ami hit-impersonal-thee, you (were) hit (by somebody) 
ipu'fuavaqA do-impersonal -shall-it, let some one do it 
ni' p'im'k'a.i ivi'tu''^ I see drink-impersonal, I see some one drinking 
trqa'qAfiiayir'uatiuaxain l' eat-plural-impersonal-present-interroga- 

tive-indefinite-indeed, it seems that people are eating 

As impersonal object -tii'a-' seems to be used only indirectly after 
-yqi-, e. g. : 

qa'7)q'itu'a{i)y'in[ sing-to-impersonal-present-I, I sing with them 

nayu'qtvfi]qifu'a{ti)xu fight-to-impersonal-when, when fighting 

(with people) 
n'i' o'pa' anL'yq'i'iuaxw'oiva' I that-way do-to-impersonal-go-shall, 

I shall go to engage one thus 
yaa' irjq'iiuapl'ya hunt-to-impersonal-past, was hunting with the rest 
naia'yiviTjqiiuaq'^Api'ya' play-hand-game-to-impersonal-plural-past, 

(they) played the hand game with people, the hand game was 

played with them 

These examples show that -rjqi-tua- generally denotes cooperation 
with a group. IVIoreover, the two suffixes form a close unit, as they 
occur before elements that would normally precede -tii'a- alone (e. g. 
-yw'ai- TO GO TO, narrative preterit -p-'iyai-, plural subject -qa-); 
see above examples. 

§ 30. Suffixes of verbal aspect. 

By "aspect," a term borrowed from Slavic grammar, is here meant 
the temporal range of the action, i. e. its definition with respect to 
such concepts as momentaneousness, durativeness, inception, itera- 
tion. These and like concepts have no primary connection with 
the concept of relative time, which is the province of the temporal 
suffixes (§ 32). 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 1 67 


Among the ideas expressed by aspect suffixes, those of moraen- 
taneousness and durativeness are the most important. Every verb 
has a durative and a momentaneous form, the former being generally 
the primary form of the verb, the latter expressed by internal con- 
sonant gemination, glottalization, reduplication, the suffixing of 
certain elements, or a combination of these. The durative, as its 
name implies, expresses continuous action, action conceived of as 
lasting for an appreciable length of time (e. g. to drink); the momen- 
taneous conceives of the action as taking but a moment of time (e. g. 
to take a drink). Following are a few preliminary examples of the 

Durative Momentaneous 

qovo'qwi- to break qo^po'qwi- 

naya'va- to seem naya'pa-rju- 

mantcu'ywi-na- to crush mantcu'qwi-n'na- 

yaya'- to cry yaya'ya- to burst into tears 

ivi'- to drink wi'-rju- 

qwatca'-ya- to splash about qWAtca'-qi- to splash (once) 

fiyai- to take place t'l'qa'y'wi- 

nonts'i- to fly nontsi'-ku- 

The various methods of forming the momentaneous exemplified 
above are to be considered as more or less equivalent. No simple 
rules can be given for all cases. One simply has to learn, e. g., that 
such a form as *yaya'ijup'iya' is not in use, but that yaya'zAp'iya 
must be employed. 

The aspects that may be recognized in Paiute are the durative, 
the momentaneous, the inceptive, the iterative, the durative-iterative, 
the resultative, the usitative, and the continuative. Moreover, 
ideas that belong to the category of aspect are sometimes expressed 
by means of compounded verb-stems or suffixes of motion (e. g. the 
cessative by -maupa-, § 18, 2, a; the continuative or durative by 
-qafi- TO sit, -q wa'ai- to go off, § 28, 2). A careful study of the 
nuances of aspect formation can hardly be given here. We shall 
simply list the various aspect suffixes with examples. For momentan- 
eous (and inceptive) verbs formed by gemination or glottalization, 
see § 53, 2; by reduplication, § 58, 5. For iteratives formed by re- 
duplication, with or without accompanying gemination, glottalization, 
or both, see § 58, 4. 

(1) -ya-° durative of active intransitive (mediopassive) verbs. 
By a mediopassive verb is meant one that expresses action without 

1 68 ^ Southern Paiute and Vte 

150 SAPIR 

definite agency, e. g. to shake (intr.), as contrasted with transitive 
TO SHAKE and passive to be shaken. Sometimes -7a- seems to be 
used also with agentive active verbs. Examples of durative -70- are: 

n'intci'yaV (it) shakes 

piyj'xwaV (he) drags (it); piyo'x Aqip'iyaaitjWA he came home 

dragging (it) 
yiu'xwaV moves around 
yu'mu'x{w)Api'ya (he) moved 
qwimpu'xwai (it) wiggles 
si'yu'xivai^ slides 

The momentaneous correlate of -7a- is -qi- (see 3 below). 
The element -70-" is very commonly employed in durative verbs 
expressing a continuous sound of some sort, e. g. : 

ampa'ya- to talk 

po'yux- Ap'iyainC there was a sound as of something going through 

(his) flesh (for -nia- in these and other -ya- verbs, see § 19, 2, d). 
tiTjwa'vaya- to make a noise 

ki'yuxwa{i)y'ini' makes a noise like rattling coins 
pa'raxa{i)y'ini (rain) patters 
qu^pa'raxa- to pop in burning 
po'n'7ioxwa{i)y'in C sounds like drumming 
no'ruxwa{i)y'ini sounds like a heavy object being dragged on a 

smooth level surface 
pi' i)ki-^a{i)yinC sounds like dripping water 
si'yaxan-i'iy'inC makes a rustling noise (for -nii-, see 12 below) 

The momentaneous correlate of this -ya- also is -qi- (or -rfqi-). 

(2) -yi-, (-rjq'i-) durative-iterative, chiefly of active intransitive, 
sometimes transitive, verbs. It is often transitivized by means of 
"W" (§ 29, 10). It differs from -ya- in conceiving of the action as not 
strictly continuous, but broken up into a rapid series. It differs from 
the normal iterative (expressed by reduplication) in that the repeated 
acts cohere into a single durative unit. Examples are: 

taTj'w'i'tciyi keeps time by tapping with (his) foot 

mavi'tsiyi claps hands 

q'itn'p uxiVL (mouse) gnaws 

tA pi'yana'xL7)q'ii' stamps (on the ground to make it smooth) 

tA^'qu'tsL'tiixi-'-' puts feet into (shoes, stirrups) 

Southern Paiute, a Shoslumean Language 1 69 


mayu'm'muxwC pokes with (his) finger 

tan'i'ntci\i^ keeps on shaking with (his) feet (cf. nintci-ya- under a) 
tA'^ql' uyLTjq'iqap'i'ya^ (they) chipped (it) into small pieces 
ov'"o'qway{t)i'' (it) bounces up and down (like a rubber ball) 
tuv"'a'yHicai- several pull out (intr.), emerge 

Sound-verbs indicating a continuous series of sounds of like nature 
may also have the -yi- suffix, e. g. : 

qu*pa'rax{f)ik'^- several pop (one after another) 
w'irii' ruxwi- to make a noise on the rasp 
wa^a'uxwL barks 
w'a'tcLyLyup'iya (he) whooped 

A few such verbs have -yqi- instead of -yi-, e. g. : 

pu^qwCair)qiyinL (he) pants 

puy'wi'rjqiV (mouse, rat) makes a peeping noise 

ki(y)e'7)qiV laughs 

(3) -qi- momentaneous, chiefly of active intransitive and medio- 
passive verbs. Transitive forms in -qi-rjqi-. Morphologically, -qi- 
is the regular momentaneous correspondent of -yi-, formed from it by 
gemination (§ 53, 2 b); it contrasts with both -ya- and -yi- forms. 
Examples of its use are: 

Ia' pL'irAqLtjqi qwA to crush it by stepping on (it) 

mCna'qi (one thing) break(s) off 

tani'nic'iqir]qipiyai{y)aqA (he) shook it by trampling once with (his) 

mava't-A^qirjq'i to burst by means of the hand 

tA^qi u'^qxcujqi p'iyai A^qa' mi they hit it so as to have (it) go to pieces 
tu'pa'q ip'iya (one) pulled out (intrans.), emerged 
to' pa' q I (one object) come(s) loose 
si'yu'qwi to slide, slip 

Midway between properly momentaneous forms in -qi- and 
durative forms in -ya- or -7/- are certain verbs in -q i- with non- 
momentaneous form of stem, i. e. with ungeminated consonant. 
These may be termed durative-momentaneous. Examples of dura- 
tive-momcntaneous versus momentaneous forms are: 

qovo'qwi- to break (intr.): qo'po'q wl- to break instantaneously 
paya'q{a)i- to tear slowly (but in one tear): pA'qa'q i- to tear 

1 70 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

152 SAPIR 

In such verbs -qi- does not seem to alternate with -ya- and -7/-. 
Verbs indicating a momentaneous sound also have a -q i- suffix, e. g. : 

ki-ka'q in I (it) makes a sound as of when something is thrust 

through paper 
sa-'mu^qwiijinC makes a deep noise as when a stone is thrown into a 

qi'kinC (it) sounds like one tear of a rag 
v'cu'qwC whistles 

(4) -na- durative transitive with singular object: -n'na- momen- 
taneous transitive with singular object. See § 31, 2, b and c. 

(5) -77W-" momentaneous. This is by far the most common mo- 
mentaneous suffix. It follows most verb stems and is also employed 
after many derivative and verbalizing suffixes. Examples are: 

ivi- to drink ivi'yu to take a drink 

maaini- to touch (duratively) maa'inLrju to touch (for a 

qvyii- to take (one object) qwii'rju to pick up (one object) 

maa'v'i'a- to be dressed maa'v'Carju to dress (intrans.) 

arjqa-' to be red ayqa' r' uaiju to turn red 

pa{i)i/L- to return 'pa{i)yl' yu p'iya^ returned (con- 

ceived as non-durative act) 
uni- to do tcayi'p- iinL'yupi-ya' near did- 

momentaneously, got near 
tsipi- to appear, emerge tspLyupiya came out, (sudden- 

ly) appeared 
ai- to say a'iijup'iya^ spoke out 

In particular cases -?/«-" may take on an inceptive or cessative 
significance, but its true force is never intrinsically inceptive or 
cessative. Examples of these developments of the primary moment- 
aneous idea are: 

(a) toyoqwi- to run toyo'q wi7)iii' gets ready to run, 

starts to run 
yarpjoi- to carr\- yaijwi'rjU to start to carry along 

ivi- to drink ivi'rjuy'iarjA he is about to drink, 

ivi'ijuxwa" while about to 

cv'yu-cu- (to be) one cv'yuyucu to become one 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 171 


(b) cua- to consume cua'tjumitsiqwA after having 

finished eating it 

ivi- to drink ivi'rjuntca i]A he (just) finished 


These examples show that -yu-" in the present {-y'i-) may indicate a 
momentaneous (or inceptive) activity that is just about to take 
place (cf. the use of momentaneous forms in Russian to indicate the 
future). The idea of imminent activity is still more explicitly 
rendered by -yuntsi.-, compounded of -?/«-" and diminutive -{n)isi.- 
(§ 35, 2). Thus, a form like t'i'qa'yuntsL- eat-momentaneous (in- 


easily comes to mean to be about to eat. Examples of pre-inceptive 
-yuntsL- are: 

qu^qwiyuntSLkomi I am ready to shoot (for -ka- see § 32, 2) 
ya'uqwnjuntsik-iA (the sun) is about to set 
A'p'i'iijunts kani I am about to fall asleep, I am sleepy 

(6) -ij'wi- momentaneous (intransitive). This suffix, which may 
be related to -tju-"^, occurs only in two or three verbs, its durative 
correlative being a rarely occurring -i- or, in one case, -qa-. These 
verbs are: 

Durative Momentaneous 

Viyai- to take place tTqay'wi- 

piyai- to be left over piyarj'wi- 

cuwaqa- to breathe cuwarj'wi- to take a long breath 

(7) -qu-, -qu- momentaneous; inceptive. This element, like 
-Tju-'', seems to be primarily momentaneous in significance and in a 
number of verbs is used instead of -?;m-". Some verbs have both 
-Tju-^ and -q u- forms, generally with some idiomatic difference of 
meaning. In many cases, moreover, -qu- is a properly inceptive 
element, as in durative-inceptive -ya-qu-. What nuance of meaning 
differentiates -qu- and -qu- is not clear. Presumably -qu- is more 
definitely momentaneous in character (see § 53, 2, a, 3); as inceptive 
it probably indicates a sharp moment of beginning. 

Examples of momentaneous -qu- are: 

-pA'qa- to beat, kill pA'qa'qu- to give a licking: 

pA'^qa'yu- to kill 
v/i'i- to fall u^'i'qu- to drop down, fall out 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 


tu'p'^'i- to be used up 
'i'{Y)upa- to go by here 

tsipi- to appear, emerge 

ai- to say 

nana- to grow up 


tu'p^i'kn- to become used up 
'i'{Y)upa'qu to have (just) gone 

by here 
tspi'ku- to ride (a horse): ts- 

2/i'yu- to emerge 
a'ik-A^qu- say-plural-momentan- 

eous, each in his turn say(s) 
nana'qum'i- to finish growing, 

to have grown up (for -m'i- 

see 13) 

An inceptive meaning is more clearly discernible in 
no- to carrv on one' back 

ivi- to drink 
viafina- to chase 

qA'qa'fi- to run away 

yaywi- to carry 

poro- several proceed 

NU'^qwi'- to flow 

A'pl'i- to sleep 

Drorjwi- to roar 

qamntcu- to make a wickiup 

maa'v'Ca- to be dressed 
ampaya- to talk 

Analogous to -rjuntsL- (see 5) 
quently. An example is: 

n'intci'yaqu to begin to shake 

no'o'qup'iya'aikwA started to 

carry them on (his) back 
ivi'lcti'uqwA to start to drink it 
mari'n'aqu to (start to) chase, 

to give chase 
qA^qa'r'iqu to jump off to run 

yarj'wihu'qWA to take it away, 

carry it off 
poru'qup'iyd' (they) started off 
NU^'qwikupiya' started to flow 
A'p'i'ik-u to fall asleep 
oro'ywLku to start roaring 
qanL'ntcuqup'iya" started to make 

a wickiup 
viaa'v'Caqu to begin to dress 
ampa'xaqu to begin to talk 

is -qmiisi.-, which occurs less fre- 

nint(n'xAqv{)ntsLk-^A (it) is just 
about to shake 

(7a) -qwi-. This suffix seems to occur as a correlative to momen- 
taneous -qu- in Wp^'i-kwi- to be used up (of. tu'pH-ku- to get 


tu'^jy^i'kwi.yiaqA it is used up; tu'p^i'kwdcaqA it has been used up; 
m' iu^p'"Lkwi(uiqwA I cause them (inan.) to be used up, I use them 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 




(8) -miku- inceptive of verbs of continuous movement. The 
normal inceptive of -m'mia- (§ 28, 4) would be -m'miaqu-, which 
is sometimes found, e. g. : 

qa-'mia- to sing along qa"miaqu to start singing 

More typical, however, are forms in -miku-, e. g. : 

qarim'mia- to ride along 

a' Si! a- RU^qwayim' mia- to move 

along under the surface 
qam'mia- to sing along 

yaywim'mia- to carry along 

unim'mia- to do so while moving 

qafi'viLku to ride off 

A'sL'aRU%wayi.mi^kup'iya' start- 
ed to travel under the surface 

qa'mi'qup'iya' started in to 
sing (along) 

yqwi'mi'quaqA take and carry 
it along 

x{.nL mi^up'iya^ started to move 
on in so doing 

(9) -qai- resultative. This suffix indicates a durative state or 
activity which is the result of the action predicated by the verb stem; 
e. g. TO HOLD as resultative of to grasp. Resultative verbs are very 
common in Paiute. Examples are: 

tca'a'ikai- to hold (in one's 

uTjwa'ikai- to be hanging, to hang 

viaa'infkai- to have one's hand 

tca'ai- to catch 

UTjwai- to hang (trans.) 

maaini- to touch 

yarjwi- to carry 
wTtu'v'^ua- to cover 

q'i'ca'ra - to open one's mouth 

pin'nara- to spread one's legs 
apart in bow-legged manner 

sots(.-yu- to take a peep 

tiyai- to take place 

coya- to bend (intr.) 

ayani- to do in what manner? 

ani- to do thus 


yaTjwi'kai- to have in one's hand 

wTtu'v^uaqai- to have (one's 
eyes, hands, or other part of 
body) covered 

qTca'raq-ai- to have one's mouth 

pin'na'raqai- to stand bow- 

sotsilf-ai- to peep (duratively) 

tiya'i*kai- to continue 

co'ikai- to be bent 

aya'ni^kai- to be how? 

ani'kai- to be thus, to remain so 


X Southern Paiiitc ami Ute 



The active participle of -qai- is -q-anfi- (cf. § 2G, 1, a and b; § 25, 
6, d), e. g.: 

'a'lUikai- to be silent 

'^a'\nikant'i one who is silent 

Before subordinating -qii- (§ 55, 1, e) resultative -qai- appears as 
-qa- (cf. § 26, 1, a and b), e. g. : 

iinikai- to be doing %ni'kaqoayA while (he) was 

doing so to him 

-iimf-mkai- to cause to be (do) so iiJu'f'iiJ^ajurjiVA as he has 

caused to do so 

Note that in causatives of resultatives, causative -tui- precedes 
resultative -qai- instead of following it, as one would logically expect; 
cf. causatives of passive verbs (§ 29, 13). 

(10) -7?« i-", -mia- usitative. As its name implies, the usitative 
is used to indicate customary activity. The form in -mia- is used 
as a usitative present (without -y'i- suffix; see § 32, 1), the form in 
-7HI-" in all other cases. 

Examples of the usitative present in -mia- are: 
ai- to sav 

NA'ci'tii'^'La- to forget 

aro'a- to be 
tTqa- to eat 

qan-L^ai- to house-have, dwell 

Examples of -mi-" are: 
t/?H- to do 

avi- to lie down 

tu'qwi"ai- to be ashamed 

a'im-LA always says, is in habit 
of saying 

NA^ci'vi^'iami{y)aqA keeps for- 
getting it 

aro"ainiA always is, is wont to be 

tTqa'viL{y)a^am'i they 2 are wont 
to eat 

qanif-j^aimuivii they 2 always 

iiniviLmpanuuii I shall always 
do so 

avi' VI- im pate i having always been 
wont to lie down (apparently 
stresses duration of wonted act 
more than regular usitative 
participle avi'vatc'i wont to lie 
down, § 25, 6, c) 

Wqxvi'aimmii always being 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 1 75 


tv'^'ai- to reject (a suitor) tv''^'aimint'i always rejecting a 

yitci- to arrive in'tc'iiniijka while wont to return 

tspiyu- to go out tspi'r/umiyquywA each time 

that he went out {-rju-jni-" 
momentaneous usitative) 
maya- to give maya'mip'iya' (he) used to give 

pa{i)y'i- to return pa{i)yu'r)umtp'iya always re- 

mv^a'tcuywaq-L- to come to me 7nv^a'tcuywaqLmiywa''^ never to 

come to me 

Beside usitative preterits in -mAp'iyai- are used also forms in 
-minimp'iyai- (see 11 below); e. g. yaa'tmipiya" or yaa'imimmpLyd' 
USED TO HUNT. It is not obvious what difference in meaning, if any, 
there is between usitative participles in -vatci- (§ 25, 6, c) and -ininfi-. 
Curiously enough, participles in -fi- may also be made usitative by 
suffixed -mia-, e. g. : 

quna'qaxci7itlnn'aqwA fire-plural-having-usitative-it, those who have 
it as fire 

(11) -/it-" usitative, used only before past passive participle 
-ji-'i- (§ 25, 5, b) and its temporal derivative -p'iyai- (§ 32, 6). Contrary 
to phonetic rule, not -n'ip'i{yai)- results, but -n'impL{yai)-. 

Examples of usitative passive participial -n'imp'i- are: 

piriL^ nu\nivip'LA (things) always seen about (obj.) 
via'in\rjun'implqwani my always saying it (song form) 

The common use of -n'iinp'i- as a means of forming instrumental 
nouns has been already discussed (§ 25, 2). 

Examples of -n'impiyai-, the usitative form of the narrative past, 

H-UL- to do urn'mmpiya kept doing 

uru'a- to be uru'^ an'imp'iya^ always was 

qafi- to sit, dwell qafi'n'imp'iya^ was living, dwelt 

(right along) 
ora- to dig ora'nhnp'iya^ used to dig 

The suffix may be preceded, as we have already seen, by the common 
usitative suffix -mi- (see 10 above). Examples of the combined 
-min'imp'iyai- are: 

176 ^ Southern Paiute and Ute 

158 SAPIR 

kwi^pa- to throw kwi'pa'minimpiya" always threw 

ai- to say a'iminimp'iya" always kept say- 

airju- to say (momentaneously) a'irjumin'imp'iya' said each time 

There is little, if any, perceptible difference in usage between the 
forms -mip-'iyai-, -nimpiyai- and -min'impiyai-. It may be pointed 
out, however, that -n'iinpiyai- does not seem to occur after momentan- 
eous -rju-, which requires a following -?«•?'-. This may imply that the 
-?!i-" usitative tends to have a more strictly durative character than 
-mi-", which in turn may have a momentaneous -iterative color. 

(12) -n'ni-' {-ni'i-') continuative. This is a common durative 
suffix that, with verbs of movement, shades into a significance not 
very different from that of -m'viia- (§ 28, 4). It seems best defined 
as a continuative, equivalent in meaning to such English locutions as 
TO KEEP -ING, TO BE -ING. It refers to an act consummated at one 
period, not, like the usitative, to one which is repeated at intervals. 
Examples are: 

nontsi- to fly nontsi'n'nC flies around 

qa- to sing qa-'n'L' sings along, sings while 

ki{y)e- to laugh ki{y)e7inx is laughing 

tsipi- to ride tspi'n'i is riding around 

ani- to do i{y)t'nuan ^ani'n'ni here-I do- 

con tinuative, here I am; 'ani'- 
n'nintc'i one who keeps doing 
p'ini- to look p'ini'n'nLp'iya^ kept on looking 

moi- to lead moi'7i'jiip-'iyai{y)ai]A he led a- 

round; moi'n'nij^wa''^ go lead 
around ! 
qara'xa- (there is) noise of rawhide qara'xani'iyini (it) makes a 

noise as of rawhide 

Another form of this suffix is -ni-' or, with preceding glottal stop, 
-' . . jii-'. These elements seem to differ from the more common 
-n'ni-, partly in reinforcing the idea of plurality or distribution of 
the subject, partly in conveying a usitative implication. The matter 
is not altogether clear, however. Examples are: 

anika- several do arn'kani'^a while (they) do so 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 




to do like this 

'imp'Cn'i- to be resting raised on 

namp'ini- to look for tracks 

o'tca'nontsi- to carry (diminu- 
tively, § 35) a water-jar 

i'i'nini'v'cbcampani{- ') ^a'" this- 
me-then! let me just keep 
doing like this (regularly)! 

'imp'i'n'inv^ntcY being (perma- 
nently) raised on (something) 

namp'i'n'ini-^-^a^ while looking 
for tracks 

d'tca'n'ontnni-^va^ shall always 
be carrying a water-jar 

(13) -ml- {-mi-) ALREADY, AFTER. This suffix indicates that the 
activity predicated by the verb stem has already been attained and 
is thus either past (if momentaneous) or in progress (if durative). 
Examples are: 

tVqa- to eat 

pitcl- to arrive 

liTiika- several do 

qu'tsi'lc-ikarju- all burn (momen- 

tVqa'm'iy'iaT] 'oai" he is eating 
already (for 'oai' see § 60, 3) 

pdcifm'intca-T) 'oai^ he has already 

iini'karjum-'Lq-a-m'i after they 
had all done so 

qu'tsL'k-ikaijum'i'tslni after hav- 
ing (plur. subj.) burned me 

§ 31. Suffixes of number. 

Number is expressed in the verb in four different ways: 1, by 
reduplication, properly a distributive formation but frequently 
expressing plurality of subject or subject (see § 58, 3) ; 2, by the use of 
distinctive stems for the singular and plural, a few of the plural 
stems being used only as second members of verb + verb compounds 
(see § 54); 3, by the use of suffixes indicating plurality of the subject 
or, less commonly, of the object; 4, by the use of suffixes expressing 
ideas of number and voice (transitiveness and intransitiveness) at 
the same time. Only the last two processes are here discussed. 

Even aside from pronominal elements, it is always possible to tell 
from the form of a verb whether its animate subject is singular or 
plural, often, also, whether its object is singular or plural. Verbs 
with a dual subject are singular in form, but are differentiated in 
practice from singulars by their employment of plural (or, in two 
cases, distinctively dual) pronominal elements (§ 40). Thus, 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



qafi'yiarjA he sits, qari'y'iam'i they 2 sit, yuywC y'iami they (more 
THAN 2) sit; ivi'yini I drink, ivi'y'immi")! we 2 (exclusive) drink, 
ivi'kayimmi'')! we (more than 2, exclusive) drink. 

(1) Suffixes indicating plurality. 

(a) -rjwa- plural subject. This element occurs very rarely, e. g. : 

ts tsi'pi- one keeps coming out tstsC p-njivarju many come out 
(§ 58, 4, c) (momentaneous) 

(b) -i'i- plural object. This element also is very uncommon. It 
occurs, e. g., in: 

qini'vuxwLy'iq WA (he) nibbles at qini'vuxwd iy'iqw a (he) nibbles 


at them 

(c) -qa-' animate plural subject. This is the typical suffix for the 
formation of verbs with animate plural subject. Examples of its 
use are : 

cu(w)a' p itci- to wake up 
qa - to sing 
taya- to kick 

cu{w)a'p{tciqA several wake up 
qa'qa{i)yiam'L they sing 
taTja'ti q atcaranjWA we were all 

a'ik-Ap'iya" (they) said 
ivi'kanniL those drinking 
tint'kayuc-uam'C after they were 

doing so; lim'kayum'i'ts- after 

(they) had done so 
nana'ruywaqa{i)yiaqA (they) 

give it to each other 
MU^qwi' }(.avai^kap iya aiywA 

(they) returned from calling on 

NU'qwi'k axwa'aip 'iya" several 

ran along 
naia rjwiTjqiq animi (for several) 

to play the hand-game with us 

For the use of plural -q a- in noun forms see § 48, 2. 

ai- to say 

ivi'tc'i one drinking 

iim- to do so 

nana'ruywa{i)yiaq A (they 2) give 

it to each other 
MU^qwi' ■>^ava{i)yi- to return from 

calling on 

NU'qwi'rjqw'mp'iya ran along 

7iaiar]U'L7jq'i- to play the hand- 
game with 

(2) Suffixes indicating voice and number. 

(a) -tcai- plural (or distributive) intransitive (medio-passive). 
It is frequently added to distributive -yi- (§ 30, 2) or replaces singular 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 




momentaneous -qi- (§ 30, 3). The form of the stem is regularly 
durative, i. e. with ungeminated consonant. For a change of the 
singular vowel to -/- in the plural, see § 53, 1, b. Examples are: 

yauqwi-, yauq iva - one enters, 

goes into (e. g. flesh); sun sets 

qA'pa'-q i- one (thing) stops 

paya'-q(e)i- (it) tears (slowly); 

pA'qa'-q i- (it) tears (at once) 

o'pa'q L-tc'i having a hole (lit., 

qovo'-qwi- (it) breaks (slowly); 

qo'po'-qwi- (it) breaks (at once) 
to^pa'-q i- one (tooth, tree) comes 

tTpa'-qi- one emerges 

tu'pa'-q i- one pulls out, comes 

-qapi-n'na- to cut (trans.) in one 

cut; -qavi-na- to cut (trans.) 

duratively (for -n'na-, -na- 

see b below) 
yia'qa- one goes in 
(ir'i'qt.-tci ledge) 

ya'uywdcai- several go into 

qam'tcai- several stop 

pay(a')itcai- several articles tear 
(intr.), (clothes, hat, mocca- 
sins) are torn in several places, 
are worn out; pay{a')itcaiTiu- 
(clothes) wear out 

ov"'a'xdcaitci having holes (lit., 

qovi'tcai- several break; qovi'tcai- 
p i broken (arrows) 

tovL'tcai- several come loose 

tiv'^Ltcairju- several emerge, come 

out (momentaneously) 
tuv"'a'x{a)itcair)u- several pull out 

qavi'tcaiiju- several (bows) snap 

yLa'xdcaiyu- several go in 
tavL ■^ifiyL-tcaai there are spots of 
sunlight (poetic) 

Observe that the momentaneous form of -tcai- is tcai-rju-. 

(b) -na- durative transitive with singular (chiefly inanimate) 

(c) -n'na- momentaneous transitive with singular (chiefly inani- 
mate) object. 

(d) -tea- transitive with plural (chiefly inanimate) object; also 
used as transitive distributive. 

These three elements are best treated together, -nu- may be 
considered the transitive (inanimate) correspondent of -yi- (§ 30, 2); 
-n'na- of -q i- (§ 30, 3); -tea- of -tcai- (u above), with which it is cvi- 

1 80 X Southern Paiutc and Ute 

162 SAPIR 

dently connected (like -tcai-, -tea- is regularly accompanied by 
durative consonantism in the stem). Examples are: 

tska'pinNA to cut in one cut: tska'vina- to cut (one object): tska'- 

vitca- to cut several objects 
qTqo'i'nai takes off (momentaneously) with the teeth: tcA'qo'inai^ 

takes off one article of clothing: tcA^qo'itca'C takes off several 

articles of clothing 
tA'qo'pin'NA to break an object by stepping on (cf. qo^po'-qwi- to 

break, intr.) 
to'to'pin'NA to pull out one (cf. tu^pa'qi- one object pulls out): 

toHo'tdca- to pull out several objects 
wTpa'qm'NA to rip open (cf. pA'qa'-qi- to tear intr.): to'pa'-ydca- to 

rip open in several places, tcA'pa'y{a)itca- to tear (one) to pieces 
manicu'qwin'NA to crush (an object) all at once: mantcu'ywina- to 

crush (an object) 
ski'yi'nai^ turns (his) head to one side 
nan'tsinai^ joins (one object to another) 

v)i'(y)a'yqt-n'a- to cut notches into (a piece of wood), to make a rasp 
tsqvn'rina- to rake out one with a stick: tsqw'i'ritca- to rake out 

several (animals or plants) with a stick 
tsLya'uqwa- to push one in with a point: tstya'uxwi-tca- to push many 

in with a point 

A number of verbs in -n'na- are formed from noun and adjective- 
verb stems to express the idea of laying on, painting, e. g. : 

aijqa- to be red ayqa'ri'NA^p'iya'aikwA (he) paint- 

ed it (primarily, but not neces- 
sarily, red) 
saywa- to be blue saywa'yinai paints (it) blue 

Sana- gum sana'n'tiaV smears on gum 

§ 32. Temporal suffixes. 

Not all verbs have a definite temporal form. The use of absolute 
or tenseless verb forms is discussed in § 51, 2. Besides the temporal 
suffixes here discussed, two of the enclitic elements express temporal 
relations (§ 19, 1). 

(1) -y'i- present tense. The great majority of verbs express a 
specific reference to present time by means of this suffix. Examples 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 




t'/'qa- to eat 

aiyaru- to make a turtle 

qa- to sing qai sings ( < qay'i-); qa'y'iamC 

they 2 sing; qa' Yicavipani even 
though I sing 
tT qa' {i)y'ini I eat 
aiya'ruyuni I make a turtle ( < 
ivi- to drink wi'y'iro'" dost thou drink? 

puHcAi'tcuywa- to know pu'tcu'tcwywa'y'iqwA knows it 

(2) -qa- present and past tense. A number of verbs, some of 
them of extremely common occurrence, are used not with -y'i-, but 
with -qa-, which refers indifferently to present or past time. Perhaps 
the -qa- forms are best considered as the equivalents of tenseless 
absolutes in other verbs. These verbs are ai- to say, ania- to say 
WH.\T?, verbs of doing in -r?/- (§ 26, 2, b; § 43, 3), and diminutive 
verbs in -(n)tsL- (§ 35, 2). Examples are: 

'am' an 'a'ik-A what-I said?; 
ta'mpiniay a'ik-^A tired-of- 
what-he says; qatc a'ik-ani not 
I-said; a'ik-Acarnpaniani say- 
only-like-I, I think so 

m' anLA'^qanC I say-what?-like, 

at- to sav 

ania- (to say) what? 

what do I care?; aniA""- 


niru'xwA say-what?-thou me- 
to, what did you say to me? 

via'i-^ain ani'k-^A so-saying-I so- 
do, I do as I say; na'a'int ur 
a7u'k-A burning it does-so, it 
is something burning 

Linp iinik-A Jiu'yu'xaxa" what 
does-so moving? what is it that 

aya'ni^kayA what did he do? 

qa'ts karjA a little fellow is sing- 

yayai-YyafitsLk- A is sitting and 
crying, poor fellow 

That this -qa- is often equivalent to -y'i- is shown clearly in such 
a sentence as ni' navi'i' xanintcu{i)Y'i , muri'A sa'ai', ti^qa'{iyy'iqiVA, 
units a'ik- iimu'ruxwA fiyiaijw'iA I first-house-build, beans boil, 
eat-them, then say to-them deer. 

ani- to do so, be so 

imi- to do so, be so 

ayani- to do what? to act how? 
qatsi- to sing (diminutive subject) 

yayayar'i- to sit and cry 

1 82 A' Southern Paiute and Ute 

164 SAPIR 

(3) -qui- perfective. This suffix is very frequently employed as a 
preterital element, its main point of difference from enclitic -{7i)tca- 
and -ywa- (§ 19, 1) being its emphasis on the idea of completion. 
Examples are: 

A'p'i'i- to sleep A'pCikai{y)ar)A he slept, has been 


ivi' cuarjuVi- (water) is drunk up ivl'c uaijut'ii^qa' (water) has been 

drunk up 

naa'itu'p'^ikii- to burn up 7ia a' it-u' p"' ikuqwa (it) has 

burnt up 

axd'niyu- to act how (momentan- nxa'n itjuq wai'^ what happened 
eously)? to have what happen to you? 

to one? 

pA'qa'i)v- to kill pA'^qa' rjuqwa aiyjwa maybe you 

have killed him {-qwa'ai- brok- 
en from -q\w\ai-) 

yaa'irjqiv'ai- to go out hunting yaa'iyqiv'aika went out hunting. 

Before subordinating -qu- (§55, 1, e), -qai- appears as -qa - (cf. §26, 
1, a and b; § 30, 9) ; e. g. yaa'itjqw' aikaqoarjA after he had gone out 
HUNTING. For perfective participial -qant'i-, see § 25, 6, d. Though 
perfectly analogous in treatment to resultative -qai- (§ 30, 9) and 
perhaps etymologically related to it, it is in practice felt as a distinct 
element, as shown by the occurrence of -qaikai- resultative-per- 
fective, e. g. : 

toyo'tsid(ui- to cause to cover toyytsidfuk-aika had (evident- 
over on top ly) been caused to cover over 

on top 

The perfective idea frequently takes on an inferential implication. 
An explicit inferential present-perfect (has evidently -ed) is formed 
by combining perfective -qai- with present -?/?-: -qaiy'i-. In general 
it seems that perfective -qai- regularly implies lack of direct knowl- 
edge on the part of the speaker, differing in this respect from enclitic 
-{n)tca- (§ 19, 1, a). Examples of inferential -qai(y'i)- are: 

ivi- to drink ivi'kaipi what was evidently 

drunk (by someone) 

qaqa- several sing qa' q- Aqaiyiam'i maybe they did 


Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 




qax^'di to go to sing 

qa'xw'aiRaiy'iarjA he has evi- 
dently gone to sing (known 
from inferential evidence) 

.■Cpi'ivaiikai{y)ar)A he has evi- 
dently been sleeping 

A'p'i'iva{i)yl- to come back from 
sleeping, to have been sleeping 
(§ 18, 1, a) 

(4) -va-", -mpa-" future, intentive. In ordinary indicative forms 
this element generally adds an intentive or hortatory force to its 
fundamental future significance (contrast -vania-, -mpania- below, 
5). In other forms, such as gerunds in -tst.- (§ 55, 1, a) and participles 
(§ 25, 6, b), it seems to indicate mere futurity. It is used also in simple 
future statements that are conditional on other acts. Examples of 

qa- to sing 

p\nLkai- to see 

iimtua- some one does 
tTqa- to eat 

patcaqiva- to get wet 

toyoqwi- to run 

yaya'xa- to burst into tears 

Examples of -mpa-^ are: 
pA'qa'iju-" to kill 

qa'vani I'll sing; qa'varjA he'll 

sing, let him sing! 
p^nikaivarjani I'll see him, let 

me see him! 
linL'fuavaq-A let someone do it! 
tTqa'vapi what will (always) be 

patca'qwa°va (if it rains, he) 

will get wet 
tjyo'qwLva (if I hit him, he) will 

ini'tuywa'" yaya'xavan uru'acu 

this-away-thou cry (momen- 

taneous, § 58, 5, c)-will-I else (§ 

60, 3) ; go away or I'll cry 

pA'qq'vmpaywa''^ you'll kill him; 

pA^qa'rjuvipap-i who will be 

aiyu-'" to say (momentaneously) a'irjutnpaAcimi let me say again! 
ovaqayu-"' several pull out ova'qarjuinpac-u (let us) pull 

(them) out again 

These suffixes may be combined with narrative past -p'iyai- (6 
below) or dubitative -v'i-, -vip'i- (see § 33, 2). The former, -vap'iyai- 
{-mpa- p'iyai-) , indicates an act in the past looking towards the 
future. Examples are: 

1 84 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

106 SAPIR 

qu'qwL- to shoot qu'qwi'vap'iyain'Tn'aywA shoot- 

will-past-like-him, (acted) as 
though about to shoot him 

pA'qa'rju-" to kill pA''qa'i}umpavi'p'i{'')arjA maybe 

(he) will kill him 

(5) -vania-, -mpania- future indicative. In contrast to -ua-" 
(-mpa-''), from which it is evidently derived, this suffix indicates 
the simple future. Examples of -vania- are: 

taya- to kick tarja'vani will kick 

maai- to find impi'an viaa'iv'dni what-I find 

shall? what shall I find? 

Oi -mpania-: 

pA'qa'rjn-'' to kill pA'qa'rjumpanCami I'll kill you 

iimmt.-" to be wont to do i^jil' mLmpan-Lani I shall always 

'i'vupa- to go through here 'i'vupainpan i he will go 

through here 
yoo'i-^a- to move, flutter ydo'iy(.ampani (it)will move 

(6) -p'iyai- remote past, narrative past. This is the element 
regularly employed in mythical narrative. Narrative referring to a 
relatively recent past makes use of enclitic -yiva- (§ 19, 1, b). With- 
out doubt -p'iyai- is compounded of past passive participial -p'i- 
(§ 25, 5, b) and verbalizing -yai- to have (§ 26, 1, b). This is shown 
partly by the fact that -p'iyai- is treated analogously to -7a?- (e. g. 
participial -p'iyanfi-, § 25, 6, e; negative -p'i'ni-, § 57, 2, c), partly by 
the fact that -p'i- and -yai- may become disconnected (e. g. -p'i-a-yai-, 
see 8 below, diminutive -p'i-tsL-yai-). Hence a form like a'ip'iya' 
SAID is to be analyzed as say-past passive partic.-have, has 
SAID. In other words, Paiute -p-'iyai- forms are formally the synthetic 
analogues of English perfects; the functions do not quite correspond 
in the two languages, however. 

Examples of -p'iyai- are: 

qar'i- to sit, dwell qar'i' p'iya' sat, dwelt, qar'i'p'i- 

y'aivii they 2 dwelt 
tona- to strike tona' p'iyaini struck me (long ago) 

qam-^ai- to have a house lii' qauL ■^aip'iya'^ I had a house 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 185 


pA'qa'rjuti- to be killed pA'qa'yuti piyai^vayaxa' 'oqi' 

then! (§ 19, 2, b), I wish he 
had been killed 

It may be combined with a preceding inferential perfective -qai-, 
e. g. 

ya'ai- to die ya'a'ikaip'iyaitcoarjaxaini' die- 

he-indeed, he seems to have 
(evidently) died (long ago) 

Examples of diminutive -pUsijai- are: 

qa - to sing qa'pltsL-x,a' a little fellow sang 

wan aru- to make a rabbit-net wana' RU pits ty ate u (the boy) 

made a rabbit-net again 

For -vip'iyai- after usitative -?i i-", see § 30, 11. Rarely -mpiyai- 
is found as sporadic variant instead of -p'iyai-; e. g. o' a' xavatcuywam- 


(7) -p'iay'i- has been -ed. This passive narrative past is evidently 
compounded of past passive participial -pi- (§ 25, 5, b), possessive 
-a- (§ 24, 2, a), and present -y'i- (1 above), to have been killed 
(by one), therefore, as expressed by -p'iay'i-, seems literally to mean 
to be one's killed one. It seems to differ from the normal passive 
narrative past {-t'i- p'iyai-) in more definitely implying an agent 
and perhaps also in referring to a continued state in the present. 
Examples are: 

p.Vqa'rju- to kill pA'^qa'yup'iai was killed (long 

ago by people and is now dead) 

qvxiyw'ii- several take (one person) qwiyi'xp'ia{i)y'iar)A he was taken 

(long ago by them and is there 

(8) -p'i{a)yai{ uay'i- impersonal narrative past. Forms of this 
sort, compounded of narrative past -p'iyai-, impersonal -( ua-, and 
present -y'i-, have been already referred to (§ 29, 14). What difference 
there is between the -p'iyai- and the -p'iayai- forms with possessive 
-a- (§ 24, 2, a) is not clear. As for the use of the present -y'i-, it is 
very likely that the -701- of -p'iyai-, when final, is to be understood as 

186 A' Southern Paiute and Ute 

168 SAPIR 

including a reference to present time (cf. lack of -yi- after -yai- to 
HAVE, § 26, 1, b, which implicitly refers to present time) and that this 
implied -y'i- needs to be expressed after an inserted -( ua-. In other 
words, -701- and -yai-y'i- have fallen together to -yai-, but -yaituayi- 
remains as such. Examples are: 

pA^qa'yu- to kill 2^A'qa'p'Lyai'(ua{i)y'iar)A people 

(impers.) have him killed, he 
was killed (some time ago); 
puTjqu'A pA'^qa'yupLayai'tuai^ 
horse (obj.) they (impers. )- 
qam'i'xon''^(^i- to have a jack- qam'i'xani-^aip'iyai''(uaV they 
rabbit camp (impers.) had a camp for hunt- 

ing jack-rabbits 
qu'tcu'mpuyqurjw'Ljai- buffalo-pet- qu'tcu'mpuyqurjw'Lyaip'iayai^iuai* 
animate plur.-have, to have people (impers.) had cattle 


§ 33. Modal suffixes. 

There are only two specifically modal verb suffixes. Most modal 
ideas, as we have seen, are expressed by the aid of enclitics (§ 19, 2). 
The indicative has no special modal suffix; for the imperative, see § 
52. For perfective -qai- as inferential, see § 32, 3. 

(1) -yv-, {-qv-,) -rjqv- irrealis. This element indicates that the 
activity expressed by the verb is unreal, i. e. either merely potential 
or contrary to fact (potential in past time). In the latter case it is 
preceded by perfective -q ai- (§ 32, 3) or narrative past -p'iyai- (§ 
32, 6). It is not used with present -y'i- nor, it would seem, with future 
-t)a -", -7npa-". Optative examples (would that ....!) involving 
enclitic -ya' followed by 'jai" have been already given (§ 19, 2, b). 
Further examples of the irrealis are: 

payH'kw' 'ai-^varjaxf^i '^ai^ go-away-irrealis-he-then! he ought to 

go away! 
nV naya'iaikaijA yaya'xAqai-^u' I anger-die-if-he cry (momentan- 

eous) -perfective- irrealis; had he got angry, I would have cried 
pA'qq'up'iyaiyu uywA would have killed him 
uywa'ijuqv'qwaxO'' ^on'i would that it might rain! {-qv- perhaps 

dissimilated from -rjqv) 
°'a'iyuriqviiLy^a 'oai' would that I might get well! 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 187 


The irrealis may be participialized by means of -p'i-. Participial 
-kvp'i- is frequently used as a base in optative forms with enclitic 
-cuyaywa . . . 7ioa- (§ 19, 2, h). Other examples of its use are: 

'a'iyuxvp- ur uru"ai' good-would-participle it is, it would be good 

(somewhat as though one were to say he is a possible singer 

instead of he would sing) 
uru"axu sv"aiyuxvpi be-woald very-good-would-participle, (it) 

would be extremely good 
pirjwa'rorjoqop'ini {-qo- < -yqo-?) my would-be-made-as-wife, I 

would take her as my wife (song form) 

A past participial irrealis, -kvp-'iyanti-, is also found, e. g. : p.i^qq'- 
uyqvVp'Lyantmi who would have killed me 

(2) -v'i--, -mp'i- dubitative. The dubitative verb suffix is fre- 
quently accompanied in the same or a preceding word by an enclitic -' 
(§ 19, 2, n). It may be rendered as perhaps, it may (might) be 
THAT . . . Future dubitatives in -vamp'i- {-mpainp'i-) are common 
but, so far as known, the dubitative suffix is not employed with other 
tense suffixes. Examples of -v'i-, -mp'i- are: 

ivi'vC maybe (he) is drinking; hi' v'i''' maybe thou art drinking 

(didst drink); ivi'kav'i'raijwa'"- maybe we did drink 
an-Laxwan a'iv'C qa'ya what-preterit-I say-perhaps sing- subordin- 
ate? how did I sing (long ago)? 
yaa'iv'irjwa" maybe he is dead, he must be dead 
ay aro"av'i i'ljA who is-dubitative this? I wonder who this is! 
pa'ziqw^'aikant uru"avi' having-gone-away might-be, I wonder if 

(he) went away 
ivi'yump'r'^ maybe you did drink 
pA'^qa' Tjumpam pi{'^)ar)A maybe (he) will kill him 
viaa'iva mpiywaramV^ he might find us 2 (inclusive) 
qwa' rjutuavamp'ini they (impers.) will perhaps beat me, it seems I 
shall get beaten 

§ 34. Order of verbal elements. 

At this point we may conveniently take up the question of the 
order in which occur the various elements that build up a verb form. 
Four main positions are to be recognized: prefix, verbal theme, 
suffix (prevailingly formal in character), and enclitic. P>ach of these 
positions may consist of more than one element. On the other 

X Southern Paiiite and Ute 

170 SAPIR 

hand, only the second position is necessarily filled, though ordinarily 
one or more elements of the third position follow. The order of 
elements within each of the four fundamental positions is, for the 
most part, rigorously determined. P'ifteen positions may be recog- 
nized within the third, though, needless to say, only a limited number 
of combinations among these are intrinsically possible. The following 
scheme will be useful for reference (the letters and numbers indicate 
order of position) : 

A. Prefix 

1. Adverbial prefix (§ 20) 

2. Reflexive prefix (§ 22) 

3. Instrumental prefix (§ 21) 

B. Verbal theme 

1. (a) Verb stem {or other stem if followed by B 2); or (b) combi- 
nation of stems, last of which is necessarily verbal (unless B 2 
follows) (§ 18, 2)1 

2. Verbalizing suffix (§ 26) 

C. Suffix 

1. Suffixes of voice and aspect: -ya- (§ .30, 1); -7/- (§ 30, 2); 
-9i-(§ 30, 3);-n'na- (§ 31, 2, c);-na- (§ 31,2, b); -/ra-(§ 31, 2, d) 

2. -tcai- (§ 31, 2, a) 

3. Causative -tui- (§ 29, 12) 

4. Indirective (or transitivizing) -rjqi- (§ 29, 11) 

o. Pluralizing suffixes: -qa- (§ 31, 1, c) ; -lywa- (§ 31, 1, a); -t'i- 
(§31, l,b) 

6. Suffixes of movement (§ 28); continuative -nni- (§ 30, 12) 

7. Momentaneous suffixes: -rju- (§ 30, o); -qu- (§ 30, 7) 

8. Resultative -qal- (§ 30, 9); passive -ti- (§ 29, 13) 

9. Perfective -qai- (§ 32, 3); usitative -mia-, -mi-" (§ 30, 10); 
-m'i- (§ 30, 13). -mi-" precedes -qai-. 

10. Future -pa- (§ 32, 4), -pania (§ 32, 5; -riia- probably best 
considered as belonging to position 14) 

' A 2 (or A 3) + B 1 (a) + B 2 may, however, be taken as unit and com- 
pounded with preceding (non-verbal) or following (verbal) stem. Indeed, 
this extended verbal "theme" may also include elements (chiefly 1-4) be- 
longing to position C. It is difficult to give rules, as composition takes place 
whenever two or more elements or groups of elements are felt as logically 
combinable or psychologically equivalent. Composition thus somewhat 
breaks in on our order scheme. 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 1 89 


11. Usitative -ni"-" (§ 30, 11) 

12. Narrative past -p'iyai- (§ 32, 6), which may be split into 
its component elements by possessive -a- (§ 24, 2, a) or diminu- 
tive -tsi.- (§ 35) 

13. Impersonal -fua- (§ 29, 14) 

14. Tense and modal elements: present -y'i- (§ 32, 1); present 
-qa- (§ 32, 2); modal -kv- (§ 33, 1); dubitative -pi- (§ 33, 2) 

15. Syntactic elements, embracing: 

(a) Nominalizing suffixes (§ 25); or 

(b) Subordinating suffixes (§ 55, 1) 

D. Enclitic, occurring in nine positions, one of which, no. 7, may in 
turn be subdivided into three positions (see § 19, 4; § 41, 1 and 4) 

There is some doubt as to the priority of certain positions in C; 
thus, it may be that 10 and 11 should be reversed or, as probably 
mutually exclusive elements, grouped together. Aside from doubts 
of this sort, there are a number of disturbances of the above scheme 
introduced by the impersonal -( ua- and the passive -t-'i-. First of 
all, when -fua- is used as indirect object of indirective -yqi-, it follows 
position 4 and precedes position 5 (see § 29, 14). Secondly, -(ua- 
regularly precedes future -pa--{n-ia-) (position 10), yet follows 
position 12. Thirdly, the position of pluralizing -qa- (no. 5), which 
regularly precedes e. g. momentaneous -rju- (position 7), is disturbed 
in impersonal and passive forms. In these cases it falls between 
positions 8 and 9, i. e. it follows passive -t'i- but precedes perfective 
-qai- and impersonal -t'ua-. Thus, with normal ivi'karjiiy'i- several 
TAKE A DRINK, contrast pA'^qa'yut'iiqaqai- several have been 
KILLED and tiv^i'7)uq{w)at-u'ay'i- they (plur. impers.) ask. Lastly, 
impersonal -fua- follows subordinating -ku- (see § 55, 1 , e) in spite of 
the fact that subordinating suffixes (C, 15, b) regularly follow all 
other verbal suffixes. 

It will not be necessary here to give examples testing out the order 
scheme, as they can be readily found by the reader among the numer- 
ous verb forms scattered in this paper. The positions assumed by 
diminutive -tst.-, which seems to be treated rather irregularly, will 
be referred to in § 35, 2. 

§ 35. The diminutive. 

The diminutive suffix -tsi-', evidently an old Uto-.\ztekan element 
(cf. Nahuatl -tzin-), is found in both noun and verb forms. It 


X Southern Paiutc and Ute 



seems to appear in three forms: -tsL-% -tsi-\ and -ntsi-\ the last of these 
appearing both as nasalized form of "spirantal" -tsL- and after nasaliz- 
ing stems. 

(1) In noun forms. Examples of a properly diminutive use in 
nouns of this suffix are very common, e. g. : 

qica{)n-a'nis- eagle 

arji'4>i mosquito 

iyo'vitciia- young of mourning- 

o- arrow 

to' ca' pa(i) ija-ya7ifi- white- 



tu'7np(")i stone 
w^wi'^ii grass 
fir)qa'ni4>i cave 

{na ai-ntsL-) 

viia'yant'i divide (noun) 

qa'ni house 

qwa{-)na'tsds- chicken hawk (lit., 

little eagle) 
arji'vits- flea (lit., little mosquito) 
iyj'vdcuAtsLTjwi little mourning- 
v'ts- little arrow 
to'ca' pa{i)yatsi.yanti- little white 

breasted one, gull 
pis'o'atsiywL children, pis'o'atsL- 

rjw'ini my children 
turnp^i'ts- small stone 
uywi'vits- little grass-stalk 
tiyqu'iuviatslacpiL his own little 

cave (obj.) 
naa'intsds- little girl 
m'ia'''ntsLyant'i little divide 
qani'nts- little house 

Examples of the diminutive in denominating terms other than 
true nouns (i. e. adjectives and adverbs) are: 

tovi'ds- for a short distance 
vu{y)a" p'ds- little 
mia'ants- small, tiny 
mi{y)o"HsL(j)A at a little distance 

The diminutive frequently expresses affection rather than smallness. 
As such it is frequently used in terms of relationship, e. g. : 

pavi'ni my older brother 
patsi'ni my older sister 
qayu'ni my grandmother 

pi{y)a'ni my mother 

pavi'tsmi my (dear) older brother 
patsi'tsmi my (dear) older sister 
qayu'tsLrjinni my dear grand- 
pi{y)a'tsi't)w'ini my dear mothers; 
7iavL"'tsir)w'i mother and child 
(§ 22, 1) 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 191 


In reciprocal terms of relationship (e. g. qunu- great-grandfather, 
man's great-grandchild) the form with diminutive is regularly used 
for the younger generation,^ though it may also be used to refer to 
the older generation (cf. grandmother above). Thus, 

qunu'ni my great-grandfather qunu'tsini my great-grandchild 

(man speaking) 

As regards its position relatively to other noun suffixes, -tsi- follows 
all noun suffixes enumerated in § 25, 1 and 2 (e. g. classificatory -pi-, 
possessive -a-). It is not clear, however, whether -{n)tsL-tsL- is to 
be analyzed as absolutive + diminutive or diminutive + absolutive. 
Such a form as qwa{-)na'tsds- < qwa{)na'^nts- (see above) suggests 
the latter analysis, which w'ould correspond to Nahuatl -tzin-tli. As 
to nominalizing elements (§ 25), -tsi follows passive participial -p'i- 
(probably also -pi-) and instrumental -n'imp'i- but precedes -na- 
and active participial -fi- (e. g. qwdcu'v'"atsdci little knoll < 
qwdcu'v"'aRi knoll). Naturally it precedes animate plural -rjw'i- (§ 
48, 1) and objective -a- (§ 49, 1). 

(2) In verb forms. The diminutive is frequently used in verb 
forms, chiefly to indicate that the person spoken to or of is a child, 
also to indicate an affectionate or pleading attitude. Examples are: 

qa- to sing qa'ts karjA a little fellow is sing- 

ing (for -ka- see § 32, 2); 
qa-'tSL"- you, little fellow, sing! 
qa-'tsivaniarjA a little fellow 
will sing; qa'p'itst.^a' a little 
fellow sang (< -plya") 

o'xwdivdtc'i w'ont to have an ar- o'tsLxahdtc'i dit. (referring to a 
row child) 

tim'ayqiva'atni I shall tell you tiriL arjqitsiva' ami dit. (addressed 

to a child) 

qa'yd'minia- to hop along qa'yo'ni7ni.antsLya while hopping 

along, poor little fellow 

d'tca'n'oni- to be carrying a o'tca'')iontr}ni'va' will be carry- 
water-jar ing a water-jar, if you please 

wanaru- to make a rabbit-net tcana' nv' pitsLjaic u again (the 

boy) made a rabbit-net 

'See Sapir, A Note on Reciprocal Terms of Relationship in America, Ameri- 
can Anthropologist, N.S., 1913, pp. 132-138. 

1 92 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

1 74 SAPIR 

For -rju-ntsL- and -qn-ntsi- in a quasi-temporal sense, see§ 30, 5 and 7. 

The position of the diminutive in verb forms is not altogether 
easy to assign. It seems normally to fall between positions 9 and 10 
of C. Thus, it has been found to follow indirective -rjqi- (position 4), 
-m'mia- (position G), momentaneous -rju- and -qu- (position 7), 
usitative -mi-'^ (position 10) and present -qa- (position 14). How- 
ever, it seems to precede continuative -ni- (position 6). Owing to 
its regularly following past passive participial -p'i- (see 1 above), it 
cuts -p'iyai- (position 12) in two: -p'itsi.yai-. Moreover, it seems 
always to precede -kai- to h.we (position 13 2); see o'tsLywaivdtc'i 
above (this may, however, be interpreted to mean wont to have a 
LITTLE arrow, o'tsiywai- being verbalized from o'tsL-; yet cf. 
td'ca'yaiyatsL'xant'i-, 1 above, little one who has a white breast, 
probably not having a little white breast). 

§ 36. Numeral suffixes. 

(1) -J/U-" cardinal numeral suffix, -yu forms may be treated as 
verbs directly or by adding verbalizing -ijqai- (§ 26, 1); without 
-ijqai- they are frequently used attributively as true numerals. In 
objective forms -yu- is replaced by -qu- (§ 49, 1). It is not used 
ordinarily in compounds (§ 18, 1, h), except in the case of cvyu- 
another (see examples below). Examples of -?/m- are: 

cv'yucu ni'ijwi one man; cv'yucu lava' m a one day -at, for one day; 

nana' cvyurjqwaiyucu reciprocal (reduplicated)-one-cardinal-ver- 

balizing-subordinating (§ 55, 1, c)-also, being one to one another, one 

by one; cv'YUqwayjucu several become one 
co'yu another; cv'y arj.i another he, another person; cv'y aR/ another 

it, another thing; cv'YUcinaywav arjA the other coyote (Same stem 

as cv'yu- one above, but without enclitic -cu-.) 
waa'iru n\7]wi'ntsL7)wi two men; waa' iyuyqiy' iim^'ini two-cardinal-for- 

momentaneous-they-me, they become two for me 
nava'iYU six 

Combined with enclitic -nia- (§ 19, 2, d), -yu- is regularly em- 
ployed in counting, including attributive usage where stress is laid 
on number as such, -yu-n-ia- may be rendered in number; in 
animate forms above one, -m'i- (§ 48, 1) is often inserted between -yu- 
and -7iia-. Examples of -yu{m-u)n-ia- are: 

cv'yunC one (in counting; note that -n ia- replaces -cu-) 

Southern Paint e, a Shoshonean Language 193 


waa'iyumtin-L wi'tsL'tsLyw'iarjA two-cardinal-animate plur. (§ 48, l)-like 
great-grandson-diminutive-animate plur. (§ 48, 1)- her; her great- 
grandsons, two in number 

pa'tyiim" three (in counting); paa'iyoviun i a'i<f>Ap'itsii)wi three young 
men (in number) 

ta't) WAHciX'riWLyumunL we four 

qani'ni mariLXLyunC house-my five-cardinal-like, my five houses 

(2) -^a-, -tea- numeral adverbial suffixes, -ia- is suffixed to cv- 
ONE, -tea- to all the other numeral stems. These suflSxes denote so 
AND so MANY TIMES. Examples are: 

cv'tacu once 

waa'tcA twice (< wa- two); icaa'tcAcuA^qan iini'k-^A two-times- 
again-it-I did, I did it just twice; nanLrjioarjivaAtcatcaA^qam 
'linikaiju separately-two (reduplicated)-times-preterit-it-they do- 
plural-momentaneous, they did it each twice 

paa'itcA three times 

§ 37. Suffixes of quasi-pronominal force. 

Under this head are included a couple of suffixed elements that 
are not easily classified. 

(1) -fi- {-tci- after i) inanimate demonstrative suffix. It is ap- 
pended to demonstrative stems, also to qtma-% to form independent 
inanimate demonstrative pronouns, which may be used either sub- 
stantively or attributively. These pronouns are ari- that (indefinite- 
ly); mar'i- (m^a'r'i-) that (visible); ur'i-, uru- ('u'ri-, 'u'ru-) th.\t 
(invisible); itci- ('i'tct-) this; and qimafi- another. See § 39, 1. 
This -fi- is possibly identical in origin with participial -t'i- (§ 25, 6, a). 

(2) -p a{n)tn-" ki.n'DS of. So far as known, this element occurs 
only after mano'qu- all (obj.; see § 59, 3, a), c. g. : 

niano'q'^upantc'l pa'a'virjw ami all-kinds-of animals they, all kinds of 

viano'qupa{n)tci-"- can be used as the first element of noun 
compounds, e. g. : 

mano' q^u panteirjqava' riwi all kinds of horses 
mano'qupatcburjw'intsLrjwi all kinds of persons 

194 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

170 SAPIR 

This suffix is possibly related to participialized postpositive 
-vaici-'', -patci-" being at (§ 50, 1, 37). 

Pronouns (§ § 38-46). 
§ 38. Classification of protwuns. 

Paiute pronouns may be divided into six classes: personal pronouns 
(in part of demonstrative force) ; postnominal pronouns (closely 
related to personal pronouns but used practically as articles) ; demon- 
strative pronouns (in large part identical with independent third 
personal pronouns); interrogative pronouns; relative pronoun; and 
reflexive pronouns. All of these occur as independent stems. The 
personal pronouns also appear in an enclitic form. 

The independent personal pronouns are either subjective or 
objective. The enclitic series, however, makes the distinction only 
for the second person and for one or two other forms that will be 
specified later. The objective forms include possessive functions. 
The classification of pronouns as to person is as follows : 

1st person singular 

1st person dual (inclusive) 

1st person plural (inclusive) 

1st person plural (exclusive) 

2nd person singular 

2nd person plural 

3rd person singular animate visible 

3rd person singular animate invisible 

3rd person plural animate visible 

3rd person plural animate invisible 

3rd person inanimate visible 

3rd person inanimate invisible 

It will be observed that the only specifically dual form is that of 
the 1st person inclusive. Aside from the first person plural inclusive, 
all the plural pronominal elements include dual functions; the verb, 
however, in the latter case is singular in form (cf. § 31). The in- 
animate third person makes no distinction for number; cf. the lack of 
plural suffixes for inanimate nouns (§ 48). The classification into 
visible and invisible in the third person applies particularly to the 
enclitic series. Independent pronouns of the third person are 
formed from four distinct demonstrative stems, only one of which 
implies invisibility (see § 39). 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 



Personal pronouns (§ § 39-41). 
§ 39. Independent personal pronouns. 
The independent personal pronouns are as follows: 






ni\ m- 

nin ia- 




















a sing, 

ar)a-{c-u-) he, that 




ami-, amu-cu- 






b sing. 

maya-{cu-); m^a'ya- 




that one (visible) 


mam'i-, mamu-cu- 




( viafi-(cu-); m^'a'r'i- 
1 maqa- 

f mafia-ic-u-) ; m^a'fia- 
\ maqaia- 

c sing. 

iya-; ^'i'ya- he here, 






im-'i-; ''i'm'i- 

im'ia-, ''i'lJi-'ia- 



1 ifci-; ''i'ici- 

i itcia-; ''i'tna- 

d sing. 

V7)wa-{cu-); "'u'rjwa 


urjivaia-{c-u-); "'u'- 


that one (invisible) 



um,'"-''i-, umii-cu-; 

um-'^'ia-{cu-)\ "'u'- 





iuru-{cu-); "'?/'n- 

iurua-(c-u-); "'u'r'ia- 

(1) Formation of independent personal (and demonstr.\tive) 
PRONOUNS. The objectives are formed from the subjectives by the 
suffixing of -a- after all vowels l)ut a, after which -id-, -i/a- is sub- 

196 X Southern Paiitte and Ute 

178 SAPIR 

stituted. This is precisely as with nouns (§ 49, 1). The first person 
singular, however, has a peculiar objective form, ninia-, based on an 
otherwise non-occurring nini- instead of rii-. Both subjective and 
objective pronouns spirantize following elements (note that -r- be- 
comes -tc- after i, -ntc- after nasal -f- ?"). 

The first person singular is ni' or m'* when used absolutely, 7ii- 
when followed by another element (e. g. postposition or modal 
enclitic). The two inclusive pronouns are evidently based on a 
common stem ta-, which does not occur uncompounded in Paiute; 
but cf. Nahuatl t^ we, to- our. The -ni-i- of tarn-i- is probably identical 
with that of nivi-'^i- we (exclusive) and vi'^'Cm-"'!- ye; m-m"'i- is 
probably based on ni- i. The inclusive plural tarjivn- probably goes 
back to *taf}ia- (§ 16, 1), perhaps assimilated from *tami- (cf. Hopi 
itamb we); if this is correct, -rjiva- is prol)ably ultimately identical 
with animate plural -yw'i- (§ 48, 1). 

The four sets of third personal and demonstrative pronouns are 
based on the demonstrative stems a- that (indefinite); ma-, vi^a'- 
TiiAT (visil)le or referred to) ; i-, ^'i'- THIS; and u-, "'m'- that (invisible). 
The doublets with two moras {m^a'-, ''i'-, "'u'-) do not seem to differ 
in meaning from one-moraed forms (?»a-, ?'-, «-); both types are 
doubtless found in all animate (singular and plural) and inanimate 
siibjecti\e and objective forms. The two-moraed forms seem to be 
favored when the pronoun is used without suffix, the one-moraed 
when used with postpositions. The second element in the third 
personal pronouns is pronominal: -ya- for the animate singular; -mX- 
(sometimes assimilated to -in-u-) for the animate plural (doubtless 
identical in origin with animate plural suflix -m/i- in nouns, § 48, 1); 
and -qa- or quasi-pronominal -n- {-tci-) for the inanimate. In 
the inanimate forms the more properly pronominal -qa- series is 
far less common than the demonstrative -r'i- series; -qa- forms seem 
to be in common use in certain other dialects of Southern Paiute. 
When used attributively, tiiey follow tiie noun, while -r'i- forms 
precede. An enclitic -c ?/- (§ 19, 2, k) is very frequently attached to 
third personal pronouns, probably to all except inanimates in -qa- and 
forms with two-moraed demonstrative stem. The chief character- 
istic of -en- forms is apparently their more freciuent substantive 
use as true personal pronouns, other forms being employed with 
more clearly demonstrative force, hence often attributively; never- 
theless, -cu- forms are also found used in a demonstrative (and 
attributive) sense. In general, it is impossible to draw a hard and 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 197 


fast line between independent third personal pronouns and demonstra- 
tives, as they are all in structure demonstrative-personals. On the 
whole, the purely demonstrative value is strongest in ma- {m'^a-) and 
i (''i'-) forms, the personal in o- and u- ("'u'-) forms. 

(2) qima- other, stranger. From this stem is formed a set of 
forms which closely parallel the independent third personal pronouns. 
These forms are: 

subjective objective 

sing. anim. qima' y]a-{cu-) (the) qima'r)aia-{cu-) 

other one 

plural anim. qima' m-'i-, qima' mti- qima'm'ia-{cu-) 


inanimate qima'ri-{cu-) qima'ria-(cu-) 

For non-pronominal objective qima'qu-, see § 59, 3, d. 

(3) Use of subjective forms. The subjective forms of the 
independent personal pronouns, as of other pronouns and of nouns, 
are used as subjects of verbs, unless these are subordinate; as objects 
of imperatives (for examples see § 52); and, without -c u-, as bases 
for attached postpositions (§ 50, 3). Examples of independent sub- 
jective personal pronouns (including pronoun and postposition) are: 

rii' qa'i' I sing 

ni'ntca' pi'pi'tci I-preterit arrive, I arrived 
ni'camp an-i'k--A I-only do-so, it is only I 
riiru'xwA to me 

ta'mi qa'variL we two (inclus.) shall sing 
tami'ntcuqwA under us two (inclus.) 

ta'rjWA qa'qai we (inclus.) sing 
tarjwa'ruxfVA to us (inclus.) 

npn^i'ntcuxiVA to us (exclus.) 

imi'ntcu'" tiimpa'ya' thou-interrogative mouth-have, have you a 

imi' tx^'r(§ 60, 3) tirjwaru"" thou indeed art 

m^'imi qa' q ai ye sing 

arja'vinaijqwacu he-after-again, after him again {-cu again does 
not function here as pronominal element) 

198 X Southern Paiiite and Ute 

180 SAPIR 

arjac u qani'vav ipii'n'nintc'i he house-at-own do-continuative-parti- 
ciple, he stays in hishouse (for finite use of participle, see § 55, 4, e) 

aJii'i'ruxiVA to them (animate) 

an'ruxiVA it-to (rarely used; generally, for inanimate pronoun + 
postposition, bare demonstrative stem, except in case of iici-, is 
used, e. g. aru'x iv.t, see § 43, 1) 

afi'cu quiYn oRi that fire it, that fire (for postnominal aRi see § 42, 6) 

A'qa'natjqwdpA near it 

mat) "'a'iy'ii' he is good 

vi"'a'r)anica pi'pi'tc'i he-preterit arrive, he arrived 

viarjaruqwA under him 

yuorja'cuya yaa'ivayiC he, it is said, will die 

ma'ini qa'vanC they (two) will sing; ma mi qn'qavnni they will 

inam'iTjwa''^ with them 
mamu'cu naiia'yqAtca'q aiva' they will listen 

ma'm qwau that off, in that direction 

iinp aro"av'i m^a'm what would-be that? I wonder what that is! 
mafi'cu piya'l'p'iya qwA^CL{y)ai] an)' that was-left-over his-tail it; 
that tail of his was left; it was left, his tail 

tihitp"'i'fs- ma'q-A rock that (uncommon) 

ar) aro"avi i'rjA who would-be this? I wonder who this one is! 

hja'ruxwA to him here 

^'ir) ov"'Liu^p'iya^ he here sang a song 

imu'rux WA to these (animate) 

itn" 'aruaiHL this is wont to be 
itci'riixwA to it here 
''i'tc'i this (thing) 

tiimp^'i'ts i'k-A rock this (uncommon) 

urjwa'vatc'i to him (invisible) 

vi]wa'c u fiv^a'ts arjA he (inv.) wolf he; that (inv.) wolf; he, the wolf 

7imu'v"'ui(n)qicopA behind them (inv.) 

uru'rux iVA to it (inv.; assimilated from ?//•'/-; iiru'xiVA is more com- 
mon, cf. under ar'i- above) 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 199 


"'u'r'i that (inv. thing) 

uru'c- u'^qxcLvnC 7ia{i)i/a' jyarj^upiya those (sticks) like-arrows be- 
came, they (inv.) turned into arrows 

v'qwa'naTjqwopA near it (inv.) 

qima'rjac u another one, stranger 

qima'mucu others, strangers 

qimancu qa'ni another house, foreign house 

(4) Use of objective forms. The objective forms of the inde- 
pendent personal pronouns, as of other pronouns and of nouns, are 
used as objects (direct or indirect) of transitive verbs; as subjects of 
subordinate verbs (§ 55, 1) ; and as genitives. Examples of independent 
objective personal pronouns are: 

nfm a'yawa7itcir}qim^"[ me is-wont-to-hide-from, (he) is wont-to 

hide from me 
ni'niA 7iayu'q wirjqifu'a{n)xu me when-fighting, when I fight 
Tii'ni \waru'^" me he-is, he is mine 

iarjwa'i am \\s (inclus.) it; ours, the (thing) belonging to us 

imi'A pA^'qa'qainA thee ha\ing-killed, your having killed 

m'^lmiAcampA except you (plur. obj.) 

ni'aq-A tav arja'iacu to'tsLA I-it hit him head (obj.), I hit his head 
(note that arja- and arjaia- are rarely, if ever, used without -c w-, 
except for arja- with postpositions; this is probably to prevent 
confusion with interrogative ayja-, § 44, 1, a) 

'ajiil'v^'antuxWA kwi'pa'p'iya 'am'i'acu wa'ma^'caywoitsiyw'CA on- 
to-them (anim.) fell them two-old-women (o})j.); (it) fell on them, 
the two old women 

'ava 'ar'i'ac u it-at that (obj.), there (at) that (place) 

imp aro" A^qa'iA what is it (obj.)? what is thereof? what is it (selected 
from several)? 

matja'iAcampA pini' k ai p 'iym{ii)m]A him-only saw-him, only him (he) 

m^a'fiar'ua j)A that (obj.)-interrogative-he, (it is) that that he (has 
been hiding) 

200 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

182 SAPIR 

MA'tca'iar)qipL'yai(y)aqA niar'i'acu WLampiA reached-for-it that berry 

^'i'm'iar'uam'iram a' xarjwantcirjqimika'^ these (anim. obj.)-interrog- 
ative-they-us 2 (inclus.) hide-to-always-perfective, these (animate 
beings) they seem to have been hiding from us 2 

^'i'tci I'icuqu this (obj.) when-(it)-is-morning, this morning 

'il'icai/acampA sa a' tjq'iqava him (inv.)-only make-mush-for-plural- 
will, (they) will make mush only for him 

yaya'yq'iqwoi^ava'am "'u'm"''iA tcariwCkikwa^itclvi^'^A let (us) cry 
for those (who are) dying off 

pu'tcu'tcuywar uru'acu fiv'^ip-'iA knowing that (inv.) land 

In certain sporadic cases that are not clearly understood objective 
forms seem to be employed subjectively, e. g. : 

n'i' niaxwa' axain I qar'i'i" I too was sitting down 

(5) Use of subjective and objective pronouns. An inde- 
pendent subjective pronoun may be combined with an independent 
objective one, the former apparently preceding, e. g. : 

imi n'i'niA pA^qq'umpaniA thou me wilt-kill 

n'i' pA''qa'r)ui)uni''i m'^im'^LA I kill-you (plur.) you (plur. obj.) 

As a rule, however, only one of the pronouns is independent, the 
other being attached as an enclitic (see § 40, 6). 

§ 40. Enclitic personal pronouns. 
The enclitic pronominal forms are as follows: 

SUBJECTIVE objective 

1 sing. -n-i- 
dual -rami- 

(inclus.) {-tcami-) 

plural -raijwa- 

(inclus.) {-tcayica-) 

plural -n'im"'i- 


2 sing. -' -' . . .mi- 
plur. -yw'i- -rjumi- 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 201 



anim. vis 


anim. inv. 

- . . .Tjwa- 


anim. vis. 


anim. inv. 

- . . .m'i- 





- . . .qwa- 

dual anim. -' . 

. .ml- 

reflexive possessive 

(!) Formation of pronominal enclitics. Most of the enclitic 
pronouns may be used either subjectively or objectively. The 
objective forms of the second person are formed from the correspond- 
ing subjective forms by the addition of -mi-, perhaps identical with 
the -77i-i- of independent im-i- thou; -yumi- < -yw'ivii- (§ 3, 3, d). 
The dual animate enclitic -' . . .mi- is a subjective element; it is 
outwardly identical with -' . . .m-'i-, the third person plural animate 
invisible element, but, though in certain cases very difficult to keep 
apart from the latter (which, when the verb is singular in form, 
necessarily has a dual reference), is clearly distinct from it, as it may 
refer to all animate persons, including the third person animate 
visible, -v'i- is only used in a possessive sense and is evidently some- 
what in a class by itself. The position of the pronominal enclitics 
with reference to other enclitic elements has been already spoken of 
(see § 19, 4). 

The enclitic pronouns are closely related, for the greater part, to 
the corresponding independent pronouns. The first person singular 
-ni- is connected with, though not identical with, the independent 
ni\ ni-\ this vocalic alternation is probably an old Uto-Aztekan 
feature, cf. Nahuatl independent n^ i with proclitic ni- i, me. The 
other enclitics of the first person are identical with the corresponding 
independent pronouns, t- becoming spirantized to -r- {-tc- after -i-). 
The -' of the second person singular is entirely peculiar to the en- 
clitic series; -rjw'i- and -yxivii- of the plural are doubtless spirantized 
from *tn'i{m-i)-, cf. independent vi^'im'^i-. The visible forms of the 
third person are compounded of demonstrative -a- and the pronominal 
elements -tja-, -ml-, and -qa- already discussed in § 39, 1. The 
invisible forms are compounded of an accessory -'- and the same pro- 
nominal elements, a -w- being inserted in the animate singular and 

202 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

184 SAPIR 

the inanimate. Tliis -' . . . .-w- may be a specialized form of 
demonstrative "'w'- that (invisible). The reflexive possessive -v'i- 
seems to have no independent analogue, unless, indeed, it be connected 
with relative ^i- (§ 45); cf. probably also Shoshonean *pi- he, his 
(Cahuilla yc he, yehe- His; San Juan Capistrano po- his). 

(2) Use of subjective forms. The subjective enclitics may be 
used as the subject of a non-subordinate verb or as the object of an 
imperative (§ 52). The animate dual -' . . .m'i-, however, of 
which examples will be given separately, functions only as a subject, 
sometimes also as a possessive. Subjective examples of enclitic 
pronouns, attached both to verbs and to other parts of speech, are: 

ivi'rjuntcar'oani did I take a drink? 

yaa't-^vnixO'' 'oai' would that I might die! 

a'iv^'ini p\ni'kaiva now-I shall-see 

qa'y'irami we 2 (inclus.) sing. 

qa'qa{i)yirar)WA we (inclus.) sing 

po"aq axaitcarjiVA we (inclus.) have lice 

qa-'yiniui"! we 2 (exclus.) sing 

qa'y'i'* thou singest 

aya'm'iantca' pA^qa'rjU whom-plur.-preterit-thou kill? whom (2) did 

you kill? 
pA^qa'yuti 'v"'a''nLai)WL you 2 will get killed 
iinpl'arjw ani'k aril' what-obj.-you (plur.) do-sit-present? what do 

you 2 do as (you) sit? 
ivl' Tjuntcar' oarjA did he take a drink? 
qani'ayA pinika^ house-obj.-he see, he see(s) (the) house 
pA'^qa' rjv p'iay'hjWA he (inv.) was killed (long ago) 
uyiva'i-kaiy'iaqA it (vis.) hangs 
tcaxi-' p aqw div^ uni"'^ near-it (inv.) now is 
qa'qa{i)yia)in they (vis.) sing 
axa'ni-x.(iiam 'am' mi' what-do-subordinating-they (vis.) do-usita- 

tive? why do they always do so? 
"' a' {i)Yuqwa{iy y'iin'H they (inv.) are good 
m^'avaami qarV p'iya there-they (inv.) dwelt 

In connection with the use of second person singular -' certain 
peculiar contraction phenomena are to be noted. Ordinarily the 
pronominal -' does not amalgamate with a ' in the last syllable of the 
word to which it is attached (e. g. from -ywa ai- to c.o i.\ order to 
is formed na u'i)W(uy(.waa'i' go thou and hang thyself!), but in 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 203 


other cases such amalgamation takes place, so that no specific pro- 
nominal element is apparent at all. This is notably the case with 
interrogative -run-, e. g. : 

ivi'y'iro'" art thou drinking? (< -ro'a- + -'; not -ro'a) 
cu(w)a'ru' nQno'cC maybe you'll dream 

Probably this difference of treatment has something to do with the 
difference between inherent and accessory ' (§ 15, 1). Furthermore, 
the pronominal -' is lost in certain cases, notably after qatcu- not, 
after demonstrative ai- (§ 4.3, 5), and before ai- to say and ani- to 
do; a final -a is then elided before following a-. Examples are: 

qatcu' na-'nia'apA not-thou say-negative, do not say anything 
a'i{y) igir a'inuA that-obj.-thou indeed say-usitative, you are indeed 

wont to say ( = ai-a- lyir, cf. a'ian iy'ir that-I indeed) 
"m^anikai7ni aik-A that-do-resultative-usitative-thou said; remains 

like that, you said ( = -mia- ai-) 
Tfi'ani aik-A too-bad-thou say, (it is) too bad (that) you say 

( = -riM- ai-, cf. Td'anian aik-A it is too bad that I say) 
viani'rjumpanfirjw aik-A that-do-momentaneous-future-participle- 

him (inv.)-thou say; being about to do thus to him, you say ( = 

-Tjiva- ai-; for combination of enclitic pronouns, see § 41, 2, a, end) 
axa'n i-^ai 'anik-^A what-do-subordinating-thou do? why do you do 

so? (= -:^ai' 'ani-) 

The third person inanimate enclitic pronouns {-aqa- and -' . . .qwa-) 
are very often used, as in English, in an impersonal sense, particularly 
in references to the weather. Examples are: 

ur)wa'(i)y'iaqA it is raining (said by one who sees it raining) 

nrjwa' {i)' y'iqw A it is raining (said by one who does not see it rain) 

nia'va 111 aqWA it will blow 

aija"q- vv'^ai' who-it (inv.) then? who is it, then? 

Subjective examples of animate dual -' . . .vi'i- are: 

maini qa'ylini they 2 (vis.) sing (not equivalent to qa'y'iin'i they 2 
inv. sing, as ma'm'i implies visibility, but to qa'y'iaini they 2 sing; 
in mam'i qa'y'tnii duality is expressly indicated by -' . . .nii-, 
in qa'y'iaini. merely implied l)ecause of singular form of verb) 

inain'i'ntca pi'pi'tcV'iDd they 2 (vis.) arrived 

tami'ntca' pi' pi'tc'C'imi we 2 (indus.) arrived 

tami qani'va'm ii^ni'iini' we-2 (inclus.) house-at-dual do-continua- 
tive-present, we 2 stay at (the) house ( = qam'varam iini'n'ni') 

204 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

186 SAPIR 

Di'itn" I qa'xaiim'i t'l'qa'i' we (exclus.) sing-subordinating-dual eat- 

present, we 2 (excl.) eat while singing 
m^'im'i qa-'i/'iml j'ou 2 sing (contrast m^'imi. qa'q ai" you [plur.] sing) 

(3) Use of objective forms. Objective forms are used as objects 
of transitive verbs, as subjects of subordinate verbs, and as possessives. 
For their use in subordinate verb forms, see § 55, 1. Possessives, 
exemplified only in noun forms, are treated below (4). Examples 
of enclitic pronouns in a properly objective sense are: 

qu'qwi'tu'acuyaywanoani would that they (indef.) would shoot me! 

I wish I would get shot! 
uv"'a'''nfini ya'rjqiki there-being-me fetch-to-hither, bring (it) there 

to me 
y,T)wa'riram am tcuxwiijirami rain-us 2 (inclus.) it approaches-us 2, 

the rain approaches us 2 (inclus.) (note that ani, § 42, 6, refers to 

lirjwa'fi-, while -ra))i, which comes in between, anticipates -rami of 

following verb) 
qwL ayanfirar) imi'vitciy'irayWA bear-us (inclus.) comes-to-attack-us 

qu'qwi'tu'acnyaywamminoA would that we (exclus.) would get shot! 
pa'iy'imi calls for thee 
'u'r'um- ^ini'ts- tnaxa'nv"'anfimi that (invis. inan.)-thee then pro- 

tect-future-participle-thee, that will (be) protecting you 
ava'r)wi7)U)ni yva't)i')iiiava' it-in-you (plur.) carry-along-will, (he) 

will carry you (plur.) along in it 
no'nnintciarjA carry-continuative-participle-him (vis.), who carries 

him around 
rvV qatcu'arjA qa'fuirjwa''^ I not-him (vis.) sing-causative-negative, I 

do not let him sing 
cina' TjwavL L7]W A pA'^qa'yupiyadirjiv.i coyote-him (inv.) killed-him 

man o'qoaq A pu'tcu'tcuywaiii all (obj.)-it (vis.) knowing, knowing 

it all 
n'l tavt'aq-A io'fsi'a ija I hit-it (vis.) head-obj.-his (vis.), I hit his head 
i'mi pu^icu'tcuyvca y'iq WA tiiou knowest it (inv.) 
tun'mAp'iya'alkw uru'v^'iA (he) picked-them (invis. inan.)-up arrow- 
sticks (obj.), he picked up arrow-sticks 
qatcii'uqWA narjqa' p iya' not-it (inv.) (he)-heard 
n'l manna{i)yiam'i I chase them (vis.) 
m' pA qa' rf am"'/ I kill them (inv.) 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 205 

southern paiute, a shoshonean language 187 

(4) Use of objective forms as possessive pronominal en- 
clitics. In a possessive sense enclitic pronouns can be used only 
with nouns. Inasmuch, however, as such an enclitic, even when 
appended to a noun, can have objective (or, in most cases, also sub- 
jective) significance, a theoretical ambiguity sometimes results. Thus, 
a form like qaniani house-obj.-I (or me, my) may be interpreted 
as signifying either my house (obj.) or I (do so and so to) a house. 
The form of the whole sentence or the context generally removes 
the ambiguity. In practice a noun with possessive enclitic is generally 
followed by a postnominal article-pronoun, e. g. qanCan ani my- 
HOUSE (obj.) it, in which case no ambiguity is possible. Examples 
of possessive enclitics are: 

purjqu'ni my horse; qu'tcu'?npuijqurfw'ini my cattle (lit., buffalo-pets) 
dci'ni pA'tca'n- a R'i id'to'qxca'arjq'i this-me mocasin-my it patch 

(distributively)- for, patch these moccasins of mine for me 
tiyi'v'iraini friend-our (dual inclusive) ; you and I who are friends 

(song form) 
pivi'ararjiVA mother (distributively)-our (inclus.), our (inclus.) 

paa"ami thy aunt; paa'{iyyami thy aunt (obj.) 
pia'ru'a'm aro"" mother-interrogative- thy is, is it your mother? 
pL{y)a'i]um u'tjWA mother-your (plur.) she, your (plur.) mother 
tarja'naxituywayA knee-in-to-his (vis.), into his knee 
pavi'LijWA his (inv.) elder brother 

aru"ana'ijWA be-verbal noun-his (inv.), his being, his property 
ari'cu taywa'q- am that (inan.) tooth-its (vis.) it, that tooth of it 
yaya'maqA end-at-its, at its end 
A'sL"a-{i)ya'qwA its surface, bark (obj.) 
nia'vLTj'wavv aijA chief-possessed-their (vis.) he, their chief 
pi{y)a"am'i their (inv.) mother 

Instead of -am'i- their (vis.) and -' . . .mi- their (inv.) are 
sometimes found the corresponding singular forms -atja-, - . . .ywa-. 
This takes place, though not always, when the person referred to by 
the enclitic pronoun precedes with the plural animate suffix -Tjiv'i- 
{-m'i-; § 48, 1), evidently in order to avoid a double plural. Analogous 
phenomena will meet us again (§41, 1, e; § 42, 2 and 5). Examples of 
this "number dissimilation" in possessive forms are: 

quvia'ijw'iavi- arjA nM-'^vi'ijiVA husband-plural-objective-their he 
(= them; § 42, 2, end) chief-his (inv.; = their inv.); their-husbands 

206 X Southern Paiutc ami Vte 

188 SAPIR 

(obj.) their-chief, chief of their husbands (for possessive use of noun 
objectives see § 49,2; for pleonastic use of possessive pronoun, 
"'a't'iijwarjic'ia'aijWA good-possessed-plural-obj.-his (inv.), their (inv.) 
good ones (anini. obj.), good ones (anim. obj.) 

The reflexive possessive -v'i- occurs only in objective forms, i. e. 
after objective -a-, -ya- (§ 49, 1) ; after noniinalizing -n a- (§ 25, 3) ; and 
after postpositions, which are syntactically equivalent to the objec- 
tive (§ 50, 3). The reflexive possessive indicates that the possessor is 
the same person as the subject of the sentence. Ordinarily it refers 
to the third person, but it may also be employed in first and second 
personal references. Examples Qf its use are: 

qani 'u'ra paa'iav uyn'.i house (obj.) it-towards aunt-obj.- own she 

(= her; § 42, 4), (he went) towards the house of his aunt 
o'a4)L niarja'cu quni'V he takes his own arrow 
j)urjqu'rjw'La(f>L qoy.V'V kills his own horses 
qaniva-4>i pi'pi'tc'ip'iya house-at-own arrived, (he) arrived at his 

own house 
patci'yiv'aicpiC toyo'qwip'iya ran off with his own daughter 
ya'a'iqwo'aiva yaya'nav um^a'narjqwA let-(him)-die crying-own 

therewith, let him die with his crying 
Uv"'i' p-'inqayav "'u'ra land-possessed-plural (§ 48, 2)-obj.-own it- 

toward, towards their own lands 
i'mi pu'{"')i'ya(f>X w'itu'v^uaqaiva thou eye-obj.-own cover-shall, 

you shall cover your eyes 
r\V mava'ac- ari'.-t tlrjqci ni.xiiatsia4>'i pa{i)yu'riupiya I there-again that 

(inan. obj.) cave-owned-little-obj.-own returned, I returned there 

in that same little cave of mine 

Explicitly plural (or dual) forms of the third person reflexive pos- 
sessive are also found; they are compounded of -am'i- their (vis.) 
or-' . . .???t- THEIR (inv.) and -I't-, theoretical -' . . .w'tVi- appearing, 
however, as -' . . .mov'i-, - . . .mauvi-. Examples are: 

qani'vdntuxwa''m'i(f)L to their own house 

pur)qu'tsiami4>i their (2) own dear horse (obj.) 

por.~)'m'ai)iau4>L, -mo(f)L with their (2) own canes (cf. porj' )iia{u)4>i 

with his own cane); poro' q {w)ama{'^)mnu4ii with their own canes 

(for -qa- see § 48, 2) 

Explicitly dual forms of the reflexive possessive are made by 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 207 


compounding -v'i- with animate dual -' . . .//it-: -vi''iin'i- their 2 
OWN. This form, as contrasted with -' . . .mov't- discussed above, 
shows clearly that third person animate plural invisible -' . . .m'i- 
is not identical with animate dual -' . . .m'i-, though it seems some- 
times to intercross it in usage. Examples of -v'C'im'i- are: 

7iava'(f)itsLr)io ami yu'a'p'iyaiA'^qa'vH tu^cu'iiayA i)i{ij)a' {i)yav'L'im'i 
two-brothers they carried-it (vis.)-dual grinding-her mother-obj.- 
own-dual; the two brothers carried what she, their (2) mother, 

uv'^'a"am'L qarV p'iyaaimi qani'aijiVA pi{y)a' {i)yavi'i)ni qani'vcV 
there-they (inv.) stayed-dual house-objective-her mother-obj.- 
own-dual house-at; there they 2 stayed (at) her house, at their 
(2) mother's house 

(5) Pleonastic forms. Double (or even more frequent) 
expression of pronominal elements is very common in Paiute. Ex- 
amples of the repetition of the subjective or objective pronoun, both 
pronouns enclitic or one enclitic and the other independent, have 
occurred in preceding lists. There is a marked tendency for the 
objective enclitic pronoun to attach itself to the verb even if it is 
elsewhere expressed in the sentence; in transitive sentences the 
enclitic subject seems to be normally attached to the verb only in 
combination with the enclitic object (§ 41, 2, a). Particularly char- 
acteristic is the employment of enclitic posscssives together with 
genitives (i. e. objectives) of the corresponding independent pro- 
noun, e. g. : 

ni'riLA yavi'ismi me my-elder brother 

viarja'iA paa'arjA him his-aunt 

pi' %ds(.r)' w'iin ivii'A pigs-thy thee, thy pigs 

ivii'A paa'i'ami thee aunt-obj.-thy, thy aunt (ol)j.) 

Pleonasm is abundantly illustrated also in nouns, which are often 
anticipated or redundantly referred to by pronouns, independent or 
enclitic. Of such usages also examples have already l)een given. 
Particularly frequent is the occurrence of an objective enclitic pronoun 
of the third person with an objective noun, e. g. i see-it house (obj.) 
as equivalent of i see house (obj.). In genitive constructions this 
is almost the rule, e. g. paa'iaijA qam'ayA aUi\t-obj.-his house-iier, 
his aunt's house; also paa'id tja qani. 

(6) Combinations of independent and enclitic pronouns. 

208 A' Southern Paiute and Ute 

190 SAPIR 

Independent and enclitic pronouns are often combined into a single 
phonetic group or "word," the independent or enclitic element being 
either subjective or objective. Thus, instead of saying i'vii yA'qa'- 
jjunipa 71 larjA thou kili^will-him, one can attach objective -arjA 
to ivii-: imi'arjA pA^qn'ijumpa ni thou-him kill-will. The follow- 
ing types of combination occur: 

(a) Independent subject + enclitic object, e. g. : 

ni"'imi pA'qa'ijuvipanL I-thee kill-shall 

m'yumi mgi'mparjumi I-you (plur.) lead-will-you 

n'i'ayA pu^tcn'tcurywaV I-him (vis.) know 

n'i'xwa'arjiVA pA'qa'rju I-preterit-him (inv.) kill, I killed him 

n'i'aq- ivi'rju I-it (vis.) drink, I've drunk it 

ni'ami qoxo"iva'' I-them (vis.) will kill 

iami'aijA pA'^qq'umpa^ we 2 (inclus.)-him (vis.) will kill 

iar]wa" aijwa!'^ mama'ivnnijn we (inclus.)-him (inv.)-perhaps (§ 19, 

2, n) find (distributively)-future-dubitative, we (inclus.) might 

find him 
imini pA'qq'uvipa thou-me wilt kill 
ivn'\r)WA pA'qq'umpa" you will kill him (inv.) 
vi'im^ifyarjA to'nA you (plur.)-dual imperati\'e (§ 52)-him (vis.) 

punch! you 2 pimch him! 
u'u'rjwani'ami tiriLarjqiqa'aimi he (inv.)-like-thee tell-to-perfective- 

thee, it seems that he has been telling you 
UTjwa'c'vqWA qatcu""qiVA p'ini'naipVa''^ he (inv.)-it (inv.) not-it 

(inv.) see-negative-past, he did not see it 
inam'i'nicaqA yA'ci'm'^'iaq-A they (vis.)-preterit-it (vis.) forget-it 

(vis.), they forgot it 

A variant of this type is that in which the independent and enclitic 
pronouns are both subjective, the independent pronoun being used 
predicatively, e. g. : 

imi'ntcii'aq-A n'i'niA p\T]wa'ntuywnqainanuini thou-interrogative-it 
(vis.) me (= my) whom-depending-on-perfective-verbal noim- 
like-my, it is not you on whom I have l)een depending (for use of 
"it" as equivalent of substantive verb, see § 56, 3) 

(b) Independent object (possessive) + enclitic subject, e. g. : 

ni'nio! pujwa'ruv^'anLanl me-thou wife-makc-will-me, you will marry 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 209 


ni'ruay avipa'xanani nayqa'qa' me (= my)-he (vis.) talking-my 

hear; he hears my talking, me talking 
imi'ani yiam'i'maijWLcava'avii thee-I first-sho\e-will-thee, I'll 

shove you (in) first 
imi'dijWA pA'^qq'umpa' thee-he (inv.) will kill 
aya'tAcuani pintka' him-a- (§ 19, 3, a) -I see, I savi' him 
mano'q- y,m"''i"a7nL qw^'d'ip'i-ya^ all (obj.) them (invis.)-they (inv.) 

killed, they killed all of them 

A special variety of this type is that in which the independent 
objective functions as the subject of a subordinate clause, the enclitic 
subject as the subject of the main clause, e. g. : 

m'niantcaijA tTqa'ximi yaya'x-A me-preterit-he eat-while-me cry 
(momentaneously) ; while I was eating, he began to cry {-ntca-ijA is 
logically cut loose from yaya'xA, while ni'nia- anticipates -ni of 

imi"aqwA naya'i'aiRam axa'n'Ni fiv'^Lp'i t'i^qa'Tj'wLXo'' thee-it (inv.) 
get-angry- when-theehow earth appear-would? if you get angry, how 
would (the) earth appear? {imia- anticipates -' . . .m, - . . .qWA 
anticipates Uv^ip-'i) 

(c) Independent object -\- enclitic object. The first object may be 
the subject of a subordinate clause, the second its object, e. g. : 

taijwa'{iyyaqWA mama'aik-A us (inclus.)-it (inv.) find (distributively)- 

when, when we find it 
UTjwa'iAcu'qWA ni^a'ni-tiikaqurjWA him (inv.)-it (inv.) that-do- 

causative-perfective-when-him (inv.), when he has caused to do 

it {uywa'iA-cu- anticipates -' . . .ijwa) 
mavi'i' Acuaq- A novikaiu)x-u them (vis.)-it (vis.) cover (with bark)- 

plural-when, when they covered it with bark 

Or, conversely, the first object may be the logical object, the second 
the logical subject of the subordinate clause, e. g. : 

'i'tciararjiVA mama'aik-^A this (inan. obj.)-us (inclus.) find-when, 
when we find this 

Still other combinations are possible, e. g. independent possessive 
-f object: 

imi"ar)wa' a'ikainA thee (= thy)-him (inv.) having-said, thy 
having said (about) him 

210 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

192 SAPIR 

§ 41. Combinations of enclitic pronouns. 

F^nclitic pronouns are often combined, the union of two such pro- 
nouns being extremely common, that of three not at all rare. The 
order of elements is rigidly determined by form, not by function (e. g. 
-a-rjani- he-me, i-him, i-his, his-me, my-him, he-my). The resulting 
theoretical ambiguities are generally resolved by the context, partic- 
ularly as the pleonastic usages already referred to (§ 40, 5) give 
opportunity for further limitation of the syntactical possibilities. 
Thus, n'C -ayani can only mean i-him or i-his; -aijani -ni (verb form) 
can hardly mean anything but he-me. The following table gives a 
survey of combinations of two enclitic pronouns; the horizontal entries 
are subjective, the vertical objective. As a rule the pronominal ele- 
ments are preserved intact, but certain modifications need to be 

The combined forms listed in the table apply not only to combina- 
tions of subject and object of the same verb but to all other combina- 
tions of subjective and objective, including possessive, forms. The 
table also includes combinations of objective + objective enclitics, 
insofar as objective forms are identical with subjective forms; e. g. 
-aya'ami- he-thee, he-thy applies also to him-thee, him-thy, his- 
THEE. Special double objective forms are: 

-mini- thee-me, me-thee 
-ijumini- you (obj.)-me, me-you (obj.) 
-miriini^'i- thee-us (also us-thee, we-thee) 
-Tjuminim^'i- you (obj.)-us (also us-you, we-you) 

(1) Morphology of combined forms. The following rules are 
followed in the combination of enclitic pronouns: 

(a) The combination of the first person singular subject and the 
second person object, which should theoretically result in -mini- 
and -Tjumini-, is simplified to -mi- and -Tjinni- (properly thee and 
YOU OBJ.), the first person being thus merely implied. 

(b) The second person singular subjective element (-') always 
follows an element of the first or third person, also the objective form 
of the second person. 

(c) In all coml)inations of the first and second persons but those 
coming under (b), tlie second personal element precedes (e. g. -i]wini- 
ye-me, -mini- thee-me). 

(d) In coml)inations of the third person with either the first or 
second person, the element referring to the third person precedes. 
Note, however, -ijwTim'i- ye-them (inv.). 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 




>-( ^• 

^ c 

S 3 

S fc i s .~ 

!5^ S 

e e 

S, S 

« :v: :b S i- 

S: S 

i i § i 

5, s 

K ? ? ? ? 5 

S »> S •£ 5 

H g s .- S- 
e a c e e 

^ Cr" Cr* Cr* &■ O^ 

3 c c c 9 

Cj< Cr O Cr "> 
C 3 tr C C 

i H s ^S 

= i :i :■!> .J. 

r- c 3 

c e e c c 

S e S a 'e e 

I I 

cs s c e e 

c e e c 

03 > to > 

> .s ■> .S 

.S cj 5-' c ••;::• ej d s3 
'to "O S. Z.'^ C "co 'm C 

. c 

"C C C- 'm S. '5 'm C- — . 

212 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

194 SAPIR 

(e) In combinations of the third person, the singular animate 
precedes the plural animate, while the animate is always preceded 
by the inanimate. Furthermore, two o- vowels coming together in 
composition do not contract to a- but to a' (or 'a)\ e. g. -aijatja- < 
-arja- + -arja-, -aq arja- < -aqa- -\- -arja-. "Number dissimilation" 
(cf. § 40, 4) takes place when two animate plurals are combined, 
the first enclitic becoming singular in form; hence -arj'avu- < -am'i- 
am'i- as well as -arja-am'C-, -ywa'm'i- < -m'i-m'i- as well as -ijwa-m'i-. 
Such a form as -am'i'm'i- they 2-them (vis.) is compounded of -am'L- 
and animate dual -' . . .wi.'-. A visible enclitic element is never com- 
bined with an invisible one (e. g. -arja'rjwa- is impossible). Should it 
be necessary to contrast a visible subject or object with an invisible 
one, recourse must be had to the separation of the subject and object, 
e. g. vrjwa'c'uqw ivi'van-iaq-A he (inv.)-it (inv.) drink-vvill-it 
(vis.), he (inv.) will drink it (vis.); in combined form only ivi'va-- 
71 LaA'qa'ai) A he (vis.) will drink it (vis.) or ivi'va-riLaqwa'aywA 
HE (inv.) will drink IT (iNV.) are possible. 

(f) The objective reflexive possessive -v'i- has not been included in 
the table. It does not seem to combine with elements of the first 
and second persons. It is very frequently combined with enclitic 
elements of the third person, which it follows: -arjav'i-, -Tjwav'i-, 
-am'iv'i-, -m'iv'i-, -aqav'i-, -qwav'i-. It precedes the animate dual, 
however : -v'C'hn 'i-. 

(g) The animate dual, which is regularly subjective, follows all 
third personal elements, including -v'i- (see f above), but apparently 
precedes the enclitics of the first and second persons. Data, however, 
are quite imperfect for the latter cases. It may be noted once more 
that subjective animate plurals of the third person function as duals 
if the verb is singular in form. 

(2) Uses of two combined enclitic pronouns. The relations 
entered into by the two pronominal enclitics are of various sorts. 
The following are the main types that have been observed: 

(a) Subject and object of viain verb. Examples of this most fre- 
quently represented of types are: 

a-'xawantciv^a'^nLami I shall hide thee 
p'inL'}caiva"Tjum^i I will see you (plur.) 

uma-'yani pA'qa'r]U'pi'yai{y)ariA it-with-him (vis.)-I killed-him 
(vis.), I killed him with it 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 213 


mano'qoaqani no-'i all (obj.)-it (vis.)-I carry-present, I carry them 

(inan.) all on (my) back 
'iv'^'i' qwani tona'va'q WA let-it (inv.)-I stab-shall -it (inv.), let me 

stab it 
rua'{i)y'i('^)am'ini I call them (vis.) by name 
'iv^'i" qwarami sotst'kaiva let-it (inv.)- we 2 (inclus.) peep-shall, 

let us 2 peep at it 
'iv^i"yar)warai]WA pA'pa'qqimiparjWA let-plural imperative (§ 52) 

-him (inv.)-we (inclus.) kill (distributively)- shall-him (inv.), let 

us all kill him 
uv^a'ntux WACutcarjan'imi c'im'i'aki it-at-to-same-preterit-him 

(vis.)-we (excl.) leave-hither, at that same place we (excl.) left 

him and came away 
tu'qwi" aiijqir' 071L ^ shame-die-to-interrogative-me-thou, are you 

ashamed of me? 
axa'nintca'^ija''' pA^qa'rjoarjA how-preterit-him (vis.)-thou kill-him 

(vis.)? how did you kill him? 
nana'riq^Aqaitcu'a-qariw'i hear (distributively)-perfective-interroga- 

tive-it (vis.)-ye, did you (plur.) hear it? 
^ano'qDxway'wan i^ni'k-A when-preterit-he (inv.)-me so-do? when 

did he do so to me? 
maa'ivampi-ywarami''- find-will-dubitative-he (inv.)-us 2 (inclus. )- 

perhaps, he might find us 2 (inclus.). 
tWi'tsixatsaijan'iini he (vis.) obeyed us (excl.); we 2 (excl.) obeyed 

him (vis.) 
tona'vanLar'oaya'ijA will he (vis.) punch him (vis.)? 
nirjw'i'ijwa''qar)A vio'o'a4>i plni't'uk-a^ person-plural-obj.-it (vis.)-he 

hand-obj.- own see-cause-perfective; he let people see it, his hand 
ava'ywdcarj'ain'i. watcu'rju it-in-preterit-he (vis.)-them (vis.) put, he 

put them 2 in; also they 2 put them 2 {or him) in 
ava'rjwdcarj'ami watcl'qayu they (more than 2) put them 2 {or him) 

in (note plural -q-a- of verb); ava'rjwdca-yfavii yiina'rju he {or 

they 2) put them (more than 2) in (singular-dual or plural nature 

of object determined by verb stem: watci- to put 1 or 2, yuna- to 

put more than 2) 
pa" ayavatcwywaijw' avii qum'p'iya" water-into-them (inv.)-they 

(inv.) took (sing.-dual subject and object), they 2 took them 2 into 

(the) water 
mano' qxiaqam'i 7iava'i^p'iyaiA'qa'ami all (obj.)-it (vis.)- they (vis.) 

divided (sing.-dual)-it (vis.)-they (vis.), all of it they 2 divided 

214 X Southern Paiiite and Ute 

196 SAPIR 

pa{i)y%i" aijqiqt.v' ain^'ini water-bring-for-hither-shall-dual-me, (ye) 

2 shall bring water for me 
mano'q oam-'imi. nirjwl' m -ar)' wii)'i'yai{y)ain''ii)a all (obj.)-them (vis.)- 

dual people-cause-past-them (vis.)-dual, (they) 2 caused them all 

to be people 

As a variant of this type may be considered that in which the 
objective element functions as the object not of the main verb, but 
of a subordinate form, say a gerund in -tsi.- (§ 55, 1, a), e. g. : 

tavLtsdcaijani qA'qa'm hit-gerund-preterit-he-me run; having hit 
me, he ran off (note that -ni serves as object of tavi'tsL-, while -tca- 
aija- belong to following q.-Cqa'R'i) 

(b) Subject (objective form) of subordinate clause and subject of 
main clause. Examples are: 

pL'tc'iqa'ijwani n'i' cu'a'iva' arrive-if-him (inv.)-I I be-glad-shall ; if 

he arrives, I shall be glad 
trqa'xutcar/'ayA qaxa'^ eat-when-preterit-him (vis.)-he (vis.) sing 

(momentaneously) ; while he ate, he (another) sang 
Hywa'yuqwa'qwa' patca'qwa''va'' rain-momentaneous-if-it (inv.)- 

thou get-wet-future; if it rains, you'll get wet 
ya'a'ik-A^qam'iii ni' jjayH'qw'aiva' die-plur.-when-them (vis.)-I 

I go-off -shall ; when they die, I shall go off 
i.v'd"am'in- aik- avi'^'timi ?iavi"'^tsLT)UHA here-them (inv.)-I say lie 

(sing.-dual)-as-them (vis.)reciprocal-mother-diminutive-plural-obj.; 

here, I say, as they 2, mother and son, were lying 

(c) S^lbject (objective form) and object of subordinate clause. Ex- 
amples are: 

ti^qa'qaxuA^qararjyvA eat-plur.-when-it (vis.)-us (inclus.), when we 

eat it 
Tini' ■x.u(ie)aq(0)A while he (vis.) was doing it (vis.) 
liu l' 7jumL7)qucam pa qam'i do-momentaneous-usitative-when-only-it 

(vis.)-them (vis.), even though they did it customarily 

In such cases, however, the objecti\e form of the second person 
plural is replaced by the subjective, -ijiv'l- (§ 40), e. g. : 

y'irjqa'iinixaiifu-'i'im'i continuously-do-as-ye-them (inv.), as you 
(plur.) kept doing so to them 

Southern Paint c. a Shoshonecm Language 215 


(d) Subject of main verb and possessive {of nominal object or noun 
with jiostposition). Examples are: 

i' pirjwaiaruawA y.nik-A old-husband-ohj.- interrogative-thy-thou 

do, are you doing so to your old husband? 
o'atca'ij'a7jA qxti'i' arrow-obj.-preterit-his (vis.)-he (vis.) take, he 

took his (another's) arrow 
o'atcayacpL qw'i'i arrow-obj. -preterit-he (vis.)-own take, he took his 

own arrow 
qwLVu' a-ma- qarjA qafi'i top-on-its (vis.)-he (vis.) sits, he sits on top 

of it 
qani'varj'am'i pitci'xwa' aip'Lya" house-at-his-they (vis.) arrive (sing.- 

dual)-go-past, at his house they 2 went and arrived 

(e) Possessive and object. In most of the examples obtained the 
possessive is attached to a noun -f- postposition or to a verbal noun 
in -7ia- (of objective force). The enclitic object is either the (direct 
or indirect) object of the main verb or of a verbal noun (as in relative 
constructions in pi.'-, see § 45). Examples are: 

qu'qwa'mant'i'iniini ma{-)'x-A wood-at-being-thy-me give, give me 

some of (§ 50, 4, 7) your wood 
p'ima'ya'm UR qwaa-' ijumpanA which-with-him (vis.)-thy it win- 

momentaneous-future-verbal noun, the wherewith thy being about 

to beat him, with which you will beat him 
p'imaTjwbii qwaywa'ijumpan-arjwhnini which-with-ye-me win 

(distributively)-momentaneous-future-verbal noun-your (pliir.)-me, 

with which you (plur.) will beat me (note use of subjective -rjw'i- after 

pirn- a- as equivalent to objective -tpc'imi-; cf. c. above) 
pLV"'a"ar)wa4>L watcl'kain "'u'raip'iya'' which-at-him (inv.)- own 

having-put it-toward-went, (he) went to where he had put him 
atci'm'aq2iqwa(j)LyaijWL'r)w'i7u-^a' bow-with-obj. (§49, l)-it (inv.)-own 

hold-stand-while, while standing and holding it together with his 

own bow 
taya'nax '■^<:'U'a(l)L iiKira'ijikava' knee-in-it (inv.)-own put-plur. -shall, 

(ye) shall put it in (your) own knees 

This type of construction can be used in relative clauses even with 
primarily passive participial -p'i- (§ 25, 5, b), e. g. : 

p'im'"a'zqa'am a'm tu'tu'tcu{w)apL which-with-it (vis.)-their (vis.) 
it set-as-landmark (distributively)-past passive partic, the (tree) 
wherewith the\- had iiuirkcd it 

216 X Southern Paiiite and Ute 

198 SAPIR 

(f) Object and object. Two objects may be employed either when 
the verb is doubly transitive, as with causatives of transitives, or 
when it possesses a direct and indirect object. Examples are: 

plni'i'iiRaiqwani (he) let me see it (inv.) 

qatcii' A'qanu{w)ani yu'a'ijqiqaiHuavarjwa'"- not-it (vis.)-indefinite- 

me carry-for-resultative-impersonal-shall-negative, let no one hold 

it for me! 
n'i' 7naxa'{i)y'iaqam'L I give it (vis.) to them (vis.) 
pu'tcu'tcuywat uiqwam'i know-causative-it (inv.)-them (inv.), cause 

them to know it, teach them how to do it 

NOUNS. Many combinations are theoretically possible. The fol- 
lowing have been noted: 

(a) Independent subject -\- enclitic object + enclitic object, e. g. : 

m'aqarjA p'ini'iuka I-it (vis.)-him (vis.) see-cause, I let him see it 
ma'i]a"(nn uii p.i^qa' ijqiqw' airjumpa he-thee-me kill-for-go-momentan- 
eous-shall, he'll kill you "for" me; he'll kill you, my dear 

(b) hide pcndc7it object (possessive) + enclitic subject and object, e. g. : 

n'i'niantcaya'" n'io' patuyw %ni'ri'ur)WA me-past-him (vis.)- thou I- 
through do-him (inv.), you did so to him through my help 

^'i'ni'iar'uam'iram a'x(iV^"o.ntcir)qimika^ these (anim. obj.)-interro- 
gative-they (anim.)-us 2 (inclus.) hide-from-usitative-perfective, 
they 2 have always been hiding these (people) from us 2 

(4) Uses of three combined enclitic pronouns. The rules of 
combination can be easily formulated from those already given (see 
1 above); e. g. -aifamini- HE (vis.)-thee-me like -arj'ami- and 
-' . . .mini-. The following types of combination have been noted: 

(a) Enclitic subject, first object, and second object, e. g. : 

p.i^qa' ijqiriuin pa- 1}' am- ini he will kill thee for me 
7naa'intcaya'7)a7i ni'niaijA pA\a'{n)x-u find-preterit-him (vis.)-he 
(vis.)-me me-him (vis.) kill-subordinating, he found him killing me 
a'xawantciriqV y'iqwami I hide it (inv.) from thee 

(b) Enclitic subject, object, and possessive. The possessive enclitic 
generally relates to a second object or to a noun with postposition. 
Examples are: 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonecm Language 217 


pind'stxavaa{i)yuay'ani icpL crotch-at-acting (§ oO, 4, 49)-hiin (vis.; = 

them)-they (vis.)-own, from between their own legs they (looked 

at) them 

po''v'^aqaya7ii vmtci'i trail-at-it (vis.)-his-I put, I put it at his trail 

qwaia'rjqiVApatcwywaqwayw'Lni opposite-at-to-its (inv.)-\e-me, on 

the other side of it you (plur.) (throw) me 

(c) Enclitic possessive {of subject) and two objects, e. g. : 

pnjwa'A^'qaTj'arjA to'to'pA''qar)qip'iyai{y)aqayA wife-it (vis.)-his 
(vis.)-him (vis.) patch (distributively)-for-past-it (vis.)- him 
(vis.), his wife patched them (inan.) for him 

§ 42. Post-noviinal pronouns. 

Post-nominal pronouns (or article-pronouns) are identical in form 
with the shorter forms of certain of the independent third personal 
pronouns (or demonstratives). They are closely attached, though 
not as phonetically amalgamated enclitics, to preceding nouns, 
participles, adjectives, numerals, and pronoims, which they serve 
to make clearly denominating terms. Frequently they hold together 
a group of two or more words as a denominative unit, in which case 
they may stand after the first word of the group instead of at the end. 
They are practically equivalent to postposed articles and are differ- 
entiated according to number, visibility and invisibility, animate and 
inanimate, and, to some extent, case. On the whole, case distinctions 
are neglected and primarily subjective forms often function also as 
objectives. This seems to indicate a tendency towards development 
into true articles. Ordinarily an article-pronoun follows immediately 
upon the denominating term, but sometimes an intervening enclitic 
(pronominal or other) element separates the two, e. g. 
qana' ritsLtjw'i' aq- uvii Kanab-people-obj.-it (inv.) they (inv.), the 
Kanab Indians (obj.)-it. The following post-nominal pronouns are 

(1) arjA he: animate visible singular, primarily subjective, e. g. : 

yu'o'RA^qdpCnaqahiar] aijA leg-break-perfective-verbal noun-liis 
(vis.) he (vis.), he whose leg has been broken, the one with a broken 
nLtt-'vLywam- aijA their (vis.)-chief he (vis.), their chief 
fi'Y'i'v'^''iijw aijA friend-his (inv.) he (vis.), his (inv.) friend (vis.) 

218 X Southern Paiute and lite 

200 SAPIR 

cina' ywavdcua m- ayA iu'cu'fuiy''ivii coyote-interrogative-thee he 
(vis.) grind-causative-present-thee, does (the) Coyote cause you 
to grind (seeds)? 

yu'a'riaq- ay.i carry-participle-it (vis.) he (vis.), who carries it away, 

the carrier of it 
avi'i'rjwaiit arjA cv'yucu they (vis.)-t'roni-participle he (vis.) one, 

one of them 

The corresponding objective form is also regularly aijA, which 
replaces theoretical arfa'iA. Examples are: 

pi{y)a'(i)yav arj arja'tjwa"- mother-obj.-own she (vis.; = her) she- 

with, with his own mother 
wanisL arj atja"ura antelope (obj.) he (vis.; = him) he-toward, 

toward the antelope 
vian'camp a7)qa'qwa"nay'wantsL atjA wVciyaatjA piya'iplya that 

(inan.)-only robin (obj.) he (vis.; = him, his) feathers-his (vis.) 

remained, only those feathers of the robin were left over 

For arjA = ami, see 2 below. 

An unexplained variant of ay.i is aywA, apparently used only after 
objective forms, e. g. : 

cina'7)wavi{y) arjWA coyote (obj.) he (= him) 

pavi'av arjWA pirjwa'iA elder brother-obj.-own he (= him, his) wife 
(obj.), his own elder brother's wife (obj.) 

(2) ami they: animate visible plural, primarily subjective, e. g.: 

ova'n'naijqaTjiv ami geese they (vis.), the geese 
nava'isLt)w ami reciprocal-sister-plural they (vis.), the 2 sisters 
qam'y.anRm'" ami house-having-plural they (vis.), the villagers 
a' iva{i)yar)win ami companion-plural-my they (vis.), my companions 
amu'cu waa'{i)y ami to{w)a'tsa)wiarjA they two they (N'is.) children- 
his (vis.); they, his two children 

The objective form, theoretically ami' a, appears regularly as ami, 
e. g.: 

maml'acu iiytaiju-'i ami qam'naxi.(y)am A''qo"ixu them (vis.) deer 
(plur. obj.) they (vis.; = them) house-in-thcm (vis.) sleep-sub- 
ordinating; while they, the deer, were sleeping in (the) house 

qava'ywi ami horses (obj.) they (vis.; = them), the horses (obj.) 

Southern Paiiite, a Shoshonean Language 219 


Instead of ami (subjective or objective) is sometimes found, by 
"number dissimilation" (cf. § 40, 4; § 41, 1, e), the corresponding 
singular nijA. This dissimilation takes place after (sometimes before) 
animate plural -m'i- or -ijwl- (§ 48, ]) + possessive or objective en- 
clitic pronoun, e. g. : 

paicu'rjxc'iai] ai]A daughters-his (vis.) she (vis.; = they), his daughters 
piyica' ijxviam- aijA wives-their (vis.) she (vis.; = they), their wives 
tai)wa'{i)y arjA niyw'i'aTjw'iraTjWA us (inclus.) he (vis.; = they) people- 

our (inclus.), our people 
mamu'cu maina'nnariiu^''ia)n ayjA they (vis.) chasing (distributively)- 

plural-them (vis.) he (vis.; = they), they who chase them 
ami may be optionally employed in these cases. 

(3) irjA THIS (anim.), he here: animate singular subjective, e. g. : 
qiviya'tslma{u)ma'ts ltja bear-woman she-here, the bear-woman here 
clna'ywav irjA coyote he-here, coyote here 

The objective form, irja'iA, is also found as article-pronoun, e. g. : 
cu{w)a'riyLk-^Ap'Lya'air)iv a'i4>Ap'itsi irja'iA nearly-miss-plural-past- 
him (inv.) youth (obj.) him-here, (they) commenced to miss the 
youth here (inv.) 

(4) urjWA {'uyWA) he: animate invisible singidar, primarily sub- 
jective, e. g. : 

pavi'n uywA elder brother-my he (inv.), my (absent) elder brother 
n'i'ni urjWA pi{y)a'ni me she (inv.) mother-my, my (absent) mother 
nafi'v'^iyan 'aro"avatci. cv'qucamp urjwA customaril^-I wont-to-have 

one-obj.-only he (inv.), I am he who is wont to have only one 

aya'va x'iarj 'utjwa tA puq iciic'i he-over-he (vis.; subject of sentence) 

he (inv.) jumping; he, the one who jumps over him, (will have it). 

Note that -uij summarizes, as enclitic subject, arja'vaxi- 'urjiyA 

tA^pu'qwdc'i; 'uywA serves as article pronoun of arja'v'a xi- tA pu'- 


As objective form of utjwa is generally found utjwa, e. g. : 

ciTia'Tjwavt{y)an utjw a'ilc-A coyote-obj.-I he (inv.; = him) say, I 

say (that) coyote (obj.) 
Tiia'^VL utjwa quTiLvaa{u)y)Wi chief (ol)j.) he (inv.; = him, his) 

house-in, in the chief's house 

220 X Southern Paliite and Ute 

202 SAPIR 

pA'qa'rjunicariani qu'tu'ci utjwa kill-preterit-him (vis.)-I giant 
(obj.) he (inv.;-him), I have killed the giant 

Less frequently the properly objective form, uywa'iA, is used as 
article pronoun, e. g. : 

tiyt'v^'iav nrjwa'i a' ip'i^ a arjw a friend-obj.-own him (inv.; = his) 
say-past passive partic.-obj.-his (inv.), what (obj.) his own friend 
had said 

For uywA as equivalent of plural tim'i, see 5 below. 

(5) umi they: animate invisible plural, primarily subjective, e. g. : 

momQ'ayum ixir umi fathers-your (plur.) indeed they (inv.), your 
fathers indeed 

It is also used objectively instead of theoretical umiA, e. g. : 

qana'fiisirjw'Caq- umi mama'qo'mip'iA pu^pu'tcutcuywap-'i Kanab- 
people-obj.-it (inv.) they (inv.) bear-dance (obj.) having-learned 
(distributively), the Kanab Indians' having learned (the) bear dance 

■ "Number dissimilation" frequently takes place here also; uijWA 
is used instead of uin'i after animate plural -rjw'i- + possessive or 
objective enclitic pronoun, also sometimes after plural -tjw'C- alone. 
Examples are: 

ini'aijwiyaipia'am- urjWA relations-past-objective-thy he (inv.; = 

them), of your dead relations 
piywa'rfWLarayw utjwa wives-obj.-our she (inv.; = them), our wives 

s'i'ramamaotsnjw'ixanf vijvva Cedar City-women-then-them (vis.) 

she (inv.; = they); the Cedar City women, then, -them 
ma''^'caywoitsn)w utjiva old-women she (inv.; = they), the old 


(6) aRi it: inanimate visible subjective, e. g. : 

qWA'ci(y)a7) aiii piya'iplya tail-his (vis.) it (vis.) was-left, his tail 
was left 

pa' am water it (vis.), the water 

p'inikaiaqA tump a'm look at-it (vis.) rock it (vis.), look at the rock 
(objects of imperatives are subjective) 

tarjwa'i aRi na'a'ituikanaratjWA us (inclus.) it (vis.) burn-causative- 
plural-verbal noun-our (inclus.), the fire that we built 

Southern Poiute. a Shoshonean Language 221 


'i'vdnt am here-being it (vis.), what is here 
yu'u'n- am leg-my it (vis.)» my leg 

(7) 'a'iA it: inanimate visible objective. The corresponding ob- 
jective form of am is not ordinarily am or afi' a, as one would have 
expected, but 'a' Li, a true demonstrative form (§ 43, 5). Examples 

quna'i 'aiA fire (obj.) it (vis. obj.), the fire (obj.) 

paya'y' ^ai^ bowstring-obj. -their (vis.) it (vis. obj.), their 

bowstrings (obj.) 
tiv^i'p'i ^aiA viano'qoaq-A yu' ca' yaip'i'yai{y)aq- A land (obj.) it (vis. 

obj.) all (obj.)-it (vis.) looked-around-it (vis.), (he) looked around 

all the land 

Far less often A'qa'iA, a more properly pronominal form, is used as 
objective inanimate visible article-pronoun, e.g.: 
'atci'A^qaiA bow (obj.) it (vis. obj.), the bow (obj.) 

(8) uR'i, uRU {'uRi) it: inanimate invisible, primarily subjective, 
e. g.: 

ma'°v''i'r)w ur thing(s)-his (inv.) it (inv.), his things 
na'a'int ur ani'k-^A burning it (inv.) does, there is something burning 
qaui.'p'iv^a-'^nt ur camp-past-at-being it (inv.), what is at an 

abandoned camp, the abandoned camp 

It may also be used objectively, instead of theoretical ut'la, 
utu'a, e. g. : 

nlrfw'i'mpLA tTqa'van'aij'" VR liver (obj.) eat-w ill-verbal noun-his 
(inv.) it (inv.); liver (obj.), the one he will eat; the liver which he 
is to eat 

(9) 'oa'tA IT: inanimate invisible objective. The exact invisible 
correspondent of 'aiA (7 above) is ^oa'iA, \va'iA, a properly demonstra- 
tive form (§ 43, 5). It seems to be more frequently used than 
objective urn. Examples are: 

qam'va'ayw oa'C house-at-his (inv.) it (inv. obj.), at his house 
pu'tcu'tcuywap'iya'aikw arjqa'qwicafi 'oa'iA understood-it (inv.) 

lightning (obj.) it (inv. obj.), (he) knew about the lightning 
qima'ian 'oai vv^a"ax '''a'pi'qov"'a'' fire-obj.-I it (inv. obj.) it-over 

will-lean-back-and-forth, I will lean back and forth over the fire 

222 X Southern Paiutc and Ute 

204 SAPIR 

Related to ^oa'iA as A'^qa'iA is to 'a'iA (7 above) is v^qxoa'iA, which 
is also not infrequently used as inanimate invisible objective article- 
pronoun. Examples are: 

nlijw'i'mpi, u'qwa'V t'i'^qa'p'Lya'aikiVA liver (obj.) it (inv. obj.) ate-it 

(in v.), (he) ate the liver 
A^sia{i)ya'qw v^qwa'i^ maru""vur)up'Lya'aikwA bark-obj.-its (inv.) 

it (inv. obj.) pulled-it (inv.)-off, (he) pulled off its bark 

§ 43. Demonstrative pronouns. 

There are four demonstrative stems, as already noted (§ 39, 1): 
a- THAT (indefinite); i-, ''i- this; ma-, vi^'a'- that (visible; referred 
to); and u-, "'u'- that (invisible). These stems are not directly 
used as independent demonstratives (except for rather infrequently 
employed adverbs: a-, ma-^; see § 60, 2, d; 3), but need to be combined 
with other elements. The following types of demonstrative usage 
may be recognized: 

(1) Demonstrative stems followed by postpositions. These 
are extremely common and correspond, in function, to inanimate 
demonstrative pronoun + postposition. Examples are: 

ava'^ that-at, there (indefinite) 
aru'qWA that-under, under it 
mar 11 xw A that (vis.)-to, to it 
7nava"anA that (vis.)-on, on it 
m^'a'va' that-at, there (not far away) 
L(y)tnu this-at, here, present (< /- a'nu-) 
'i'vix' this-at, liere 

'i'vpa" this-through, in this direction 
uv"'a'\ 'u'v"'a' that (inv.)-at, there (inv.) 

a' pa" (< u-u'pa'"), "'o'xpa'" (< 'u'-upa'") that (inv.)-throvigh, in 
yonder direction 

(2) Demonstrative stems + third person pronominal ele- 
ments. These forms function as independent third personal pro- 
nouns (§ 39, 1); as article-pronouns (§ 42); and as enclitic third per- 
sonal pronouns (§ 40, 1). There is nothing further to be said about 
them here except to note once more that these personal demonstratives 
often preserve their proper demonstrative force. 

(3) Verbs of doing. These are nothing l)ut derivatives in -Jii- 
(§ 26, 2, b) of the demonstrative stems. The idea of doing, acting fre- 

Southern Pahite, a Shoshonecm Language 223 


quently passes over into that of having something happen to one, 
BEING. The verbs of doing are: ani- to do (indefinitely); mani'-, 
vi^a'ni- to do (as indicated); mi'-, 'i'ni- to do in this manner; 
un-i- , 'u'ni- to do in that (narrated, unseen) manner. Examples 
of these verbs are: 

ani'-^w'aip'iya^ do-went, went in order to do 

i{y)Enuan ^aiu'iinC here-I do-continuative-present, here I am 

axa'nixai 'ani'k-^A tu'cu'xwa" how-aet-subordinating-thou so-do 

grinding? why are you doing so, grinding? why are you engaged 

in grinding? 
man-i'karjuijaq- .4 do-plural-niomentaneous-plural imperative-it (vis.), 

do (plur.) it in that way (as described) ! 
viani viikup'iya do-moving-inceptive-past, (he) started to do that 

while in motion 
qatcu'aq- ^m'^'ania'apA not-it (vis.) do-negative, don't do that! 
"m'^anivant iiwaru"" that-do-future-participle he-is, he is about to 

act in that manner, he'll be doing so 
ini'rjuyaq-A this-do-momentaneous-dual imperative-it (vis.); do it 

this way, you 2! 
'i'nimiAcampajiim'^i this-do-travel (plur.)-only-we (exclus.), only 

this we do when traveling 
iinLmLmpanLani do-usitative-future-I, I shall be wont to do 
tcayip- ^m'yup'iya near did, (it) got near 
'u'n.Lvd pi do-future-passive partic, about to be done to 

In their absolute form verbs of doing frequently function as ad- 
verbs of manner. In this capacity they may be combined with 
forms of similar morphology that serve as verbs of doing. Examples 

a'ni in that (indef.) way 

man-i'ntcayan tiui'iju thus-preterit-him- I do-momentaneous, I did 

so (as described) to him 
^vi^anLat) 'a'ik-A in that way he said 
i'711 in this way 

t^nicuniA thus-again-like, just as before 
%nic- ani.' p'iycC thus-again did, acted in the same way, did the same 

^'u'n'Ni in that (inv.) way 

(4) Substantive verbs. From the demonstrative .stems a- and 

224 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

206 SAPIR 

u- are formed the verbs of being: aro'a- to be (vis.) and uru'a- to 
BE (iNV.). See § 56, 1. 

(5) ai-, mat-. These are extended forms of demonstrative a- and 
ma-. They are used as independent inanimate demonstrative pro- 
nouns, particularly with verbs of saying, (talking, hearing). However, 
they are not ordinarily found except followed by pronominal enclitics. 
Their objective forms are aia-, maia- (probably < a-ya-, ma-ya-). 
As to usage, ai- is best translated as th.^t (indefinite), mai- as that 
(quoted, referred to). 

Examples of subjective ai- are: 

a'ini naijqa'qaip'Cni that-my heard (partic.)-my, that (is) what I 

a'i{y)aqA qu' qo' q wijcanayum an)' that-it (vis.) shoot (distributively)- 

plural-verbal noun-your (plur.) it (vis.), that (is) it which you 

(plur.) shoot at 

Examples of objective aia- are: 

a'ian 'a'imC that (obj.)-I say- usitative, that's what I always say 
a'iarj g'ir ^a'ivn that (obj.)-he (vis.) indeed say-usitative, that's 

what he indeed always says 
'a'r xyir 'aik-A that (obj.)-thou indeed said, that indeed you said 

(for 'ai < 'aia', see § 40, 2) 

Curiously enough, objective aia- becomes ai- before the inter- 
rogative, the two elements combining as aitcu'a-, aintcu'a-, e. g. : 

a'iicuan (or a'in(cvan) a'ik-^A that (obj.)-interrogative-I said, did 

I say that? 
a'infcuarj 'a'ivn that (obj.)-interrogative-he (vis.) say-usitative, is 

he wont to say that? does he really mean that? 

Subjective mai- is illustrated in: 

ma'in nini narjqa'qaip'ini that (quoted)-my me heard (partic.)-my, 

that's what I heard 
mai'm imi naijqa' q-ainA that-thy thee hearing, that's what you hear 

Examples of objective maia- are: 

ma'ian 'aik-^A that I say 

ma'i{y) iy'ir 'a'ik-A that indeed thou sayest {mai < maia' as above) 

Parallel to maia- is m^'a'ia-, e. g. : 

Southern Paiiite, a Shoshonean Language 225 


in'"a'iAcampa"y 'aik--A that (obj.) -only-he say, that's all he says 
"^mya'iAcampan nirw^w ampa'xA that -(obj.)-only-me I-to talk, that 
only talk to me! stop talking to me! 

As we have already seen, aia- is also used as inanimate visible 
objective article-pronoun: 'c'm (§ 42, 7). Its parallel invisible 'oa'iA 
(probably < u-a-ya-) is not used as independent demonstrative, 
though it must be such in origin. For adverbial-connective use of 
ai-, see § 60, 2, a; for 'oa'iA as modal adverb, see § 60, 3. 

(6) Verbs of saying. Parallel to the demonstratives ai- and 77iai- 
are the verbs of saying: ai- to say (indefinitely) and mai- {iri^a'ia-) 
TO say that (which has been quoted) ; e. g. qaic "vi^a'iaywai'yucampA 

ING that. Either these verbs result from composition with demon- 
strative a-, ma- (m"'a'-) ; or they are merely verbified forms of demon- 
strative ai- and mai-. 

Note on § § 39-43. 

The three classes of pronouns already discussed observe the dis- 
tinction in the third person between visible (or present) and invisible 
(or absent) forms. Nevertheless sentences occur, as may have been 
noticed, in which the same person or object is designated now as 
visible, now as invisible. To a large extent this seems to be due to a 
desire to prevent the same phonetic group ("word") from containing 
both a visible and an invisible element (see, for combinations of 
two enclitics, § 41, 1, e), but not entirely. Apparently the difference 
between the two sets of forms tends to become a formal rather than 
a strictly functional matter. Examples of such contradictory 
sentences are: 

imi'ntcuarjA p'ini'^ai'iTjWA tiyi'v^'ia'm u'rjWA thou-interrogative- 

him (vis.) see-him (inv.) friend-obj.-thy he (inv.; = him), did you 

see your friend (inv.)? 
toy^o'iMuHaqarj^warjquTjWA qu^qwi't ua-rjA right-forehead-on-obj.- 

his (inv.) shoot-impersonal-him (vis.), (if) anybody shoots him 

right on his forehead 
tava'iA m^avaq-A qari'juqWA sun (obj.) there-it (vis.) sit-when-it 

(inv.), when the sun sets there 

§ 44. Interrogative pronouns. 

Interrogative stems may be divided into two groups, those employed 
denominatively (interrogative pronouns proper) and those employed 

226 A' Southern Paiute and Ute 

208 SAPIR 

adverbially or serving as base for adverbial forms. They are not 
accompanied by the interrogative enclitic -rua- (§ 19, 2, f). 

(1) Denominative forms. Four or five denominative stems are 
found: aija-, ini-, imp'i-, and ania-; further aya-, which is always 
verbalized or adverbialized by suffixed elements. 

(a) arja- who? This interrogative refers to persons only. Its 
objective form is arjaia-; its subjective plural is aijam'i- (see § 48, 1), 
objective arjam-'ia-. It must not be confused with arja- he, that 
ONE (§ 39). It is perhaps to avoid this confusion that interrogative 
aya- is apparently never used with postpositions; e. g. aya'ruxwA 
denotes to him, not to whom?. The latter idea would have to be 
expressed periphrastically (see § 50, 3). Examples of aija- are: 

ar) aru"'^ who is? who is it? 

at) aro"nvi irj.i who woidd-be this-one? I wonder who this is! 

'aij ani'k-A who does-so? who is it that does so? 

ay aijf ainpa'xaxa' who says talking? who is that talking? (referring 

to one who is heard but not seen) 
arja'i aro"°- whom (= whose) is? whose is it? (contrast arja'iac- 

aro"°' it is his) 
arjai uyioa'nixWA whom he (inv.)-to? to whom? 
ayam- aro"" who (plur.) are? who are they? 
aya' m'iantca' pA^'qa'yu whom (plur.)- preterit-thou kill? whom (2) 

did you kill? 

(b) ini-" WHO? \\h.\t? of what sort? This is a generalized 
animate interrogative pronoun, referring to an animal, an animate 
being not known to be definitely human or animal, or a person of 
undefined characteristics. Subjective ini- sometimes appears as 
unelided ini before aro'a- to be. Its objective singular is inia-; 
subjective plural iniyw'i- (see § 48, 1), objective in iyw'ia-. Examples 

in- aw' i'yA what is this (anim.)? 

ini aro"" what is it (anim.)? 

ini'ntcan niywu'runi who-preterit-me person-make-me? who ever 

made me a peron? who ever respected me? 
iniyw aro"'^ what (plur.) are? what are they (animals)? 
ini'yw'i aw"" what (plur. obj.) are? to what (animals) does it belong? 

(c) impi-' WHAT (inanimate); objective impia-. In all probability 
imp'i- is connected with ini-; for -pi- see nominalizing suffix -p-i-, § 25, 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 227 


5, b? imp'i- may be used with at least certain postpositions (e. g. -ma- 
with) ; it may also be used as a nominal base for verbal derivatives, 
e. g. impi'yai- to have what? ivipuru- to make what? Examples 
of imp'i- are: 

imp aro"°- what is it (vis.)? 

imp uru"" what is it (inv.)? 

imp'i'arjA tVqa'va' what (obj.)-he (vis.) eat-shall? what will he eat 

imp'i'ma' tiya'TiLvani' what-with-thou butcher-will? what will you 

butcher with? 
imp'i'xai' what hast thou? 
impu'ruy'iarjA what is he making? 

(d) ania- what? This interrogative is used only as the object 
of verbs of saying or mental activity, e. g. : 

^ani'an 'aik-.t what-I say? what did I say? 

im aniA nono'cLvatcf thou what being-wont-to-dream? what have 

you ever dreamt? 
ant'a^ cipna'i^ what-thou think-present? what are you thinking of? 

Aside from its use as an interrogative pronoun, ania- frequently 
appears as a verb, to say what? As such it is treated analogously to 
ai- TO SAY. Examples are: 

im 'ani'avatc'i thou wont-to-say-what? what are you accustomed to 

ani A'^qa rjA what did he (vis.) say? (for -qa- see § 32, 2) 
^ant'oxai' a'ik-A say-what-subordinating-thou say-so? for what 

reason do you say so? 
ani'arjimtca riiru'xwA say-what-momentaneous-preterit-thoii I-to? 

what did you say to me? 

With enclitic -nia- like (§ 19, 2, d) this verb means to care for 
what? e. g. ni' am'A'^qanL what do I care? With enclitic -cu- again 
(§ 19, 2, k) and followed by ai- to say, pronominal 'ania- denotes 
TO tease, e. g. ' am' Aciirjw'in a'ikamC wh.\t-again-ye-me say- 
plural-usitative? ye are wont to tease me. 

(2) Adverbial forms. Three interrogative stems are included 
under this head: aya-, 'anoqo-, and ai-. 

(a) aya- how? what? This is properly a denominating stem 
meaning what? but it occurs only with postpositions or as verbified 
ayani- to act how? parallel to other verbs of doing in -u i- (§ 43, 3). 
Examples of nya- with postpositions are: 

228 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

210 SAPIR 

aya'va what-at? where? 
axa'vantuxwA where to? 
aya'upa''' in which direction? in what way? 

Verbal examples of aya'ni- to act how? to do what? are: 

axa'nLvarjani how shall I act with him (vis.)? what shall I do to him? 

aya'n i^kayA what did he (vis.) do? 

aya'nLi)utsL7)w' a'ik-A what-do-momentaneous-gerund (§55, 1, a)-he 

(inv.) say-so? having done what, he says so? what happened to him 

that he says so? 

Analogously to other forms in -ni-, ayani- is often in use as an 
adverb of manner, now? e. g. : 

"m^a'r aro"avi aya'n ani'ntc'i that (inan. vis.) would-be how doing? 

1 wonder what that means! 

axa'n intcarja^"' pA^qa'yoaijA how-preterit-him-thou kill-him? how 
did you kill him? 

Subordinates in -7a/- (§55, 1, b) of verbal ayani- are equivalent 
to WHY? e. g. : 

axct'ni-^aiam 'auL'mV what-do-subordinating-they (vis.) do- 
usitative? acting how-, are they wont to do so? w^hy do they do so? 

axa'ni-x.ainL a'ik-^A what-do-subordinating-me-thou say? why do 
you say so to me? 

(b) 'anoqo- when? e. g. : 

^ ano' q-Dxwaij^ wan y,ni'k-^A when-preterit-he (inv.)-me do so? when 

did he do so to me? 
^ano'qoxwant' %{nik-A when didst thou do so to me? 

(c) ai- (to be) where? (to do) what? This verbal interrogative 
is perhaps a specialized form of adverbial ai- then (§ 60, 2, a), itself 
of demonstrative origin. It is always followed by preterital -tea-, 
even when reference is had to present time. Examples are: 

a'i(caT]WA where is he (inv.)? 

a'itcaram v'v"'ai' where-preterit-we 2 (inclus.) then? where have we 

2 got now? 

a'itcarjtvn' 'ii]a"pi.tsL utjii'a what-preterit-him (inv.)-thou baby (obj.) 
he (inv.; = him)? what did you do to the baby? 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 229 


§ 45. The relative pronoun. 

The Paiute relative pronoun, pi-, can be used only with post- 
positions; e. g. phna- with which, pu'urai- whereto, whither, 
p'iv^a- IN which, where. The equivalent of our own subjective and 
objective relative clauses is afforded by participles and verbal nouns 
in -7ia- (§ 25, 3). Properly speaking, pi- is a noun, as is shown by 
the fact that it is frequently followed by an inanimate article-pronoun. 
The verb following the relative is generally in the form of a verbal 
noun in -n a-, less frequently in the form of a participle in -pi- (§ 
25, 5, b), rarely a non-participial absolute; hence the logical subject 
of a relative clause is always objective (i. e. possessive) in form. A 
sentence like this is the stick that I hit him with is rendered by 

this is the stick with which (is) my hitting (or HAVING HIT) HIM. 

Examples of relative clauses are: 

itci'aq-A ni'ni piv'^a" qafi'nani this (inan. obj.)-it (vis.) me which-in 

sitting-my, this is where I stay 
pima'(u)<j)L na^iqwnjqidii avauA which-with-own fight-future-verbal 

noun, (he made many shirts) with which he was to fight 
pu'u'raini ni'ni i{,ni'nani which-toward-my me doing-my, to where I 

am going 
mafi'cu piv'^a.iyuam or kia'q-AqainA that (inan.) which-at-acting 

(§ 50, 4, 49)-their (vis.) it (vis.) dance-plural-perfective-verbal noun, 

that (is) the (place) where they danced 
"'u'fi'aq-A piv^a'ntim^anayqwan anCpini .that (inan. inv. obj.)- 

it (vis.) which-at-participle-from-my do-past passive partic.-my, 

that is where I came from 
ya'cpiya' pu'u'raiv iinir] ^'n'nC flew-off which-toward-own do- 

momentaneous it (inv.)-toward, (they) flew off to where they go to 

Note that in the last example the absolute verb form ?fnt/;i/- is 
treated as a noun, as shown by the possessive -^(i)- preceding it. 

§ 46. Reflexive pro7iouns. 

The reflexive stem in Paiute is 7ia-\ This never occurs alone, but 
is always either compounded with a following stem (see § 22) or 
followed by a postposition, e. g. : 

na'upayaijA vxama"^ self-likc-plural imperative-him (vis.) change 
(distributively), do ye change him into your own appearance 

natjwa'ntuxwA pa'i^a' self-on-to call-subordinating, while calling 
(them) on to himself 

230 X Southern Paiiite and Vte 

212 SAPIR 

na'u(w)a'mek- nmyuts- watCLm'vuap'iya self-in front of-them 

(inan. inv.) then put-moving-past, then (he) put them in front of 

himself while moving along 
navi najjqwop aq \v A yuna'p'iya self-behind-them (inan. inv ) put 

down-past, (he) put them down behind himself 
a'ip-Lya a'ipats an (= arj.i) naru'xwA said boy he (vis.) self-to, 

said the boy to himself 

As in compounds, so also with postpositions, na- may have a re- 
ciprocal significance, e. g. : 

navi'n arjqWA self-after, one after another 

naijwa'ai- self-with, with each other, both (§50,4, 11) 

An independent reflexive or emphatic pronoun, related to na-, also 
occurs: nan o'-cu- (subjective); objective apparently nano'fia-cu- 
(cf. perhaps niniacii- myself obj.). An example of nano'cu- is: 

nano'^co'oqw 2{,wa'ruywap'iya'aikvyA self-it (inv.) him-to-past-it 
(inv.), he himself gave it to him 

An indirect reflexive nano'<i) self (compounded probably of 
nano- and -va- at, § 50, 4, 37) also occurs, e. g. : 

nano'ov uni'rjk'ip'iya'^ self-at (?) make-for-past, (he) made (it) for 

Noun Morphology (§ § 47-50). 

§ 47. Noun and verb stem. 

All Paiute stems end in a vowel or diphthong. A peculiarity of the 
great majority of noun and verb stems is that they are primarily 
disyllabic, e. g. qan i-' house; tWi-" earth; ata-' sand; payia)!-" TO 
go; qan-^ to sit; paqa-^ to kill. The typical monosyllabic stem (or 
radical) of so many languages is conspicuous by its comparative 
infrequency; moreover, practically all monosyllabic stems have two 
moras, e. g. qa-' to sing, pai-' to call to-" black, o-' arrow, pdi-" 
BLOOD. If expressed in terms of moras, the typical Paiute stem 
would probably be found to have two moras, i. e. to consist of a 
monosyllable with a long vowel or diphthong, or, far more frequently, 
of two short-voweled syllables. However, disyllabic stems of three 
moras (e. g. tuyv - to c.\che, fina- bottom) are not at all rare. 
Trisyllabic stems, of three or more moras (e. g. asia- surface, 
toyoqwi- TO run), are also fairly common; stems of four or more 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 231 


syllables are rare (e. g. tWitsiya- to obey). Were extended com- 
parative Uto-Aztekan material available, it would no doubt be 
possible to show that many of these trisyllabic and tetrasyllabic 
stems are capable of analysis. The two-moraed stem ending in a 
vowel, of both monosyllabic and disyllabic structure, is clearly the 
characteristic type of stem for all Uto-.\ztekan languages. 

Noun and verb stems are kept clearly distinct, the use of the same 
stem now as noun, now as verb, being exceedingly uncommon. An 
example is quqwa- wood, also to gather wood (cf. English berry 
and to berry); note also ni{y)a- (two-moraed) to call by name, 
but ni{y)a- (three-moraed) name (it is quite possible, however, that 
niya- really consists of niya- -\- possessive -a-, § 24, 2, a so that niya- 
would be another example of a stem capable of being used either as 
noun or verb). 

From a strictly formal standpoint, noun and verb are, as we have 
seen, carefully distinguished, there being very few grammatical 
elements which are appended to both types of stem (e. g. diminutive 
-tsL-, §35; plural -qa-, §31, 1, c and §48,2). However, there is a 
slight tendency for verbs to be nominalized, without nominalizing 
suffix, by means of nominal postpositions, but forms of this sort are 
far from common (e. g. p'iv'^a w'inikaipantuxwA which-in stand- 
perfective-to, to where (he) had stood) ; see § 55, 2. The clearest 
syntactic indication of a feeling for nominal form is the presence of 
article-pronouns (§42). 

§ 48. Plurality of nouns. 

There are two types of noun plurals: the reduplicated form, which 
is more properly distributive in function, for both animate and 
inanimate nouns (see § 58, 2 for these forms) ; and properly plural 
suffixes, which can, for the most part, be appended only to noun 
stems referring to animate beings (cf. the presence of singular and 
plural animate forms and the lack of distinctively plural inanimate 
forms in the third personal pronouns). 

(1) Animate plural suffixes. Two animate plural suffixes 
exist, -yw'i-' and -m'i-', with exactly parallel fimctions and differ- 
entiated merely according to the preceding stem. These elements 
apply to duals also, -tjw'i- is evidently spirantized from an older 
-m'i- (§ 16, 1); -ml- is the corresponding geminated (and nasalized) 
form. Their Uto-Aztekan prototype *-me actually occurs as an 
animate plural in Nahuatl (-i)i^). Tn actual practice it .seems hardly 

232 X Southern Paiiite and Ute 

214 SAPIR 

feasible to assign -rjw'i- to spirantizing stems alone, -m'i- definitely 
to all geminating (and nasalizing) stems, as their range of usage 
seems to intercross with that of types of stem; thus, nominal -/.?i-" 
(§ 24, 1, f) forms plural -tsLijivX-, while participial -fi-" (§ 25, 6) forms 
-tim'i-. No simple rules can therefore be given for the use of -rjw'i- 
or -m'i-. 

(a) -mi- (subjective); -m'ia- (objective). Examples are: 

naya'mi mountain sheep (sing. na'xA) 

qA'qa'rami quails (sing, q.i^qa'm) 

tciya'mi ducks (sing, tci'x/i) 

a{i)ya'm'i turtles (sing. a'iA) 

wTtca'vii roadrunners (sing, w'i'tc.i) 

a'ivam'irarjWA our (inclus.) young men (sing. a'i(j)Apits yoimg man) 

yu'ta-m'i Utes (sing, yu'tats-; plur. also yu't atsLrjw'i) 

In the last two examples a nominalizing suffix of the singular 
{-p'itsL-, -tsi-) has been dropped before the plural suffix. This is not 
common; but cf., further, sari't'i'qam'i Arapaho Indians (lit. 
DOG-EAT-PLURAL, noun-verb compound noun; sing. sari'tTqats). 

Animate plural -m'i- is also appended to cardinal -yu- of numerals 
for TWO and above, when used attributively with enclitic -ULa-, 
before animate nouns, e. g. : 

waa'{i)yumunL ivi'tsL'tsLtjw'iayA two-cardinal-animate plur. -like 
great-grandchildren-plural-her (vis.), her two great-grandchildren. 

(b) -rjw'i- (subjective); -rjw'ia-, rjwa(-)- (objective). The objective 
in -r)wa{)- is very common; it is merely a phonetic variant of -rjwia- 
(see §4, 1, a). Examples of subjective -rjw'i- are: 

nava'vL7]wi reciprocal-elder brother-plural, two brothers (sing. 

pavi'ni my elder brother) 
paa'yw'i aunts; paa^ywini my aunts (sing, paani my aunt) 
qava'rjwi horses (sing, qava'^) 
qam'i'jjwi jack-rabbits (sing, qa'mi) 
fiyi'aijfv'L deer (sing. fiyi'A) 
aia'iarjw'i Coconino Indians (sing. aid'tA) 
mQ'vmriLrjwi Mormons (sing, mq'muni) 

Examples of objective forms are: 

rvC purjqu' rjw'iani qoyo"^ I horses-obj.-niy kill (plur. obj.), I kill my 

Southern Paint e, a Shoshonean Language 233 


ni' MU^'qwL'xayw'aivdtii n'i'ni lu{w)a'tsLi]wa I call-for-help-go-will- 
I me children-ohj., I will go to call my children for help 

patci'ywav %m%t'rux\VA daughter-obj.-own they (inv.)-to, to his 
own daughters 

The use of animate plurals for singulars conceived of as singled out 
from a group has been already discussed in connection with participles 
in -t'i-in'i- (§ 25, 6, f). This same usage applies to many animate 
plurals in -rjw'i- as well, e. g. : 

-pina' p'itsirjw arj.i smallest-plur. he (vis.), the smallest (boy) of all 
ni' om'mpimpinaraintsLrjw'i I very-least-plur., I (am the) very 

least in size (of my family) 
qavi\' ovL'nfuaqwoipLyw'i' jack-rabbit (obj.) (hair)-having-come-ofT- 

moving-plur. (obj.), jack-rabbit (obj.) with hair having come off 

from dragging along (referring to one particular animal out of 


(2) Plural -q a-. This suffix has been already discussed as a 
verb element defining plurality of the subject (§ 31, 1, c). It occurs, 
though not frequently, also in the inanimate noun before objective 
-ya- (§ 49, 1), postpositive -ma- with (§ 50, 4, 9), and possibly other 
post-positions to emphasize the plurality (as contrasted with duality) 
of an attached enclitic possessive pronoun. It does not, therefore, 
primarily indicate plurality of the noun itself, though this may be 
implied. Examples are: 

tiv^^L p'iaqa{i)yar)umi country-possessive-plural-objective-your 

(plur.), your (plur.) country (obj.) that (you) own 

tiya'n'imp'iqaniann seed-beater-plural-with-their (vis.), with their 
(plur.) seed-beater(s) 

§ 49. Syntactical cases. 

Paiute recognizes two fundamental syntactical cases, the sub- 
jective and objective. The former of these is in use as the subject 
of a non-subordinate verb; the object of an imperative (see § 52); and 
as a base for the affixing of postpositions (see § 50). The objective is 
the case of the object of a transitive verb; the subject of a subordinate 
verb (see §55, 1); the genitive (possessive); and the apposition to 
a noun with postposition (see §50, 3). 

(1) Formation of syntactical cases. The subjective case is 
simply the absolutive, the unmodified noim with no specific case 

234 X Southern Paiutc and Ute 

216 SAPIR 

suffix. The objective is formed by suffixing -a- to the final vowel 
of the noun, if this vowel is i, 'i, o, or w (o); -ya- {-ia-) if the final 
vowel is a. Examples are: 


sari'ts- dog (< -tsi-) sari'tsL (< -ista-) 

arjqa'qwicaR'i lightning aijqa'qwicariA 

u^qwCyu^ arrow (< u^qwL'yv-) u^qwi'yuu (< u^qwifyva-) 

qani'ni my house qaniani 

qam'aijA his (vis.) house qaniarjA 

quna'v'i'imi thy sack qnna'ma'ami 

pa" water paa'tA 

paa'ravii our (2 inclus.) aunt paa' iaraini 

nampa'yA his (vis.) leg (stem tiampa'iayA 
nam pa-) 

Another objective suffix, -qu-, -r)qu-, is used after numeral stems 
(see §59, 2, a) and after certain postpositions (e. g. -via-, -ywa- on; 
-7jica'ai- TOGETHER WITH; -mpa-A.T; -vpa- through; see §50,4); 
cf. also adverbial trijqu- (§ 30, 2, b). 

(2) Use of syntactical cases. The subjective as a subject and 
the objective as a transitive object are so plentifully illustrated in 
the course of this paper that no further examples need be given here. 
The other uses of the subjective will be illustrated below (§ 52; § 
50), also the use of the object as the subject of a subordinate verb 
(§ 55, 1). 

The genitive function of the objective is seen, e. g., in: 

Uv'^Lp-'i qly)wa'''va°-nfi land (obj.) edge-at-participle (obj.), being 

(obj.) at (the) edge of (the) land 
liwa'rV tu{io)a'tsLr)w'i rain (obj.) children, Rain's children 

Often with pleonastic use of a pronominal enclitic, e. g. : 

dna'rjwavL iintu' (] ui)Wa coyote (obj.) back-flesh-his (inv.), Coj'ote's 

back flesh 
qani."aijw n'u'ra' paa'(i)ya(f)i (he went) house-obj.-her it-toward 

aunt-obj.-own, (he went) toward his aunt's house 

While the subjective form is used as a base for the suffixing of a 
postposition, the form is felt as the ccjuivalent of an objective, as 
appositions to such nouns or pronouns are regularly put in the objec- 
tive, e. g. wantsi' aij arja'imi antelope (obj.) he (vis.; = him) he- 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 235 


TOWARD, TOWARD THE ANTELOPE. Such periphrastic forms are ex- 
tremely common (see § 50, 3). 

The sporadic subjective use of objective forms of independent 
personal pronouns in certain not clearly understood cases has been 
already mentioned (§ 39, 4, end). 

§ 50. Postpositions. 

Paiute possesses a large number of postpositions or, as one might 
prefer to call them, non-syntactical case suffixes. They are chiefly, 
but not entirely, of local reference. They are true suffixes (or com- 
pounded stems that have practically become suffixes), as shown by the 
fact that they precede all enclitics and that, under appropriate 
consonantal conditions, they are subject to the phonetic processes 
of spirantization, gemination, and nasalization (e. g. -ruywa-, -tcuywa-, 
-ntcuywa-, -tuywa-, -ntuywa- to). The position of the postposition 
thus corresponds to that of the objective (§ 49). Postpositions are 
suffixed to nouns, pronouns (except, of course, enclitic pronouns and 
postnominal pronouns), and demonstrative stems (treated as the 
equivalent of inanimate third personal pronouns). 

(1) Types of postpositions. Etymologically, three types may 
be recognized. A considerable number consist of simple elements 
that cannot be brought into connection with other Paiute elements, 
e. g. -va-, -va- at; -upa- through, in — direction; -ma- with. Some 
of these seem to go back to Uto-Aztekan prototypes; with -ua- of., 
e. g., Nahuatl -pa. A number of simple postpositions seem to occur 
only or chiefly as compounded with others, e. g. -yi-, -rjwi-, -aya-. 

A second type of postposition is that compounded of two (or more) 
postpositional elements. These may either be independently occur- 
ring elements (e. g. -vaywituywa- into < -varjwi-" in plus -tuywa- to) 
or an independently occurring postposition preceded or followed by 
one not so occurring (e. g. -ywi-tuywa- into; -'aya-va-tcuywa- right 
into; -ruqwa-^i- moving under). Several postpositions that now 
appear primitive are quite probably really compounded of simpler 
elements, e. g. -vaywi- in < -va- at -f -rjwi-. 

A third type consists of originally independent stems, chiefly 
adverbial and nominal, that are compounded in a postpositional 
sense with preceding stems (cf. English around, aside from, apart 
FROM, along). Such compounds are often followed by a primitive 
postposition, e. g. m^a"ni.'xa-va- I-side-at, at my side < qaniya-- 
SIDE. That -yamya-va- is a true compound postposition is shown 

236 X Southern Paiiitc and Ute 

218 SAPIR 

by its employment with a pronominal stem like ni-^; a noun compound 
7i'i-ya')uya- is impossible. This type of postposition raises the 
question whether all postpositions as a class are not in origin stereo- 
typed compounded noims (e. g. house- under < house-underness; 


(2) Verbal use of postpositions. All postpositions indicating 
movement, also some indicating presence, may be and frequently are 
verbified without further change in form. Formal verbal suffixes (e. g. 
momentaneous -yu- and tense elements) are directly suffixed to the 
postposition. Examples of such verbified uses are: 

avi'mitiiywa''^ it-back-f rom-thou ! go out (of it)! 

"'u'x upa^p-'iya it (inv.)-through (-(//r«-)-past; (he) went off 

tlirough it (inv.), in yonder direction 
\n)wa"vantuywai)Up'Lya he (inv.)-on-to-momcntaneous-past, (he) 

got on top of him 
axa'va ntuxwa''^ what-at-to-thou? where are you going to? 
jiuTjwa" ainnku piya ai iiu self-with-movement-inceptive-past-dual, 

(tiiey) 2 started to go along together 
qa'tcu viaa'iiiiy^va'aik IVA not that (vis.)-at-negative-it (inv.), was 

not there 

All postpositions may be participialized by means of -fi-" (§ 25, 6, 
a); e. g. -vant'i-, obj. -vaiifia-, being at (-m-" at). Such participial- 
ized postpositions are often employed where simple local phrases or 
adverbs would appear in English, e. g. HE g.\thered sticks that- 
at-being-obj. (uv'^'ii'iifiA) instead of simply that- at, there (uv^'a"). 
Sometimes the participial form takes on a specialized significance; 
e. g. ti'iiiA IT-ON, thereon, thereat, but um'''a'7iti (obj. um^a'ndA) 
BEING THERE.vT, i. c. SOME OF IT. Participialized postpositions may 
be followed by other postpositions, e. g. -vanfi-ma-ncujqwa- at- 


(3) Periphrastic constructions with postpositions. While 
postpositions may be used with noun stems (e. g. qanintcuqWA 
house-under), there is a tendency for postpositions to attach them- 
selves by preference to pronouns and demonstrative stems. Hence the 
type noun + postposition is often replaced by its periphrastic equiva- 
lent: noim (obj.), prono:ni (or demonstrative stem) -|- postposition; 
the noun may follow. .\n independent ol)jective pronoun may also 
be thus periphrastically used with a pronominal or demonstrative 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 237 


jxia'iaram urjwa'vatc'i aunt-obj.-our 2 (inclus.) she-at-being, to our 

(2) aunt 
aru'qwA qani a it-under house (obj.), under the house 
tia'v'i lim^a'nEA service-berry-bush (obj.) it (inv.) -at-being-obj., 

(he took) from the bush, (he took) some of the bush 
pa.i u'a'xa4>A water (obj.) it-into, right into the water 
^'i'tcl a'upac u this (inan. obj.) it-in way-again, again in this way 
ni'niantcaxqaTjA iilTjwa'ntuyw 'iy'i' rjqarjU me-preterit-it (vis.)-he 

(vis.) I-from steal-monientaneous, he stole it from me 
marja'iac- arja'ruxwA him (vis.) he-to, to him 

(4) List of postpositions. The following list of postpositions 
includes all elements that have been found on analysis. The entries 
are made for simple postpositions, compounded forms coming under 
the first element; cross references make clear the relationship of the 
various elements. 

1. -a-" PRESENT at; occurs only as participialized -ail- being 
PRESENT AT and compounded: -anu- (cf. 25) present at; -anu-yu- 
(cf. 25, 49) MOVEMENT FROM; -atuywa- (cf. 30) along toward. 
These elements occur only after demonstrative stems, e. g. : 

i{y)tnuan ^am'n'iu this-at-I do-continuative-present, here I am 
u{w)a'noyuntcA pa{i)yu'r)U that (inv.)-at-from-preterit return, (he) 

has been at and returned from there 
ua't- am that (inv.)-at-being it (vis.), the (thing) yonder, what is 

over there 
i(y)a'tuywam'mui(i)y'iar)A this-at-to-moving-present-he (vis.), he 

walks along over here 

2. -aya-^ right in, among; occurs only compounded: -'ayaruywa- 
(cf. 30) MOVING through, IN AMONG; -ayava- (cf. 37) right in; 
-ayavayu- (cf. 37, 49) acting right in; -ayavatcuywa- (cf. 37, 30) 
right into; -'ayavatcumanaTjqwa- (cf. 37, 30, 7, IS) out from 
among. Examples are: 

qatu ua'xaruxWA house (ol)j.) it-through, right through the house 

pa.i u'a'xaxpA water (ol)j.) it-in, right in the water 

u'a'xava(i)YU yaxa'vant'i it-in cry-future-participle, being about to 

cry while right in it 
pa"°yavatcuywa)]w'a)iiL qwTi'p'Cya' water-into-them (inv.)-they 

(inv.) took (sing.-dual object), they 2 took them 2 right into (the) 


238 X Southern Paiiite and Vte 

220 SAPIR 

' a' xavatcumanaijqw A to'o'iv'i' (< a'a'xa-) it-in-from bulrushes (ohj.), 
out from among the bulrushes 

3. -ya'niya - along, beside (cf. independent stem qamya- side, 
proximity); occurs only compounded: -ya'niya yi- (cf. 5) moving 
beside; -yaniyava- (cf. 38) .\T side of; -yaniyavayu- (cf. 38, 49) 
acting at side of. Examples are: 

qani'an uxiva'n'tnxn-x-l yay{a)'i house-obj.-I it-beside-moving walk, 

I walk along the house 
mxa"ni.xa"va' at my side (at rest like a tree) 
n'ixa"nL-)^a"va:iyu at my side (something going on) 

4. -ya va'-; occurs only as participialized -yavat'i- being — er than, 
e. g.: 

n'ixa'°vafim ya'a'{i)y'iar)A I-greater-plur. tall-present-he (vis.), he 

is taller than I 
nirjxv'i' xa'^'vat'im'^ arjA person-greater- plur. he (vis.), the one greater 

than anybody else, the greatest one 

5. -7/-" moving through; common in compounded forms, but 
rare as simple postposition, e. g. : 

t'i'ra{i)yva XI desert-plain-through, through the open plain. 

For compounded forms, see 3, 7, 17, 21, 26, 31, 45; also 15, 48. 
-yi- regularly lengthens preceding short vowels. 

6. -y'ima- other than (cf. independent stem qima- other, 
stranger; § 39, 2); occurs only compounded: -y'im aywanfi- (cf. 8) 
BEING other than, NOT REL.\TED TO; -y'imaijwituywa- (cf. 14) 
MOVING AWAY FROM. Examples are: 

inn'x'iinaTjwant'i thou-other-at-being, not related to you 
qariLyiinarjWiiuxWA away from (the) house 
uyv'iirarjwduxiVA away from it (inv.) 

7. -ina-" RESTING ON, .\T, FOR (of time); obj. -marjqu- (see § 49, 1 ; 
apparently only with enclitic possessive pronoun, while -ma- seems 
to occur only without such pronoun); -inanai)qwa- (cf. 18) from on, 
BECAUSE OF; -)nauar)qivap a- on other side of (cf. 18, 37); -niauia- 
NEAR (cf. enclitic -n ia-; § 19, 2, d);- inant'i- being on, .\t, some of, 
BELONGING TO; -mani'inranaijqxca- from on, from one of (here -ma- 
occurs twice); -nuini'iijica'ai- with some of (cf. 11); -mantuywa- (cf. 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 239 


30) UP TO, AGAINST, DURING; -viayu- (cf. 49) FROM ON, at; perhaps 
also -mayi- (cf. 5) around, circling. Examples are: 

qani'mA on, at a house (e. g. vine) 

wa-'tomoviA two-year-on, for two years 

tca'a'ik aiyoay aya'vLmayqoayA hold-resultative-when-hini arni-at- 

obj.-his (vis.), when holding him by his arm 
ci'ravianarjqWA qana'fi vv'^'a '(ml"'- Cedar City-from Kanab (obj.) 

there arrive (plur.), (they) arrive at Kanab from Cedar City 
yaa'ikwo'mva yaya'yiav uni^a'naijqWA die-off-shall crying-own it- 

from, let him die from his crying 
qani'manaijqwopA house-from at, on other side of (his) camp 
qani'an UTri^anC -pafiaYi house-obj.-I it-at-like walk, I walk near 

the house 
na'a'int'i 2{mant'i burning (obj.) it-at-being, from fire, something 

burning (subj.) 
cv'quc- uv'^Lamanfia4>i qaxa'^jnya one (obj.) song-at-being-obj.- 

own sang (momentaneously), sang one of his own songs 
cu{w)a'roxWituywanuviantuxwA nearly-right-night-at-to, up to 

nearly midnight 
tina'via{i)yuaqA from its base 
mi{y)o'maxi very far around 

For compounded forms, see 10, 25; also 2, 15, 17, IS, 25, 30, 38, 43, 

8. -ywa-"^ resting on, at (spirantized form of 7; -ywa- and its 
compounds are used instead of -7na- after personal, relative, and 
reflexive pronouns; also after animate nouns in -/,st-, § 24, 1, f); obj. 
-ijwarjqu- (apparently used when followed l)y enclitic possessive 
pronoun); -ywanayqwa- (cf. 18) from, by; participialized -rjwanfi- 
BEING AT, one OF; -Tjioanfiywa' ai- (cf. 11) with some of; -ywantiiyica- 
(cf. 30) ON TO, FROM. Examples are: 

ni'yjVA (hanging) on me 

toyo'iMU^taq arj'wayqmii right on my forehead 

pA'qa'yutitca-yA qwiya'tsnjwanaijqWA kill-passive-preterit-he (vis.) 

bear-by, he was killed by (the) bear (such agentive constructions 

with passives, however, are not common) 
^im^u'ywant aip'iya' they (inv.)- from- being said, one of them saitl 
ti'nt'i^'qap'Lya y-waywanti well-ate she-from-being-obj., (he) enjoyed 

himself well from her 

240 ^ Southern Paiute and Ute 

222 SAPIR 

aivam umu'ywantiywa'^ youths they (inv.)-from-being-\vith, with 

some of the young men 
naj)wantux WA pa'i^a self-on-to calling, calling on to himself 

For compounded forms, see 6, 11, 12; also 7. 

[). -ma- WITH (as instrumental), e. g. : 

imp'i'ma i'iya'niva n i what-with-thou hutcher-will':' with what will 

you butcher? 
tiitnp'^LmA nara'<i)ilcaplya rock-with reciprocal-throw-plural-past, 

(they) bethrew each other with rocks, (they) threw rocks at each 

poro' q wama{'^)mau<i>i cane-plural-with-their (inv.)-own, (they hit 

it) with their canes 

10. -ma'ai- together with (used with inanimate forms) ; obj. 
-maqu-. This is related either to instrumental -ma- (9) or, more 
probably, to local -ma- (7), as indicated by its parallelism to -7)wa'ai- 
(11). Objective -ma'q-u- is used when coupled with an objective 
noun. Examples are: 

'ama"aicu nana'p-'iya" it-with-again grew, (he) grew simultaneously 

with it 
atcim'aquqwa4>i bow-with-obj.-it (inv.)-own, (while holding) it 

together with his bow 

11. -rjwa'ai-" together with (spirantized form of 10; used with 
animate forms), obj. -ijwa'q u-. It is doubtless related to -i]wa- (8). 
Examples are: 

sari'vuyquyw' ai mi with your dog 

7iV qani\a imiywa''^ I house-have thou-with, I li\e with you 
imi'rjw'aimpa^ shall go with you 

to'qwap'iya' piywa'ijw'aq uxjiL bet-past wife-with-obj.-own, (he) bet 
(it) together with his wife (i.e. staked his wife too) 

For compounded forms, see 7, 8. 

12. -minaijwa- with (instrumental); probably compounded with 
-Tjwa- (8). It is found only suffixed to objective naywa'qu- both 
(§ 59, 3, c), e. g.: 

nar)wa"q uminayiVA pu'i'mani both-obj.-with eye-with-my, with both 
my eyes 

It is not certain that this interpretation of -minaijwa- is correct. 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 241 


13. -mi-; found only compounded: -niit uywa- (cf. 30) in — direc- 
tion, e. g. : 

yimi'tuxWA toyo'qwi backward run! 
qivi'viihixwA to the left 

F'or compounded forms, see 48. 

14. -rjwi-" IN, ON (of time; infrequent); chiefly compounded: -ywi- 
tuywa- (cf. 30) in direction of (spirantized form of 13; used after 
non-geminating stems, including all pronouns); participialized -Tjwi- 
tuywavt'i-. Examples are: 

'i'tciA tava'rjwi this (obj.) day -on, on this day 
nanin'naywituxiVA in different directions 
qiina'rjwitux WA in another direction 
irjWLtux-WA in this direction 

^'i'ywituywmit uru'^av'i this-toward-participle be-irrealis, I wonder 
if (he) is coming this way 

For compounded forms, see 20; also 6. 

15. -mi{y)u- AT A distance from (cf. independent stem mi{y)o- 
AT A distance, far) ; diminutive -vnoiisiva- (cf. 37) at a little 
distance from; -vii{y)umayi-^ (cf. 7, 5), participialized -??ii(?/)ii7?m- 
yit'i- being further away. Examples are: 

riim-'^i' {y)v at a distance from me 
i{.mL"ooitSL(t>A at a little distance from it (inv.) 
iinn'yiiinaxiW being (obj.) a little further away from it (inv.) 

16. -rjqwa-" direction, used only after qwaia-" beyond, opposite; 
occurs only compounded: -r/qivapa- (cf. 37) beyond; participialized 
-ijqwapatci- being beyond; -yqwap aicuywa- (cf. 37, 30) to beyond. 
Examples are: 

qwaia'yqwApaqA opposite-direction-at-its (vis.), beyond it 
qwaia'rjqWApatci being beyond, on the otlier side 
qv'aia'tjqWApatcuxwA to the other side 

Generally -yqwa- occurs as compounded -uarjqwa- (18). For 
compounded forms, see 33. 

17. -nayi-" in, into (perhaps compounded of older -Jia-, cf. 18, 
21, 47, and -yi-", 5); participialized -nayit'i- being in; -nayituywa- 
(cf. 30) moving into; -riayifiimanarjqwa- (cf. 30, 7, 18) from in- 
side of; -n-ayiyu- acting in (cf. 49). Examples are: 

242 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

224 SAPiR 

imi'naxi in thee 

tarja'na X ikxoa<^'i mara'rjiJcava" knee-in-it (inv.)-own put-plur.-will, 

(you) will put it in (your) own knees 
ora'va t'iv^i'p'i iina'^yd'i dig-shall earth (obj.) it (inv.) -in-partieiple, 

(you) shall dig the earth being in, (you) shall dig into the earth 
il:7ia'°yLtuywap'iya' went into it (inv.) 
' ana'ydumaijqw A from inside of it 
aya'7iL)(.ai' aik- iina'''yi.YU how-act-subordinate-thou say it (inv.)- 

in-acting? what are you doing in there (that accounts for your 

noise) ? 

For compounded forms, see 48. 

18. -narjqwa- (probably compounded of non-independent -na-, cf. 
17, and -yqwa-, cf. 16) direction, occurring in adverbs; participialized 
-narjqwat'i- {-n(ir)qwanti-) ; -nayqwat'imanayqwa- (cf. 7, 18) from — 
DIRECTION (note that -narjqwa- occurs twice); -narjqwapa- (cf. 37) 
IN — DIRECTION, NEAR; participial -Jiarjqwapatd- being in — 
DiREC'JTON. Examples are: 

Una i)qwa{i)yiar)A he (vis.) is coming up 

pana'rjqWAfimanarjqwA down-being-from, from north {pana'rjqwA 

down < water-ward) 
ivii'naijqwopA thou-direction-at, in your direction, near you 
ina'ijqwApatciA this-direction-at-being (obj.), (he shot) on the other 


For compounded forms, see 7, 8, 31, 40, 48; also 2, 17, 18, 38, 43, 45. 

19. -natju-'ina'mi- in sight of (cf. -u{w)a-mi in front of, 32), 
e. g.: 

iina'ijwinainMi seen from it (inv.) 

20. -napaywi- moving down (perhaps contains -ijwi-, 14), e. g. : 
qa'ivanapaijwi moving down (the) mountain 

21. -nan{i)ya- between, distributive -nanan{i)ya- (cf. independ- 
ent noun nariii)ya- betweenness with reciprocal prefix na-^; e. g. 
nafi'{i)yavani))ii at our (excl.) betweenness, between us) 
occurs only compounded: -nafi{i)yava-, -nan(i)yapa- (cf. 38) 
between; -nan{i)yayi- (cf. 5) through between, stuck between; 
-nan{i)yana- (cf. 17, 18, 47) on between; -iiafi{i)yova iduywa- (cf. 
38, 30) TO between. Examples are: 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 243 


qam'naniava between (2) houses 
qaru'nananiava' among (several) houses (outside) 
pu\'nanyapar)A between his (vis.) eyes 

tarjwa'nariyaxiarjA between his (vis.) (2) teeth (stuck like tooth-pick) 
taijwa'n afiyanarjA between his (vis.) teeth (on outside) 
tana' c i^a(i)yar)A nafi' yava ntux w a foot-cleft-obj.-his (vis.) between- 
ness-at-to, to between his hoofs 

22. -nauqwa- distributed among, throughout (probably old 
noun stem with reciprocal prefix na-^), e. g. : 

tarjioa'nauqwA we (inclus.)-among; distributed among us, each to 

t'iv"'Lp'L ana'uqWA country (obj.) it-among, throughout the country 

23. -navasu- following, imitating (perhaps analyzable into 
reflexive na- + va- .\t, cf. 37, + enclitic -cu- also), e. g. 

%mu'navas ariLp'iya' they (inv.)-following did, (he) did as they did 

24. -ni-^ AWAY from; occurs only compounded: -nituywa- (cf. 
30) moving aw .\y from, e. g. : 

hii'tuywa''^ this-away-to-thou ! go away (from here)! 

25. -nw-; occurs only with stem tuywa- dark, night, which it 
nominalizes; also compounded: -numa- (cf. 7) for (of time); -nu- 
viantuywa- (cf. 7, 30) up to e. g. : 

tuywa'nu night 

cv'ituywa7iu one night; cv'itoywanumacu for just one night 
cu{w)a'roxw'ituywanumantuxWA nearly-middle-nigh t-at-to, up to 
nearly midnight 

For compounded -anu-, see 1. 

26. -oa- around; seems to occur only compounded: -.myituywa- 
(cf. 5, 30) (circling) around; participialized -oayituywanfi-. Ex- 
amples are: 

qani OD'axduxwA house (obj.) it (inv.; ooa- assimilated from u-oa-)- 

around-to, (placed) around the house 
aya'oax itux IVA circling around him 
vijwa'oaxituywanti" qarjqa'niA he (inv.)-around-being (obj.) houses 

(distributive)-obj., houses (obj.) that (were) round about iiini 

244 X Southern Palule and Ute 

226 SAPiR 

27. -q waia-" opposite (cf. independent qwaia-" opposite, beyond, 
§ 60, 2, b); only compounded: -qwaiantuywa- (cf. 30) to opposite, 
ACROSS, e. g. : 

pa'qwaidntuxWA water-opposite-to, across (the) water 

28. -firayua- center, middle (cf. independent noun stem t'irayua- 
CEnter); only compounded: -tirayuapa-, -firayuava- (cf. 38) in 
CENTER OF, RIGHT AMONG; participializcd -firayuavant'i- being in 
CENTER OF; -firayuavaniuyuxi- (cf. 38, 30) to center of. -t- appears 
as -r- {-tc-, -ntc-), -t-, -nf-. Examples are: 

nb]wi' firaxuopa people-center-at, right among (the) people 
qani'ntciraxoava?it'i house-center-at-heing, being in the middle of 

(the) house 
toyo't Iraxoovanhixwaq-i right-center-at-to-its (vis.), right into the 

middle of it 

29. -nciiai-na'ai- not heeding, paying no attention to; 
always verbal in form, -naai- being negative verb suffix (see § 57, 
2, d)', e. g.: 

aTja'Ricu'airi a'" paying no attention to him 

For another explanation of these forms, see § 18 2, c. 

30. -tuywa-" to, toward, often verbalized to give to; participial- 
izcd -tuywanti-;- tuywanfimayu- (cf. 7, 49) from — wards, -t- appears 
as -r- {-tc-, -ntc-), -t-, -nt-. This common postposition is probably 
compounded of non-independent -tu- and -yioa- (or -ya-; cf. perhaps 
-ya- of -aya-, 2), as is shown by dropping of -ywn- before -manarjqica- 
(7, 37; also 2, 17, 43) and one or two other elements, e. g. -naydu- 
manayqwa- (17), -vatcumanarjqwa- (2, 37). Examples are: 

liiva'niywap'iya'aikwA gave it (inv.) to him (inv.) 

aruyw a'ip'Cya^ it-to said 

pax*^^o'''rMa;M'.4/;t7a" water-edge-to-past, went along (the) river 

qatcu'arjani n'i' imi'titcuxwava tj' ivain la r).i not-him (vis.)-I I thou- 

to-will-negative-indicative-him (vis.), I shall not give him to you 
qwaxd iiywac u off-to-also, facing the other way 
tuyu'niuxWA upward 
t'iv^a'i'tuyivcnd'i west-to-being, (the) west 
tuxu'ntuxwanti)n"'q{i)YU from upward 

Southern Paint c, a Shoshonecm Language 245 


For compounded forms, see 1, 2, 7, 8, 13, 14, 17, 24, 26, 27, 31, 32, 
33, 35, 37, 38, 43, 44, 45, 47; also 6, 10, 25, 48. 

Verbalized -iuywa- TO GO TO may even he compounded with another 
verb stem, c. g. i'ina'HwYwan'ni- to be out on a hunting trip (cf. 
Una- TO hunt). 

31. -tuqwa-" under; participialized -tuqwat'i- being under; 
-tuqwayi- (cf. 5) moving under; participialized -tuqwayiti- moving 
under; -tuqwayiyu- (cf. 5, 49) acting while moving under; 
-tuqwaipa- under side of (perhaps misheard for -yipa-, cf. 5, 38); 
-tuqwanmjqwa- (cf. 18) climbing (tree); -tuqwatuywa- (cf. 30) 
towards under; -tuqwayu- (cf. 49) acting under, -t- appears as 
-r- {-tc-, -ntc-), -i-, ~nt-. Examples are: 

naru'qwA under (him) self 

tA^ci'ant'i uru'qwA dawn-being (obj.) it (inv.)-under, under the dawn, 
just before daybreak 

iava'tcuqWA sun-under, during the day 

qaju'ntcuqwA under (the) house 

tump'H't-uqWA under a stone 

aru'qwAtiaq A it-under-being-its (vis.), its bottom 

paru'q waxi moving under (the) water 

qani'ntcuqtoa''xi-i'i moving under (the) house 

aru'qwa"x'^'yu i/ax^'vurup-'iya" it-under-moving-acting cry-go about- 
past, went about under it while crying 

ava'''ruq waipa'qwA under side of its (inv.) shade 

aru'qwanai]qWApiya climbed up it 

qa'ivay vru'qwAtiixH'.i mountain (obj.) it (inv.)-under-to, towards 
under the mountain, to the base of the mountain 

aniantca airj iiru'q-wa{i)YU what-preterit-thou say-momentaneous 
it (inv.)-under acting? what did you say under there? 

For compounded forms, see 45. 

32. -u{w)ami- in front of (evidently compounded; for -mi-, cf. 
19); -u{w)ituyiva- (cf. 30) moving in front of, before (of time). 
Examples are: 

vi(na\'u{w)aitii in front of them (vis.) 
7ii7)wv'''(w)aini (< uttjw'L-uwa'nii-) in front of (the) person 
taiHL'u{iv)Ltux-WA moving in front of us 2 (inclus.) 
niu'{\v)ituxwatcarjA pi'fc'i I-bef ore-preterit-he (vis.) arrive, he ar- 
rived before me 

246 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

228 SAPiR 

33. -una-''; only compounded: -unayqwapa- (cf. 16, 37) outside 
OF, BACK behind; -uuaufuyiva- (cf. 30) opposite to. Examples are: 

qan I'an arjqwop-.i outside of (the) house 
7iiii'nai)qwopA back behind me (at rest) 
nt'u'nantuxwA opposite to me 

34. -ona p'i- behind (probably related to 33; cf. also -vinap'i-, 
48), e. g.: 

qam'o na^pi behind (the) house 

35. -Mpa()-", " through, by, in — direction; in — manner (em- 
ployed both locally and, no doubt secondarily, modally); obj. -u- 
pa{)qu-; with enclitic -nia- (§ 19, 2, d) -upania- (to .\ct) like; 
with enclitic -cu- (§ 19, 2, k) -upa{)cu- in the same way, direction 
as; participialized -up at'i- being through, among, around; -u- 
pantuywa- (cf. 30) together with; -upa{)tuywa- (cf. 30) moving 

n'io'purju I-by-momentaneous, pass by me 

tump^a'upa'ami through their (inv.) mouths 

'i'upa'''p'iya'^ went this way, in this direction 

a'up arjqip'iya it-through-come-past, came along through it (referring 

to trail, tracks) 
ma'vp (i"^ in that way, thus 

toyj'n-^opa just-I-in manner (= toyoin'i-opa-), equally to me 
kwi'tu'xpaqoaijA anus-through-obj.-his (vis.), through his anus 

(he bit him) 
rii' ivn'(Y)upa'anL uaya' (f)A''qa I thou-in-manner-like look, I look like 

o'pac'U in the same direction, in the same manner 
qayjqa'm o' p at'i liouses (distributively)-ol)j. it (inv.)- through-being 

(fires) distributed among the houses 
na'pantuxwA (< ua-upa-"; see § 4, 1, a) reciprocal-in-manner-to, 

all together 
o'pat uywap'iya^ went along on it 
imi'upaHux WA through you, by means of you 

36. -urai-'' toward, after; participialized -uraint'i- going 
TOWARD. Examples are: 

qanCu'ra' towards (the) house 

'''u'raimpa riLani I shall go toward, after it 

t'i 'a'uraintV up it-toward-being-obj., up towards it 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 247 


Unlike other postpositions, 'urai- seems often to occur as a phonetic- 
ally independent word, an adverb with prepositional function, e. g. : 

qani'an u'ra^ pay{e)'i' house-obj.-I towards go-present (= qatu'an 
'u'ra, perhaps qam'un u'u'ra, it-toward), I go towards the house 

NVqiOLVi'vnan 'u'ra^ run-moving-me towards, comes running toward 

37. -pa-* AT (spirantized form -va- used with personal pronominal 
stems — not including demonstrative stems, which are followed by 
-»a-", 38 — , after diminutive -tsi-, and rarely after verbs, see § 55, 2; 
geminated form -pa- occurs less frequently, with certain adverbs 
and compounded, 16, 18); with enclitic -cm- (§ 19, 2, k) -'oacu- 
(jointed) in so and so MANY PLACES (after numeral stems); parti- 
cipialized -vatci- being at, to, about; -patcuywa- (cf. 30) moving to 
{-vatcuywa- with pronouns and personal nouns, -patcuywa- with 
certain adverbs); -vatcuqu- (cf. 30, 41) during (of time); -vayu- (cf. 
49) acting at, from; during, through (of time). Curiously enough, 
-pa-' is treated as though ending in i, hence followed by -tc- instead of 
-r-. Examples are: 

aija'4>A he-at, where he is 

pi'tciRi ni'^4>"A arriving I-at, arriving at my place 

mi{y)o"HsL(j)A fi'qa'y'wip'iya' far-little-at became, got a little way off 

wa'ixAp'iya tin-i'(f)A deliberated do-at, (they) deliberated as to (wliat 

they were) to do 
tcayipA near (= proximity-at) 
paa'ivacu (jointed) in three places 

aiH'i'v'^atc'iA toijicaq ajumpa they-at-being-obj. shoot-momentaneous- 

shall, shall shoot at tiiem 
nV 'arja'valciA pu'tcu'tcuyioai I he-at-being-obj. know-present, I 

know about him 
uywa'vatcuywayqw' aip'iya' he-at-to-go-past, went to him 
pi{y)a' vatcuxwa4>'i (he went) to his own mother 
tcayi'patcux-WA near-to, (they fought) close together 
tuywa'vatcuq-u during (the) night 
tuxu-a'va{i)YU through, during (the) night 
mava' {i)Hiyan-L (probably = -xaYU-) that-at-acting-become (§ (iO, 

2, b)- like; at, to a certain distance 

For compounded forms, see 2, 15, 10, 18, 23; also 7, 33, 48. 

248 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

230 SAPIR 

38. -pa -" AT (parallel to 37, but freely suffixed to nouns, generally 
as spirantized -va-"-, only infrecjuently as geminated -pa-" or 
nasalized -mpa-"); objective -mpayqu-; participialized -vant'i- 
BEING AT (less often -pant'i-, -inpaiid-; -pa nfi- about, concerning 
with verbs, see § 55, 2); -vanUmanaTjqwa- (cf. 7, 18) starting from; 
-vantuywa (cf. 30) to, on to (less often -pantwywa-; -pa-ntuywa- 
TO, DTRING with verbs, see § 55, 2); -vayu- (cf. 49) acting at, from 
(less often -p ayn-, -mpayu-; -payu- sometimes with verbs, see § 
55, 2). Examples of this most important of all postpositions are: 

ava" it-at, there; mava'\ m^a'va' there (vis.); uv^'a", "'u'v^'a' there 

(inv.); ivd', *'i'vd' this-at, here 
qani'vani at my house 

tump^'i' pa stone-at ( < tump^i-"; but also tiimp^i'vfV) 
VHa'°yantumpa' on (the) divide ( < m'ia'yanti-") 
toyo'tyqwiyumpa 7jquni right-crown-at-obj.-my, (hit me) right on the 

crown of my head 
'i'vd ?>t aiu this-at-being it, that which is here 
uv^a'°'nUA pu'ca'yaHc-^Apiya' there-being-obj. hunt for-plur.-past, 

there (they) hunted for (him) 
t'im'ayqiva c 'umi yii'ni um'pd ntiani tell-to-will-thee me do-at-being- 

obj.-my, I will tell you about what I do 
m'^a'va-nfimanaijqWA that (vis.)-at-being-on-direction, starting 

from there 
mv'^'a'°ninxwA (coming) on to, upon me 
nv^'^a'^ntuyicaywA u-'ina'i^ piya'aiijiVA there-to-him (inv.) throw- 

past-him (inv.), right there (he) threw him down 
pao'{w)i'paniu.x\VA water-canyon-at-to, down to (the) canyon 
porj' m' miapa ufuywa4)i travel-moving-at-to-own, during their own 

lci(y)ap- iva'a{i)YL' i'ixa'iva' round-dance here-acting happen-shall, 

a roimd-dance will take place here 
iiv'"'a'yum'i Jiaijica'aiiin pa{i)yl'q w\)ip'iya' there-acting-dual recipro- 

cal-witli-dual return-go-past, from tliere both of them returned 

qwavi'i)upayu4>i camp (plur.)-momentaneous-at-acting-own, at their 

own camping place, where they were staying over night 
vn)ii'i'antsLya)it'i)i)pa{i)yu tA'fcj'u'^ divides (distributivcly)- 

little-being-at-acting scratch-subordinating, while scratching around 

in little divides 

For compound forms, see 3, 21, 28, 31. 

Southern Paint c, a Shoshonean Language 249 


There are also forms with -wt()'a- and -va{ya{i)yu- for normal -va- 
and -va{i)yu-. What the significance of the vocalic breaking is is 
not evident. It is barely possible that -va'a- is to be analyzed 
as -va- + enclitic -a- (§ 19, 3, a); yet the suffixing of non-enclitic 
-yu- to -va'a- makes this highly improbable. Examples are: 

vi^a'vaanim"! qanL:>^a there-we (exclus.) house-have, we live there 
'i'va'a{i)y iim'rfU here-acting do-momentaneous, start(s) from here 

Here may belong also 46, 47. 

39. -vai-", does not seem to occur alone; participialized -vait'i- 
EQUALLY TO, AS — AS, generally followed by enclitic -nia- (§ 19, 2, d); 
-vaitoyj-" alongside of. Examples are: 

toyj'nHvai'fim pa'a'(i)yinia-7)A just-I-e({ual-being-plural tall-present- 
like-he (vis.), he is as tall as I am 
qanLvaitnm house-equal-being-like, about the size of a house 
tar/wa'vait jx D (moving) alongside of us (incl.) 
a77i'i'v"'aitoyor)qw'aiya^ while passing alongside of them 

40. -vaia-, occurs only compounded; participialized -vaianatjqwat'i- 

(cf. 18) BEFORE REACHING, e. g. : 

'arjavaianaijqwAt'iacu wants afj.i kwrpa'p'iya' he-before-being-ob- 
jective-again antelope he fell, the antelope fell down dead before 
reaching him 

41. -vaiyauqu- at — time (for -qu- cf. -vatcuqu- during, 37); 
-vaiyau- is probably compounded of -va- (3S), or -va- (37), and other- 
wise non-occurring -yau-. Examples are: 

'u'v"'aiyauqu at that (inv.) time, then, thereupon (very common as 
sentence-introducing adverb in mythical narrative) 

^'i'trlaq-A p'iv'^a'iyauqu qana'ntsLijiv'Caq- umi pu'pu'tcnywapi this 
(inan. obj.) -it (vis.) which-time Kanab-Indians-obj.-it (inv.) they 
(inv.) learn (distributively)-past partic, this is the time at which 
the Kanab Indians learned it 

42. -vani'i- place left over (with numeral stems; perhaps only 
-vant'i-, 38), e. g. : 

cv'v^anticu one-more-also, only one more 
waa'vantic-u only two places left 

250 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

232 SAPIR 

43. -paywi-' in, inside of (very likely compounded of -pa-'\ 37, 
and -ywi-', 14; generally appears as spirantized -varjwi-, far less 
frequently as geminated -p arjwi-, nasalized -mparjwi-); participialized 
-pmjicit'i-; -parjitituywa- (cf. 30) into; -parjwitumanaijqxoa- (cf. 30, 
7, 18) OUT FROM INSIDE OF; -paijwiyu- (cf. 49) acting in. Examples 

qanivarjwi house-in, inside (the) house 

toyo'iavaywitiA kwi'pa'p'iya^ right-it-in-being-obj. fell, (he) fell right 

in it 
mo'o'vaywduywa r}A into his (vis.) hand (it flew) 
qani'vaywitumanayqwA (he came) out from (the) house 
qana'uL7)wayantimpa7)WituxWA willow-canyon-in-to, in through a 

willow-bordered canyon 
wa' i}^an a' avii qani'vaywcYU deliberate-verbal noun- their (vis.) 

house-in-acting, their deliberating while in (the) house 

44. -vatcarjwi-" meeting, towards (person) (probably contains 
-pa-', 37, and -rjici-', 14; -tea-, perhaps < -ta-, is unexplained); 
-vatcarjwiiuywa- (cf. 30) moving towards, facing. Examples are: 

inar)a'vatcai}Wir)up'iya met him (vis.) 
urjwa'vaicarjWituxwA (rolled over) towards him (inv.) 
qam'vatcayyvituxwA facing (the) house 

45. -pa{i)ya-', -pa(i)ya-' surface (cf. independent noun stem 
pa{i)ya-' surface, f.\ce), occurs frequently compounded with 
following postpositions, particularly after tuyu-^, tuyuvipa-^ sky 
{-V-, -p-, and -mp- are all found) ; -pa{i)yayi- (cf. 5) moving through, 
along; -pa{i)yamayu- (cf. 7, 49) from; -pa{i)yamana7)qwa- (cf. 
7, 18) from; -pa{i)yaruyiva- (cf. 30) up beside; -pa{i)yaruqwa- (cf. 
31) under, next to. Examples are: 

tiiy u' in pApa(i) yax- 1 (he sings flying) through (the) air 
tuyu')npApa{i.)ya))ia{i)YU sky-surf ace-from, way up from (the) sky 
tuxii'mpaiA pa{i)ya'manai]q\VA sky (obj.) surface-from, from (the) 

qaiva'vaiarux WA mountain-surface-to, up beside (the) mountain 
uv'^a' (i)ya''ruqwA it (inv.)-surface-under, next to it 
tuyv' mpa{i)yaruqw A sky-surface-under, under (the) sky 

46. -pa'ayi-" over, across (possibly compounded of -pa'a- \T, 
38, and -7/-", 5; generally spirantized -va'ayi-", rarely geminated 
-p-a'ayi-°); participialized -pa'ayit'i-. Examples are: 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 251 


qaru'v'axi over (the) house (he flies) 

nava"axi over (him)self 

o{w)L'-pa"'yt.k-A canyon-over-verbal present, (he) goes across a 

'aTja'v'ayd'iA he-over-being-obj., (he struck) over him (with his 


47. -pa'ana- on, upon, resting above, about (possibly com- 
pounded of -pa a- AT, 38, and non-independent -na-, of. 17, 18, 21; 
generally spirantized -va'ana-, rarely geminated -pa'ana-); parti- 
cipialized -pa'and-; -pa' antuywa- (cf. 30) on to, against; -pa'anayu- 
(cf. 49) acting on. Examples are: 

qani'v'ana-ijA pay{a)'in'nL house-on-he (vis.) walk-continuative- 

present, he walks on (the) house 
niv^a"anA I-on; on, about me 
tump^i'panA on a stone (< tiimp^i-^) 

oa'van'tiay am back-on-being-his (vis.) it, the (thing) on his back 
ay'a'vantuxWA on to him, against him 
ava"ana(i)YU it-on-acting, from above it (he sat and watched) 

48. -vi-^ in back of (cf. instrumental prefix pi-", § 21, 3; also 
independent adverb pimituywa- back, § 60, 2, b); occurs only com- 
pounded: -vimituywa- (cf. 13) OUT OF; -vin-ayi- (cf. 17) behind; 
-vinar/qwa- (cf. 18) behind, after, following; -vinaTjqwapa-, -vi- 
nayqwapa- (cf. 18, 37) (resting) behind; participialized -vinarjqwa- 
p-atci-; vinarjqwapatcuywa- (cf. 18, 37, 30) moving after; -vinayqwa- 
payu- (cf. 18, 37, 49) acting behind; -vinap'C-, -vi-napl- behind 
(cf. 34). Examples are: 

tlyqa'm uv^'i'mituxwA cave (obj.) it (inv.)-back-out of, (he came) 
out of the cave 

nau'nax I behind (him)self 

tirjwa'vinarjqwA after him (inv.) (he sang) 

qcviL uv'"i'narjqjpA house (obj.) it (inv.)-behind-at, in back of the 

liviu'v^'mayqwopA behind them (inv.) 

arja'vLnaijqwA' patcLA tavt'p'iya' he-behind-at-being-obj. lit, (he) lit 
behind him 

nlrjw'i'v'^marjqwApatcuywa'arni person-behind-at-to-dual, (they) 2 
(went) after everybody else (had gone) 

uv"'i'naijqwopa{i)YU wa'ixAp'iya' it (inv.)-behind-at-acting deliber- 
ated, (they) were deliberating outside 

252 X Southern Paiute and Lite 

234 SAPiR 

niv^'i' na "^ p- i behind me 
'arfa'citin p i. behind him 

49. -yu: This important element (see 1, 7, 17, 31, 37, 38, 43, 47; 
also 2, 3, 30, 45, 48) occurs almost entirely in composition with pre- 
ceding postpositions. It is not properly a postposition itself, but is 
likely to be etymologically identical with the verbal subordinating 
-yu- (see § 55, 1, c). Tlie translation acting that has been given for it 
in the preceding entries is only an awkward approximation to its 
significance. It seems to indicate tiiat the action of the verb takes 
place under the circumstances indicated in the postpositional phrase, 
which may thus be conceived of as subordinately verbified. 

Uncompounded -yu- seems to occur in: 

pa\i'{i)y()n l' pa{i)yu'iji'piya' high-acting-like return-momentaneous- 
past, high up (he went and) came back, (he) returned from higli up 

Compounded -yu- (particularly -mayu- and -vayu-) is also often 
most easily rendered as from. 

Verb Morphology (§ § 51-50). 
§ 51. General Remarks on verbal form. 

(1) Transitive and intransitive. With very few exceptions, 
verb stems are inherently either transiti\e or intransitive, changes 
from one voice to the other being l)rought al)Out by means of sufhxes or 
changes in the final stem vowel (§ 53, 1 , b, f ). The only examples noted 
of verb stems that are both transitive and intransitive are: kwipa- to 
STRIKE, hit and to fall on being struck, to be l.aid low, and, 
not altogether without doubt, paq-a- 'lo kill, beat (one person) 
and to be sore, to suffer pain. Instrumental prefixes, it will be 
recalled, have an inherently transitivizing force, e. g. pon no-x{w)(i- 
to make a dru.mming noise (intr.), ic'i-p ou'iua- to drum (with a 

(2) Absolute verb forms. As has been abundantly illustrated, 
verb forms, even aside from nominal derivatives (§ 25, 1-6), often 
appear without either enclitic or suffixed tense elements. Such 
forms may be conveniently termed absolutes. They are used under 
various circumstances : 

(a) When tense (and pronominal) elements arc appended to an- 
other preceding word in the sentence, the verb appears as an absolute, 
e. g.: 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 253 


a'itcaijani qu'qwi then-preterit-him (\'is.)-I shoot, then I shot him; 
contrast qu'^qwiicarjani I shot him 

(b) In imperative forms (see § 52). 

(c) Frequently in interrogative forms, where reference is had to 
present time. 

(d) Generally substantive verbs {aru'a-, vrua-, § 56) have no 
present suffix, present (or general) time being implied when there is 
no tense suffix. 

(e) Verbs of being and having in -kai- (§ 26, 1 , a and b) take no -xji- 
toexpress present time, but are tenseless, e. g. qaru':>^aini I have a 
HOUSE. It is probable that in such cases -kai- represents an old 
contraction of -kai-yl-, as the -ifi- reappears after an intervening 
impersonal -{ua- (see § 29, 14; § 32, 8). 

§ 52. The imperative. 

The imperative is only negatively determined as regards form, i. e. 
by the absence of tense elements, further by the frecpient absence of 
the second person singular in forms that have a pronominal or nominal 
object. Syntactically, imperatives are remarkable in that they 
take an object in the subjective form. The pronominal subject or 
object, as usual, may be appended either to the verb or to a preceding 
element, e. g. hortatory 'iv'^'i- (§ GO, 2, d). Examples illustrative of 
these remarks are: 

ivi'^^ drink-thou! drink! 

avt-'mituyica" it-out of-thou! go out! 

'iv^'i" ivi'rjv hortatory-thou drink-momentaneous! go ahead, take a 

qatcu" ii-aat)L{y)(i pA not-thou shout-negative! don't shout! 
ovi'maxani stick-give-me! give me a stick! 

mayio'qon^m^i io'nA all (obj.)-us (exclus.) punch! punch all of us! 
pA^'qa'rjvarjA sari-'Hc aijA kill-him (vis.) dog (subjective) he (vis.)! 

kill the dog! 
Una" ami punch-them (inv.)! 
qw'irLkitsLaq- i'tc'i tVqa'qA arise-gerund (§ 55, 1, a)-it (vis.) this 

(inan. subjective) eat-it (vis.)! after getting up, eat this! 
nv^'a'nt'inl ya'ijq'ikl it (inv.)-at-being (subjective)-me carry-for- 

hither! bring me (it) over there! 

Imperatives with a dual or j)lural subject do not seem to occur witii 
enclitic pronominal subject, but are characterized instead by an 

254 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

236 SAPiR 

enclitic -ya-, appended either to the verb form or a preceding word. 
In plural imperative forms the verb is plural in form; dual imperatives, 
particularly if intransitive, frequently add dual pronominal enclitic 
-' . . .mi- to -ya-: -y'am'i-. Examples of plural and dual imperatives, 
with and without pronominal objects, are: 

tTqa'qai;i)YA, tTqa'qai eat ye! 

qatcu'i minto' n\a' p- A not-plur. imper. run (plur. verb-stem)- nega- 
tive! do not run away (plur.)! 

toyj'qwLya'ami run (sing. verb-stem)-imper.-dual! ye 2 run! 

m\m'^iyani to'riA ye-plur. imper.-me punch (sing, verb-stem)! ye 
2 punch me! 

i.via'y\it)WA ye 2 punch him (inv.)! 

i{y)e'nuq{w)a(i)ya-qA this-at (§ 50, 4, l)-plur. subject-plur. imper.- 
it (vis.)! here it is! (speaking to more than two; note idiomatic 
use of imperative) 

wTq(ini\yaA'qaamx cover-plur. imper. -it (vis.)-dual! ye 2 cover it! 

qatcii'yami yariwi"{y)ap-A not-plur. imper. -them (vis.) carry (sing. 
verb-stem)-negative! do ye 2 not carry them 2! 

What is probably an emphatic imperative is sometimes formed by 
appending enclitic -aqa- to the verb or a preceding word. In all 
probability this -aqa- is merely an idiomatic use of enclitic pronominal 
-aq a- it (vis.); it has the position of a pronominal enclitic. That it 
is not to be merely construed as a pronominal object, properly speaking, 
is shown by its use with inherently intransitive as well as transitive 
verbs. On the other hand, it does not seem to occur where the verb 
has a true pronominal object. E.xamples of imperative -aqa- are: 

qa'aq-A sing! 

t.rYo'qwL{y)aqA go ahead and run! 
tjyo'qwLyaq-A ye 2 run! 

niv'^'ayaq-A cv'paro''^ I-at-plur. imper. -it (vis.) assemble! do ye 
come together at my place! 

§ 53. Internal stem changes. 

Verbal stem changes in Paiute that are of morphological signifi- 
cance may be classified under the heads of reduplication (see § 58, 3-6), 
vocalic modification, and consonantal affection. Only the two latter 
are discussed at this point. 

(1) Vocalic alternations. Vocalic alternations are either quanti- 
tative or qualitative, the former, insofar as they are of morphological 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 255 


significance, being relatively infreciuent. In all, six types of vocalic 
alternation may be recognized. 

(a) Vocalic lengthening. A short vowel may be lengthened, a long 
one over-lengthened (e. g. a- to aa), to indicate the idea of in vain, 

TO NO EFFECT, C. g. : 

qa-'ap-'iya' sang to no eflFect (< qa- to sing) 
'a'aip-'iya' said without effect ( < ai- to say) 
a'mpaxai' talks to no purpose (< ampa'xaV talks) 
'o'n'nirj'uqwA did it (inv.) in vain ( < unitj'uqwA did it) 

These examples indicate that it is regularly the first vowel of the 
word which is lengthened. 

Another group of cases of vocalic lengthening seems to be associated 
with the idea of continuation. Examples are not very numerous: 

pint' rjw'ifi- QnuqwLxw' aiva' aywA look-stand about (-J^i^tno- < -ywin-'i- 

to stand, assimilated by following -n-uqwL-)-Tun-go-iutuTe-him 

(inv.), shall go to stand around looking for him 
tl,ni''-^u'umL do ( < 7(wi-)-subordinating-them (inv.), while they 2 

were so doing 
po'to'qwa- to be spherical: po'to'rj'i'kai- to be spherical 
tsL-'tsLrjwayaip'iyaint' it seemed that (arrows) were stuck in in 

several places (lengthened from normal reduplicated tsdsL- > 


Perhaps ma-'ni-campa- barely is similarly lengthened from 
mani'-campa- that- way-only, only in that way, e. g. : 

u''wa"axi ma-'''ni'canipA ya'uqwipiya it (inv.)-over barely 
entered, barely escaped by going over it 

(b) Vocalic alternation to indicate nuinher (and voice). In certain 
verbs, the final vowel is a, a , o, or u in the intransitive singular, i in 
the intransitive plural and in the transitive. Plxamples are: 

topa-qi- (tree, feather, tooth) foi)/-^ra/- several come loose; -fopi- 
coines loose nna- to pluck out one; 

-tovi-tca- to pluck out several 
qap a-qi- to stop (intr.) qavi-tcai- several stop; qavi-tca- 

to stop several 
t'ip-a-q I- one comes out, emerges fiv"'i-tcai- several emerge 
paya-q i-, paqa-qi- to tear (intr.) pay(a)i-tcai- several tear (intr.), 

are worn out; -paqi-n'na- to 

tear one; -pay{a)i-tca- to tear 



X Southern Paiute and Ute 



icarjwiq a- one disappears 
qjvo-q{w)i-, qjpo-q {iv)i- to break 

iv{yum')ini-q{iv)i-7}qi- to lash 
(horse) on buttocks, causing him 
to start (secondarily transitivi- 
ized by -}jqi-, § 29, 10) 

Icarjw'iki- several die off 
qjvi-tcai- several break (intr.) ; 
qopi-nna- to break one; 
qovi-tca- to break several 
wiyuinmi- (Ute), also winoin'mi- 
to jerk up one's buttocks (con- 

(c) ]'ocaUr alternation to indicate aspect. In a few cases a final 
-a- vowel of the stem when used iteratively (or continuatively) con- 
trasts with an -/- of the stem when used semelfactively, e. g. : 

vpuq{w)i- to bounce (once) ov'^'oq{w)a-y(e)i- to bounce up 

and down 
-qi- semelfactive intransitive (§ -ya- continuative intransitive (§ 
30, 3) 30, 1) 

(d) Vocalic alternation to indicate active (-a-) and medio- passive or 
static (-/-). A very considerable number of verb stems alternate in 
their final vowel between a- and /, a smaller number between ya- 
and i. The former form of the stem is used for the active intransitive 
(or transitional) voice, the latter for the niedio-passive, static, or 
resultative voice. The i- forms seem to be durative, the a- forms 
tend to be niomentaneous. Examples are: 

i -p otsin'i-k ai- to be ready 

Stan off 
nnintn)i'ni- to lie co\ered up 

to p.)tsi}i'na- to start off (for a race) 

qji'ni- to hang together in two 

-m'unuqwi- to be round 
n3q3m'))ii-(kai-) to be hent, noq 3- 

nri- to bend (slowly; intr.) 
coi-kai- to be bent 
vatja-ntupi- several are angry 

{-tupi- plural stem found only 

in compounds, parallel to sing. 

-ya'ai- to die) 
patcaq wi- to be wet 
patca'i-l^ai- to be fastened on to 

inuntnna- to lie down and cover 

oneself up 
qoi'na- to come together, dangle 

in two parts 
-ni'jinuq iva- to become round 
n.yqoDi'nia- to give a bend (intr.) 

cjya- to bend (intr.) 
natja-ntupa- several get angry 

patcaq ira- to get wet 
patca'a- to be left fastened 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshoncan Language 257 


utcvm'mi- to have one's eyes utcumma - to close one's eyes 

pojii- to stick out one's buttocks, pona- to stoop and stick out 

poni-kai- to have one's but- one's buttocks 

tocks stuck out 

In some cases that have been recorded, there seems to be little 
appreciable difference in meaning between the i- and a- forms, 
though this may be due to inadefjuate translation, e. g. : 

tcuywi- to approach (tr.) tciiywa- dit. 

dr'i'i- to be frightened, surprised cirVya- dit. 

(e) Alternation of transitional -i- and static -a-. This type, ap- 
parently the exact opposite of the preceding, is sparsely represented, 
e. g.: 

pono'a- to be full ponj'i- to become full 

(f) Altrrnation of intransitive -i-, -a - and transitive -a-. In these 
verbs it Ls difficult to discover the difference in meaning between 
the -i- and -a - forms (cf. d above). In some cases only -i- alternates 
with -a-. The alternation of -/- and -a- is evidently an old Uto-Aztekan 
feature; cf. such Nahuatl doublets as cotoni to break (intr.): cotojia 
TO WOUND, cut; tomi to open up (intr.): toma to open (tr.), deliver; 
and numerous others. Paiute examples are: 

tuyiei-,tuywa - fire goes out tnywa- to put out a fire 

ynuqiei-, yavq ica - to enter, sun -yauqwa- to push in 

to qwi- to stretch (intr.) -to q wa- to stretch (tr.) 

in'in Lc L- to turn, roll (intr.) tsL-)innLe a- to turn (meat) with 

a spit 

Linp'in'i-, iinpinna- to be raised impinna- to raise so as to un- 
resting on (something) cover 

ovi- hair is out, ova- hair comes ova- to pull out hair, pluck 

out feathers 

7iu'i-k ai- several stand nu'a- to throw down several 

Here may belong also: 
win'i- to stand iv'inai- to throw down (a per.son) 

Transitives of these verbs with animate object end in -(v-ijqi- (§ 
29, 10), e.g.: 

258 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

240 SAPIR 

tea' mpinariqip'iyai{y)aq- A (< tca-imp'ina-) lifted it (vis.) up from 

maru' xuqwaT]qiar)A to stretch him (vis.) 

It is not clear whether these forms are to be considered as transiti- 
vised from intransitives in -a - or as built on -a- transitives with 
lengthened vowel before -rjqi-. 

(2) Consonantal affection. Two groups of cases are to be 
recognized, glottalization and gemination of stem consonants. These 
seem to be equivalent processes. Not infrequently they occur to- 
gether in the same form, e. g. tska' pin'NA to cut (momentaneously) : 
tskavisA to cut (duratively). 

(a) Glottalization of verb stems. This process operates: 

1. To indicate distribution, e. g. : 

fVA'tcu'ywiyuni four wa'a'yWAtcuywLyunC eight (lit., 

four here and there) 

wayivi- several stand wa'a'tjwitiiip'iya' caused (them) 

each to stand 

yun a- to put several down (in ymva'{a)i- to put down in sev- 
one place) eral places 

2. To indicate iteration, e. g. : 

iyona- to carry in one's arms iyonna- to carry several times 

ya-vayai- to fear y'i'i-paqai- to be afraid several 

times (note irregular change of 

-a- to -i-) 

3. To indicate momentaneous activity, e. g. -n'na- momentaneous 
transitive with singular object: -n a- durative transitive with singular 
object (§ 30, 4). 

Glottalization alone as a grammatical process is relatively rare. 
Generally it accompanies distributive or iterative reduplication (see 
§ 58, 3 and 4), less often gemination alone (see b). 

(b) Gemination in verb stems. Gemination primarily denotes 
momentaneous activity; the contrast between momentaneous and 
durative, as might be expected, tends to become one of singularity 
and plurality. Gemination is very commonly employed with the 
momentaneous suffixes -q i- (§ 30, 3) and -n'na- (§ 31, 2, c). Other 
examples of momentaneous gemination are: 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 259 


U-yai- to happen (iq arj'wi- to take place (at one 

moment of time) 

nayava- to seem nayap a -rju- to get to seem 

nayafi-Tjqi- to dodge nayat'i-rjqi- to dodge quickly 

yauywi-tcai- several enter yauqivi- one enters 

ta-niyi- to stick one's foot in ta-niki- to stick one's foot in 

(duratively, customarily) (momentaneously) 

tsL-quru- to be poking in a hole tsi-qutu-na- to take out of a hole 

with the point of a stick with a stick 

qi-nivuywi- to nibble at q'i-nipuywi- to gnaw 

tuv"'un'ni- to be waking up tupun'ni- to wake up (at once) 

no'orua- to be pregnant no'otua- to appear pregnant 

(right off) 

y'liyi-ka- several swallow y'i'iki- one swallows 

-ya- durati\'e suffix (§ 30, 1) -9 ?'- momentaneous suffix(§30, 3) 

Far less frequently gemination indicates iterative activity, e. g. : 

qaqafi- to run away qaq at'i- to run away several 

ya-vayai- to fear y'i'i-paq ai- to be afraid several 


Even these examples are really but special forms of gemination 
accompanying rediiplication. Combined gemination and reduplica- 
tion, to indicate distribution or iteration, is common (see § 58, 3, h; 
§ 58, 4, a, d, f). 

§ 54. Singular and plural stems. 

All verbs are determined as regards singularity or plurality of the 
subject, less often of the oi)ject also; the singular form includes 
reference to the dual. The most common method of indicating 
plurality of the subject is by the use of the suffix -qa- (§ 31, 1, c); for 
other suffixes indicating or implying plurality of subject or object, see 
§ 31, 1, a and b; § 31, 2, a-d. Vocalic alternation of the final vowel of 
the stem is also sometimes associated with change of number (see § 53, 
1, b). The idea of distribution expressed by reduplication often passes 
over into that of plurality of the subject or ol)ject (see § 58, 3). 

Besides these formal methods of expressing number, there are 
certain verb stems that are inherently limited in their reference to 
number, the singular-dual of tiie intransitive sul)ject or transitive 
object being expressed by a stem which is etymologically distinct 


X Southern Paiute ami Ute 



from that for the phiral of the intransitive subject or transitive object 
Certain of these stem contrasts are: 

several sit, dwell 
several lie 

qafi- one sits, dwells 
avi- one lies 
w'in'i- one stands 
pa{i)y'i- one returns 
pitci- one arrives 
pay{a)i- one goes, walks 

ap'ii- one sleeps 
toyjq wi- one runs 
qaq ar'i- one runs away 
iya- one enters 
ivi''i-{qn-) one falls 
7ionisi- to fly 

(not limited in number) 
isilc un'na- one appears 
f.njqwa- one (bow) snaps 



waywi-, ?iu'i-(Jcai-) several stand 

panayn- several return 

'im^'ii- several arrive 

poro- several travel ; mia- several 

aq o'i- several sleep 
yoni-, yoiini- several run 
mintonni- several run away 
wayi- several enter 
yunia- several fall 
yac'i- several fly off 

maya-{r]u-) several appear 
qavi-fcai- several snap (plurality 
indicated by -fcai-, not by stem) 
yii'a- to carry several (objects) 
tu'uiu a- to take several (ob- 
yuna- to put several (objects) 
qo'i-, q.^yj'i- (reduplicated) to 

kill several 
nua- to throw down several 
{isi)-rjw(iy{a){- to stick in several 

(cf. wayi- abo\"e) 
nii)iiiyi- (reduplicated) several 
break off (irregularly related 
to singular form) 

Several of these verb stems are also used as the second element 
in compound verbs. The whole verb may be characterized as singular 
or plural in this way; a pluralizing -q a- may thus become unnecessary, 
e. g. ivi- ONE drinks: ivi-ka- several drixk, but ivi-rjw'in'i- OXE 
DRINKS standing: ivir)wai)\ci- several drink standing. Singularity 
or plurality of the object is not disturbed by composition, e. g. 
paqn-rj w'in'i- one stands and kills one; paq a-rpvaywi- several 
stand and kill one; qo'i-yw'iu'i- one stands and kills several; 
qj'i-ywaijivi- several stand and kill several. Similarly, note 

ya-, yaijwi- to carry one (object) 
qic'i'i- to take one (object) 

watci- to put one (object) 
paqa- to kill one (anim. obj.) 

win ai- to throw down one 
{tsi)-niyi- to stick in one 

niVna-iq i-) one (object) breaks 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 261 


qwii- ONE TAKES one; qwiiqa- several take one; tu'vm a- one 
TAKES SEVERAL; tuumaqa- several take several. 

A small number of singular and plural verb stems are used onlv 
as second elements in verb compounds, e. g. : 

-Icwa'{a)i- one goes (see § 28, 1; -inia- several go (less frequently 

practically suffix) used as independent stem) 

-ya\a)i- to die (independent -tupi-, -tup- a- (only in com- 
stem), e. g. Uyii-yaai- to die of pounds; perhaps identical with 

hunger, to be hungry tupi- to be used up), e. g. 

tiy'ii-tcupi- several are hungry, 
naija-ntupa- several get angry 
U'^qu' mpu-tcaqai- one (thing) u^qu'mpu-tcdcai-xw'ai- several 
goes off in dust (things) go up in dust 

The plural -navita- to become (perhaps reciprocal na-^ + pitci- 
To arrive: to arrive with one another, to get to be among 
themselves) either corresponds to singular -t'iqay'wi- (also used 
independently) to become or is used as a verbal quasi-suffix of 
plurality, e. g. : 

qatcut'iqay'u'i- to not-become, qatcvnavitcL- several get tired out 

one gets tired out 

patcaqwi- one is {or gets) wet patcaq winamtcL- several get wet 

tuywi- fire goes out tuywinavitcL- fires go out 

§ 55. Verb syntax. 

Under this head may be conveniently grouped a number of pheno- 
mena that affect the verb in relation to other words in the sentence. 

(1) Subordinating elements. Sul)or(linate clauses, denoting 
cause, time, condition, concession, or attendant circumstance, are 
extremely frequent in Paiute. Those of these that are used 
with logical subjects put them in the objective form. Thus, a 
sentence like when i came, you were away is rendered when me 
came, you were away. In all probability the objective is in these 
cases to be interpreted genitively, the subordinating element as a 
specialized postposition; e. g. at my coming, you were away. 
This receives some support from the fact that a few of the ordinary 
postpositions may be suffixed to verb forms (see 2 below). However, 
of the verb-subordinating elements only -yu- (see c below), possibly 
also -qu- (see e), is employed also with nouns (see § 50, 4, 49). The 

262 X Southern Paiiitc ami Ute 

244 SAPiR 

tense elements -pa- (§ 32, 4) and -qai- (§ 32, 3) may precede the 
subordinating suffix, but not the other tense elements. Five sub- 
ordinating suffixes are found, the first three of which introduce 
clauses referring to the subject of the main clause, the other two 
clauses with a different subject. 

(a) -isL- gerund. Subordinates in -tsL- are here termed gerunds 
because they ha\e no expressed subject, though they may have an 
object. Their logical subject is always the same as that of the main 
clause. They indicate antecedent circumstance or activity and 
are most appropriately translated in English by participial phrases: 
HAVING — ED. It is at least possible that the gerund -t si- is etymologi- 
cally related to the animate noun suffix -isL- (§ 24, 1, f) ; such a sentence 
as HAVING so DONE, HE RETURNED woidd then originally have meant 

maa'itsiijw imi'rjwa'aiijWA pa{i)yi'kiva'' find-gerund-him (inv.) thou- 

with-him (inv.) return-hither-will; having found him witli you, (he) 

will come home 
linik arjum'its- mhi'i's'its urjwa'fuLJcarjup'i'ya after having so done 

(plur.), having returned, (they) caused (it) to rain 
i{ni'ts-, ipii'ijufs- having so done, then (frequently used as sentence 

connector); ^ini'yjut'sLyiVA then he (inv.) 
in' nono'cL qicuja'tcdnqarj'wds- I dream-present bear-become- 

gerund, I dream that I turned into a bear 

Future genmds in -vatsL-, -nipntsi- being about to — are also 
very common and frequently found in idiomatic turns. Examples 

ax(i'n^-}i(i'va(sirixcar)io a'l^kaV how-do-plural-future-gerund-him (inv.)- 

ye say-plurai-present? being about to do what with him say ye? 

what do you (plur.) say you are to do with him? 
c'ina Tjwavini quna'iaratjWA quni'vats 'ani'k-A coyote-like fire-obj.- 

our (inclus.) take-future-gerund do-present, it seems Coyote does 

so being about to take our fire, Coyote acts as though intending 

to take our fire 
n'i'niantca r)A pA'^qq'uinpa tstjii iya't'i qoqwi me-preterit-he (vis.) 

kill-future-gerund-me vainly shoot, he vainly sliot being about to 

kill me, he tried to kill me but shot in vain 

(b) -kai- WHEN, WHILE, as; appears as spirantized -^ai- or nasalized 
-rjqai-. This is a true subordinating suffix, attached to \erb forms 
whose subject is the same as that of the main verb. While -tsi- 

Southern Paiutc. a Shoshonean Language 263 


forms denote antecedent activity, -kai- forms denote contemporaneity 
of action. Examples are: 

sv'v'^'ayWA qafi' m' nuaxa t'ir]wi'\va if (§ (iO, 2, d)-he (inv.) sit-move-as 

fall-will; if he rides, he will fall down 
qa'{ai)Y'i tTqaya' sings while eating 
yaya'yaitcay ivi'rju cry-as-preterit-he (vis.) drink-momentaneous; 

while he cried, he drank 
qa'{a)i pay{a)'irjka sings while walking 
qA'qa'tTp'iya^ cua'rjumiykadikwA sat (iteratively) while eating it 

(inv.) up each time 

-kai-c-u- (with enclitic -cu-\ see § 19, 2, k) often implies immediate 
sequence: as soon as, e. g. : 
a'i'^aic-u cina'Tjwa^)! qvna'manfi wTqa'niMilcaiplya sa\'-as-just 

coyote fire-at-being (obj.) covered; as soon as Coyote said so, (he) 

covered some of (the) fire 

Concessive clauses of the same subject as the main clause are 
formed by appending -campa- (§ 19, 2, j) to -kai-, e. g. : 

zt/a't;axa?79atcam2>a 7//1 though fearing him (vis.), (he went to meet 

(c) -yu- WHEN, WHILE, AS. This subordinating suffix seems to 
be identical in meaning with -kai- (see b above). It is suffixed only 
to stems or verb suffixes ending in -ai-. It always replaces -kai- after 
verb suffixes ending in -ai- (e. g. resultative subordinate -qai-yu- 
WHEN SAYLNG, uot *-q-ai-yai-). After verb stems in -ai, -kai- is 
used (e. g. ai-yai- w^hile saying), unless followed by enclitic -campa-, 
but not, e. g., -cu- (hence ai-yai-cu-, but ai-yu-campa-). Examples 
of -yu- clauses are: 

nlTjw'i'xaiyu' n'm person-be-as-thou do! act like a person! 
naijqa'qai'yuqwA when (he) heard it (inv.) 

Clauses in -yu-c u-, analogous to those in -kai-cv- and -kii-cii-, 
are found after verbal suffixes in -ai-, e. g. : 

ipii'lcaiyuc u wV'i'kup'iya do-resultative-as-just fall-niomcntaneous- 
past; while so doing, (he) fell down 

Concessive clauses in -yu-caiupa- replace forms in -kai-c ainpa- 
after all verbs in -ai-, e. g. : 

264 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

246 SAPiR 

imi'nicu' aru"'^ pano'xqwaiyucampA lui' a'ivdtc'i thoii-interrogative 
art be-wet-when-only burn-usitative-participle, art tlioii wont to 
burn even when wet? 

qa'tcu qu'qici'Tj'waiYUcmnp.i not shoot-negative-as-only; though not 
shooting, (he kept on singing) 

(d) -qa- WHEN, IF. This subordinating suffix characterizes ante- 
cedent temporal and conditional clauses whose subject is different 
from that of the main clause. E.xaniples are: 

sv'v"'a tjA ton a' q am t.)y.)'qwLvd' if-him (vis.) hit-if-me (= my) 

run-will; if I hit him, (he) will run 
iini'.-i pA^qa'tjuti'iqaaiiii viarjacu yaxn'va ni thee ( = thy) kill- 

passive-if-thee ( = thy) he (vis.) cry -will; if you get killed, he will 

n'l nai/a'i'aik a t)A ijaija' x Aqai-x.u I anger-die-if-him (vis.; = his) 

cry (momentaneous)-perfective-irrealis; if he had got angry, I 

would have cried 
HfiiijiqivaijA tiv'^L p'inaxi ijC a'qap'iyd do-momentaneous-him 

(vis.; = his) earth-into entered; when he did so, (it) went into (the) 

MA^ca'iatjq'iq arjA wi'i'kup'iya'' reach-for-when-iiim (vis.; = his) 

fall-momentaneous-past; as he reached for (it), (it) fell down 

(e) -ku- WHILE, as; appears as spirantized -yu-, nasalized -r]qu-, or 
geminated -qu-. This subordinating element also is iised in clauses 
whose subject is different from that of the main clause. Unlike -qa- 
clauses (see c), however, -ku- subordinates generally indicate con- 
temporaneity of action. Examples are: 

V}jwn'{ii)xu qdii i't hjwai' rain-when housc-close-present; wlien (it) 

rains, (he) shuts the door 
n'i'ann p'^nL'k ai{i/)a»n pj'YA^qnxoaiiii. I-them (vis.) see-them (vis.) 

run-plural-while-them (vis.; = their), I see them running 
Ia'cl' pa{ii)x u evening-when, in the evening 
ya'n'i-^uicaijani qima' tjwitwywayu die-when-preterit-him (vis.; = 

hisV I other- to (§ 50, 4, 14)-momentaneous; I went away while he 

fA'c'i'ayqu dawn-when, at dawn 
mauin" uisiA tspi'tjumitjqiiijM'A woman (obj. = genitive) appear- 

momentaneous-usitative-when-her (inv.), whenever the woman 

went out 

Southern Paiiite, a Shoshonean Language 265 


-qu- is not so freely used. It is regularly employed after verbalizing 
-kai- TO BE, TO HAVE (§ 2(), 1, a and b), resultative -qai- (§ 30, 9), per- 
fective -q ai- (§ 32, 3), and negative -ijwa'ai- (§ 57, 2, b). The -ai- 
of the first three of these elements becomes -a-, the -a'ai- of the last 
becomes -o()'-. Examples are: 

ni'ni a'tpatsiyaquni me ( = my)" boy-be-when-me ( = my); when I 

was a boy, (it happened) 
maa'ip'i'yai{y)ar).i piywa'xaq u find-past-him (vis.) wife-have-when; 

found him having (her) for wife 
Uni'k aquaij 'oai' while he was doing so, (it happened) 
yaa'irjqiv'aikaq-oarjA when he (vis.) had gone out hunting 
tT qa' q- arjwa qid- uoccampA though others are not eating (for -campa- 

see below; for order of impersonal -t'ua- see § 29, 14) 
-qu- seems to be used also with a few verb stems, e. g. : 
tava'iA marj'w'i'cLk-u sun-obj. rise-when, when (the) sun was up 

Postpositional -qu- referring to time (see § 50, 4, 37 and 41) may be 
identical with subordinating -qu-; cf. I'tcuqu in the morning 
(§ 60, 2, a). In such a form as tuxwa'r'uitjuqu when (it) became 
night, -qu- is perhaps dissimilated from -rjqu-. 

Enclitic -cu- (§ 19, 2, k) may follow -ku- as well as -kai-, e. g. : 

a'ixucuarjA as he (vis.) said so, (something happened) 
-campa- (§ 19, 2, j) is used in concessive clauses, e. g. : 

yaya'xucampayivA even if he (inv.) cries 

iinirjumajqucampaqavii do-momentaneous-usitative-when-only-it 
(vis.)-them (vis.; = their), though they were wont to do it 

(2) Verb forms subordinated by postpositions. A less im- 
portant group of verb subordinates is of local significance. These 
are formed by suffi.xing to the verb, in a manner analogous to sub- 
ordinate forms already discussed (see 1 above), certain nominal 
postpositions. Examples have been found of verbal local subordinates 
in -pa- (participialized -panfi-, § 50, 4,38; and in compounded forms: 
-patituywa-, § 50, 4, 38; -payu-, § 50, 4, 38); -va- (§ 50, 4, 37); and 
apparently -yu-nia- (§ 50, 4, 49). Doubtless several other postposi- 
tions may be used to make subordinate clauses of local reference. 

(3) Present forms as loose subordinates. Now and then a 
verb form in present -y'i- (§ 32, 1) occurs as a sort of loosely employed 
subordinate to a preceding verb, not necessarily of the same tense. 
Examples are: 

266 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

248 SAPiR 

piyiarjA ma'ip'iya L{y)anuyiaqA lu-.irt-obj.-his (vis.) find-past 
this-at (§ 50, 4, l)-present-it (vis.), t'oiind his heart (that) it is 
present there, found his heart right there 

qatcu qa'vaywa' paa'nV not sing-will-negative high-present, will 
not sing (it) is loud, will not sing loud 

(4) Syntactic use of participles. Participles are extremely in 
evidence in Paiute. They are employed in a variety of syntactic 

(a) Attributively, when they may often be translated as relative 
clauses or as adjectives. 

(b) Denoininatively, e. g. to 'ywanfi fighting > fighter, second- 
arily H.wasupai Indian; uv"'n'nt am there-being it, the thing 

THAT IS there. 

(c) Adverbially, particularly with verbalized postpositional forms, 
e. g. tiimp^'L'a'i) 'avanti.i p'uu'ka rock-obj.- he (vis), it-at-being- 
OBJ. LOOK, i. e. HE looks there .\t the rock rather than he sees the 
rock th.\t is there. 

(d) Predicatively after verbs, particularly substantive verbs, e. g. 
"■'he aro"a>m ayaii ani'ntci this (inan.) is-usitative how doing? 
how does it work? qatcu ariLk- iirjiva'yw'ait'i not does raining 
(neg.), it does not rain. 

(e) In lieu of finite verbs, particularly after independent personal 
pronouns. Such participles may be considered as special cases of 
predicative usages (d), the substantive verb being omitted. They 
refer to general time as a rule. Examples are: 

a'imintivi'i say-usitative-participle-plural, (those) wont to say, (they) 

always say 
n'i' tu'ywanfi I fighting, I am a fighter 
/'//// cii'xaxwaiimmLni'ini thou squaw-bush-get-go-causative-usita- 

tive-participle-me, you always cause me to go to get squaw-bush 


(5) Syntactic use of adjectives. Practically all adjectives are 
properly verbal in form. As such, they may be predicatively em- 
ployed, like any verb; or, in participial form, attributively or de- 
nominatively (e.g. "'«'// tjyo'qwdc'i good-being running, good 
runner). They may also be employed, in their bare stem-form, 
as the first, rarely second, elements of noun compounds (see § 18, 1, d 
and e). 

A few adjectives are properly nominal in form, e. g. mia" pits- 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 267 


small; L'tump'i old. An independent adjective may be used 
attributively to refer to an incorporated noun, e. g. : 

mia"p'itsLA wana' Rupiya" little-obj. net-make-past, made a little net 

§ 56. Substantive verbs. 

(1) Formation of substantive verbs. Substantive verbs are 
formed from the demonstrative stems a- and u- by means of a verbal- 
izing -ro'a-: aro'a- to be (vis.), uru'a- to be (inv.). These forms may 
be used with all nouns, animate or inanimate, and independent 
pronouns. These simple forms are also used as the nucleus of a 
set of substantive verbs of specific pronominal reference, composed 
of the pronouns urjwa- he, uvv'i- they, and uru- it, to which are 
respectively appended (not phonetically suffixed) aro'a- for the visible, 
uru'a- for the invisible, forms. It is remarkable that the u- pronouns, 
which are properly invisible, should be used in visible substantive 
verbs as well, visibility and invisibility being expressed by the a- or u- 
of the verb proper. The pronominal substantive verbs thus are: 

urjw aro'a- he is (vis.) urj uru'a- he is (inv.) 

um'^ aro'a- they are (vis.) um uru'a- they are (inv.) 

2ir aro'a- it is (vis.) ur uru'a- it is (inv.) 

These may be conveniently written as single words, e. g. uraro'a- 
IT IS (vis.). The present tense of substantive verbs is designated 
either by the normal -y'i- (§ 32, 1) or, more frequently, by the 
absence of a tense suffix. The substantive verb may also take on 
other tense suffixes, the modal -v'i- (§ 33, 2), the usitative suffixes 
(§ 30, 10 and 11), the participial -fi-, and the nominal abstract 
-na- (§ 25, 3). 

(2) Use of substantive verbs. 

(a) In perhaps the majority of cases the substantive verb follows 
and is phonetically disconnected from its predicate noun or subject; 
an adverb, however, may precede and the predicate noun follow the 
\erb. In these cases the final vowel of the word preceding the 
substantive verb is elided. Examples are: 

cina'ywav aru"° coyote it-is 

^'itc aro"ami' qa'tcu quna"apA this (inan.) be-usitative not fire- 
negative, this (that we have been burning) is not fire 
qatc aro"" t'iv^'a'tst'apA not it-is wolf-negative, it is not Wolf 

268 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

250 SAPIR 

imi'aru arii aru"an.i thee ( = thy)-interrogative it-is being ( = 

property), does it l)elong to thee? 
aro"ap'Lya' (it) was 
arjai aro"avi i'mi p'im'k aik ant'i whom be-would thou having-seen? 

I wonder whom you saw? 
nafi'yiv'^'i-yanUm^' aru'an'impiya reciprocal-friend-being-plural he 

(inv.)-usitative-past, (they) were always friends to each other 
oxor oru"avL imi'n'nintc'i what-at be (inv.)-would do-continuative- 

participle? where woidd (he) be doing? I wonder where (he) is! 
axov oru"nvi uru"aR'i what-at be-woidd being? I wonder where it is! 
(I 'xawantc'iqantiaq vyivaru"" having-hidden-it (vis.) he-is, he must 

have hidden it 
pua'xfini mvaru"" medicine-man he-is 
t'iv'"L'is ainpa-7) ut)uru"ax very-only-he (vis.) he-is (inv.)-present, 

truly he is 
7i'i'nL 'vm^'aru n'ujw'i' ntsujwiui me (— my) they-are person-plural-my, 

they are my persons 
jiA'qa'ijUfup'iyaufiitt iiniiiru"" kill-passive-past-participle-plural 

they-are (inv.), they are ha\ing been killed, they must have been 

vijica'iAc uraru am'' an a him (inv.; = his) it-is being ( = prop- 
erty), it is his 
\i'{i)ijvxvp- iirurii'\ti' good-irrealis-past passixe partic. it-is (inv.)- 

present, it would be good 

(b) A second method of employing substantive verbs is to attach 
them to the preceding predicate noun or subject (noun or independent 
pronoim), a glottal stop separating the a- or u- of the substantive 
verb from the preceding final vowel, which is preserved; e. g. itci' 
\irua- THIS (iN'AN.) IS beside ''itc arit'a-. Perhaps such forms as itci' 
'arit'a- may be considered as verbs with incorporated nominal (or 
pronominal) subject (§ 18, 2, f, e); e. g. iici'arua-, cinaywavt' nrjwaro' a-. 
Forms of this type are obligatory for independent pronouns of the 
first and second persons. Examples are: 

sari'fci dro'" dog it-is 

nn'a'intsisi' am'" little-girl it-is (absolute: naa' inisds) 

imi" 'am' ")n"'a'uiqaiv(i iit'i thou art thus-resultative-future-parti- 

ciple, you'll be continuing in that way 
irja" 'aro"" n'('ui' she-here is me ( = my), this is my (wife) 
lici" 'aru'om l' this (inan.) is-usitative, this really is (your dead 

relatives' brains) 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 269 


m^'a'rl dru'°- that (inan. vis.) is (how I move about) 

wa'nanxivti' iiwaru' tavii two-reciprocal-friend he (i. e. they 2)- 
are we 2 (inchis.), we 2 are friends {-vii' assimilated to u- from -vV, 
thus confirming above hypothesis of composition; note also use of 
third personal pronominal substantive verb with first personal 
pronoun, suggesting that pronominal substantive verbs define 
number and animate versus inanimate, but not person) 

nana' fixivuif nwaru' "vi'^'a'nn plural reciprocal-friends he ( = they)- 
are they (vis.), they are friends {-vuy liw- < -vui)"' urjw- < -v'iijw'i'- 
uyw-; U7/W-, instead of uvi-^-, after animate plural -rjwl- by "number 
dissimilation," cf. § 42, 5) 

cina'rjwavL uywaro'" it was Coyote 

nari''YWLnApu' urjumru" powerful he-is (absolute: nan'ywLnap'i) 

(c) The idea of being of, belonging to is normally expressed, as 
illustrated above in several examples, by preceding the substantive 
verb with an objective form of genitive significance, e. g. : 

ni'niani' aro aru"anA me-interrogative is being, is it being of me? 

is it my property? 
ni'ni 'iiwaru"" me he-is, he is mine 
imi' 'uraru" {aru"anA) thee it-is (being), it is yours 

By a curious idiom, however, the logical owner is sometimes put 
in the subjective, the thing owned in the objective, as though the 
substantive verb were to be translated directly as to own, e. g. : 

dci'an aro"ai this (inan.)-obj.-I be- present, this is mine, I own this 
. (literally, apparently, i am of this) 

tqywa" 'aro"amL qa'tcu quna"apaiA Uu)w(i I aiii we (inclus.) l)e- 
usitative not fire-negative-objective us (inclus.; = our) it (sub- 
jective); we own not (real) fire, the (fire that is) ours (literally, 
apparently, we are of unreal fire; note that tajjwa' i alii, though 
logically in apposition with objective quna"ap aiA, is subjective 
in form) 

(3) Use of inanimate pronouns in lieu of substantive verbs. 
There are commonly used constructions in Paiute that are analogous 
to such P^nglish locutions as it is i who — with predicate pronoun, 
except that there is no substantive verb expressed, the it doing 
service for it. The pronominal form for it employed in Paiute is 
the inanimate visible enclitic, -aq a-. It is regularly preceded, it 
would seem, by enclitic -ii-, -a- (§ 19, 3, a). There is always a 

270 X Southern Poiute and Ute 

252 SAPiR 

strong emphasis on the independent pronoun to which the -aqa- is 
attached. Examples are: 

rii'aq- 'oai' 1-a- it (vis.), it is I (for 'aai' see § 60, 3) 

ivn'ni{y)aq- itcu thou-like-it, maybe it is you {-ninq- probably < 

-nia-a-aqa-; for ucu see § 60, 3) 
^m^aTjaq-A, m^'ay'a'qA that one it is, it is he (vis.) 
"tn'^'ar/a'qA n'i'ni. })\nLkaikamA that (vis.) -a- it (vis.) me ( = my) 

see-perfective-verbal noun, it is he whom I saw, that's the man I saw 
itci'a q-A ni'ni p'iv^a qafi'nani this (inan.) -a- it (vis.) me ( = my) 

which-at staying-my, this is where I stay 
^'u'ri'aqA p'iv^'a'nfim'^anayjqwnn ani p'ini that (inv.)-'a- it (vis.) 

which-at-being-from-my do-past passive partic.-my, that is where- 

from my having been done, that is where I am from 

Somewhat similar to these constructions is the explanatory use of 
m^a'fi- THAT (inan. vis.), equivalent to that is why — , e. g. : 

vi"'ar 'a''iv"'Lar) UR iD'ca'pa{i)yaisLnrjA that now-he (vis.) it (inv.) 
white-breasted-he (vis.), that is the (why) now he (is termed) 
"white-breasted" (note that vr serves as article pronoun to' a'iv'^ Lay a 
to'ca' pa{i)yatsLar]A) 

§ 57. Negation. 

Negative forms are generally preceded by the negative adverb 
qatcu-, less often qa. The latter, though closely attached to the 
following word, is not a prefix, as shown by the unaffected phonetic 
treatment of the negatived word, e. g. : 

n'l qa qah'rjioa'^ I not stay-negative, I was absent 
mamn'cu qa yura' (pA^qay'tcai't-'imi they are unconquerable 
qatcu- is evidently compounded of qa and an element -ten- which clear- 
ly goes back to spirantized -tu- (cf. usitative participle -vatci- < -va-fi-, 
§ 25, 6, c; and postpositions in -pa-tc . . .- < -pa-t . . .-, § 50, 4, 37); 
this is proven by comparative evidence, cf. Mono gadu, garu not. 
The noun, independent pronoun, or verb that is negatived is provided 
with a negative suffix or negative modification of a verbalizing suffix. 
All such negative elements contain a glottal stop. Somewhat 
infrequently, negative forms are found unpreceded by a negative 

(1) Negatived nouns and pronouns. .\11 nouns and independ- 
ent pronouns, including nominal derivatives of verbs (e. g. past 
passive participles in -pi-, agentives in -vi-", and even gerunds in 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 271 


-tsL-), take as negative suffix -apa- (-a'apa-, -dpa-). Negative 
usitative participles (cf. § 25, 6, c) end in -apatci-; for negative forms 
of ordinary active participles in -i'i-, see 2, b below. This suffix precedes 
objective -ya-. Examples are: 

gate aro"'^ iav'^a'tsia'ap-A not it-is wolf-negative, it is not Wolf 
qarn."apA house-negative, not a (real) house 

qatc ina'mp'itSLdpaV not badger-negative-obj., not a badger (obj.) 
gate 'a't'inonocipi'apA not good-dream-past passive partic- 

negative, what has not been well dreamt, not a good dream 
gate "'a't'inorioct.VL'apA not a good dreamer 
gate '^'a'tlnonoeitsCapA not good-dream-gerund-negative, not having 

dreamt well 
gatcu"iiyw i'i'vcC pi'tcidapate'i not-he (inv.) here arrive-negative- 

usitative participle, he is not wont to arrive here 
gate imi"ap-A not thou-negative, it is not you 

(2) Negatived verbs. Several negative elements are used. 

(a) Absolute negatives in -'apa-. The absolute (tenseless) verb 
is negatived precisely like a noun, e. g. : 

imi'ntcaatjA ga pA'qa'rjudpA thou-preterit-him (vis.) not kill- 
negative, you did not kill him 
gatcu'ni qi"i''-{y)apani not-me bite-negative-me, do not bite me! 

(b) Non-absolute Jiegatives in -rjwa'ai-. The form in -rjwaai- with- 
out specific tense element functions as a negative present, e. g. : 

wiE' gatcu'arjA ga'tuirjwa''^ I not-him (vis.) sing.-cause-negative, I 
do not let him sing 

The future negative suffi.xes -yiva'ai- to -va- (§ 32, 4), e. g. : 

qatcun Uni' ava^rjwa' aim not-me tell-future-negative-me, do not tell 
on me 

The -vania- future (§ 32, 5) inserts the negative suffix between 
-va- and -nia-, hence -vaywa'ainia-. A somewhat puzzling form in 
-vaniijwa'ai{nia)- also occurs. Examples are: 

gatcu' A'^ga tjA pinikaivarj' wwini he (vis.) will not see it (vis.) 
gatcu'aj) "^'a'tinonoc tvaniywa'aiti l^ he (vis.) will not dream well 
gatcu'at) '^'a'thionocLvantijwa''^ he (vis.) will not dream well (stated 
as prediction) 

272 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

254 SAPiR 

The negative active participle ends in -rjwaait'i-, e. g. : 

qa nono'ctywai't'i not dreaming 

qatc'^ 'a'{i)yuijwai'tivH not one who is good (among) several 

The negative correspondent of subordinating -kai- (§ 55, 1, b) is 
-rjwa'ai-i/u- (§ 55, 1, c), e. g. : 

na-'nuu/waiYUcampayA fi'iru'x w.i without saying anything, (give) 
him (vis.) to me 

In certain forms -rjwaai- is replaced by two-moraed -rjwaa-. The 
negative form of subordinating -ku- (§ 55, 1, e) is -rjwaqu-, e. g. : 

tTqa'qarjwa'qucampararjWA eat-plural-negative-while-only-we (In- 
dus.), while we are not eating 

There are absolute verb forms in -yuHiapa-, a suffix apparently 
combining -rjwa'a{i)- and -apa- (see a). It is not evident how they 
differ, if at all, from ordinary negative absolutes in -ap a-. Examples 

qatcu'tca mi paa'iyorjwa'apacu not-preterit-they (vis.) countable 
(?)-negative-again, they were many in number {paiyj- is only 
used as negative verb; cf. qatcu' rarjw a pan' iyorjioa aicu we (indus.) 
are many) 

Forms in -tjiva'ap a-vi- seem to be agentives of negative absolutes 
in -rjwa'apa- (but cf. negatived agentives in -vi'apa-, 1 above), e. g. : 

ii'i' qatc cniipa'xAt'uiTjwa'apaxf)! I not talk-cause-negative-agentive, I 
(am) one who causes not to talk, I do not allow to talk 

(c) Xcgative forms of verbalizing -kai-. The verbalizing suffixes 
-kai- TO BE and -kai- to have (see § 26, 1, a and b) become -ai- in the 
negative. This -ai- takes the place of any specifically negative suffix. 

Examples are: 

atc'i'ya' has a bow qa'tc atn'a'" has not a bow 

"'a'rjav'i'yaip'iya' had arms "'a'tjavidipVa' had no arms 

fatjica'tjqaivant'i Ijcing about to qa'tcu tar)wa"aivanti not going 

have teeth to have teeth 

n'iTjw'i'aya' (it) has a person, a nirjwl'a''^ ( < -a-a'°) no person is 

person is there there 

Southern Paint c. a Shoshonean Language 273 


pa'yaivdtc'j wont to be water qatcu'ru'a q- i'i'va pa'a'aivdtci 

not-interrogative-it (vis.) here 
water-be not-usitative-parti- 
ciple, is there not wont to be 
water here? 

The negative participle corresponding to positive -kant'i- being, 
HAVING (§ 26, 1, a and b) is -ait'i-, e. g. : 

narjqa'vayant'i having ears narjqa'va'ait'i earless 

quna'qax(inUviiha.\''\ng^ve (piur.) qa'tcu quna'inikaWiMi not fire- 

owned-plural subject-not have- 
participle-plural, not having 
fire (plur.) 

As we have already seen (§ 32, 6), narrative past -p-'iyai- is com- 
pounded of past passive participle -pi- and -yai- to have. Its 
negative correspondent is therefore -p'i'ai-; -yai-p'iyai- had — , was — 
is doubly negatived to -'ai-p'i'ai-. The negative correspondent of 
participial -p'iyanfi- (§ 25, 6, e) is -p'i'ait'i-. Examples are: 

qafi'p'iya sat ^a'/ci/ ^aR'/^^ta'" did not sit 

p\nL'k aip-'iya'aikwA saw it qa'tcu phiL'kaip'i'a'aik iv.i did 

(inv.) not see it 

NTci'm-'^'iap'iyant'i having ever qa'tcu NTci'm-'^'iap'iait'i having 

let go of any one never let go of any one 

The negative verbalizing -ai- appears as -a-, -a'- before subordi- 
nating -qn-; -a'q u- when has not, when is not thus corresponds 
to positive -kaiyu-, e. g. : 

c ci'na7)wavL{y)a'qufuacampA coyote (distributively)-not be-when- 
impersonal-only, though others were not coyote-like 

(d) Negatives in -7i a'ai-. A few verbs, chiefly verbs of sight, use 
-naai- as negative suffix instead of the normal -rjwa'ai- (b above); 
participialized, -naait'i-. Unlike -rjiva'ai-, however, -na'ai- pre- 
cedes future -va- and is followed by narrative -p'iyai-. 

nit' pitn'tuina''^ I see-cause-negative, I do not let (him) see 
maija'cuaq-A qa p'^ni'iia'" he-it (vis.) not see-negative, he does not 

see it (but: matja' cuaq- a qa p^ni'kairjwa''^ he does not look at it) 
p'ini'na'aiYU while not seeing 
qatcv""qiVA plni'n-a'aij)-'iya not-it (inv.) (he) saw 

274 X Southern Paiute and Vte 

256 SA.PIR 

qatcu'^qwa^mi sotsLu'iiaivaaqwami not-it (inv.)-dual peep-negative- 
future-it (inv.)-dual, (you) 2 shall not peep at it 

-fictiai-na'ai- to pay no attention to (see § 50, 4, 29) 

qatcu'ay 'a't'inonocina''^ not-he (vis.) good-dream-negative, (I 
guess) he didn't dream well (but also: qatcun 'a'tm-jnoc Lywa" 
not-I well-dream) 

7n*"a'ijaqA maa'ininadit'i that one it (is) who has not been touched 

(e) Negative participle in -nu{w)a'ait'i-. This form is perhaps the 
negative participle corresponding to usitative -n l'-" (§ 30, 11), e. g. : 
qa'tcu na'a'inu{w)a'ait'i never having burned. 

§ 58. Reduplication. 

Numerous reduplicated forms have already been quoted in the 
course of this paper. The process is freely used both in nouns and, 
especially, in verbs. It is frequently accompanied by glottalization 
or consonantal gemination or both. The reduplication is practically 
always initial; only a few cases of morphologically non-significant 
final reduplication occur. An initial vowel (v) reduplicates to v'v'- 
(^'v'-, 'v'-). If the word begins with a consonant + vowel (cv), 
the reduplication includes both (cv-', rarely cv'-). A stem, however, 
that has a nasal consonant following initial stopped or affricative 
consonant + vowel (cvc") includes the nasal in the reduplication 
(cv-"') ; the nasal of the reduplicating syllable is assimilated, if neces- 
sary, to the first consonant of the stem. The consonant following a 
reduplicating cv- may be either spirantized or geminated, according 
to type. Verbs and nouns with reflexive prefix na- reduplicate the 
iia-, not the stem; verbs with instrumental prefixes reduplicate the 
prefix, not the stem (e. g. verbs in ta-^ with the foot reduplicate to 
tA'ta'-"). In the following, examples of reduplication are classified 
as to function, secondarily as to phonetic type. 

(1) Constantly reduplicated nouns. A small number of 
nouns occurs only in reduplicated form. The reduplication seems 
to have no morphological significance. Reduplicating types cv-^ 
and CV-" both occur. Examples are: 

qA'qa'RA quail 

tu'tu'yuacf)! supernatural helper 

77iama"uts- woman; »ia)iia"°cayw(o)its- old woman 

tanta'rjwavi- man's brother-in-law 

pimp'i'n'jioav'iyaip-'i. toad 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 




ovi'-77ipimpin-araAjHtsL-r)WL last, youngest of all (reduplication 

probably has distributive function) 
pamp'i'ni bucket (reduplicating vowel different from that of stem) 

An example of reduplicating cv-" in the case of a stem without in- 
ternal nasal is pompo'tsats lizard (var.). 

(2) Distributive reduplication in nouns. Distributive forms 
of nouns are quite frequent. They are not true plurals, though 
sometimes, particularly in the case of animate nouns, practically 
equivalent to such. A distributively conceived noun is practically 
always logically plural at the same time, but need not be. 

(a) Type v'v-: 

trja" pits- baby 
aijav'i- arm 

(b) Type cv-': 

po' trail 
pia- mother 
pirjwa- wife 

(c) Type cv-^} 
pA'tca'raywA our (inclus.) shoe(s) 

patsi- older sister 

tdtsi" ait'i headless 

wiyi- vulva 
yv'u- leg 
narjwa- tracks 

nioa- father 

(d) Type cv-": 

i"i()'7)'apitsLr)w'i babies 
a'a'yamxci'ip'^ya each had an 

povo'o trails 

pivl'armjWA our (inclus.) mothers 

pivi'ijwanu their (vis.) wives 

pA^pa'tcaraywA our shoes (one 

pair to each) 
pa' pa'tsLanii their (vis.) older 

to'to'tsi'ttitimi each having no 

head, headless people 
w'iw'i'xiA vulvas (obj.) 
yuyi/'uxwaip^yd^ each had a leg 
nana'ywarayiVA our (inclus.) 

momQ'a{i)ya{u)<{)'L (their) own 

fathers (obj.) 

' In the case of stems beginning with v), y, and n there is no possibility of 
distinguishing spirantizing and geminating reduplication. Such examples 
will be arbitrarily considered as coming under geminating reduplication. 
Stems beginning with s, c, generally also m, have geminating reduplication. 


X Southern Paiiile and Vte 



piirjqu'rjw'irarjWA our (inclus.) pumpu'yquyw'irayiVA our horses 
horses (owned collectively) (one or more owned individu- 

ally by each one of us) 
qu'ni house qarjqa'ni houses 

(3) Distributive reduplication in verbs. Distributive activity 
nearly always involves plurality of subject in transitive or intransitive 
verbs or of object in transitive verbs. Hence the distributive form 
of the verb is frequently enough the practical equivalent of a plural 
verb. Certain verbs, indeed, consistently use the distributive form 
instead of one with pluralizing -qa- (§ 31, 1, c); e. g. pimp'i'n'i-kai- 
several look at, not *j)'Lni'kaika-. 

(a) Type v'v-: 

uyivai- to hang 
t?/?"'!.'/- several arrive 

(b) Tj/pr cv-': 

quni- to take one object 
tca'a'ip'i'ya took hold of 

u'u'ywai'y'iq WA hangs them (in- 

an.) all 
'iivimiip'iya (they) arrived 

each bv himself 

qunyieii- several take one object 
tcatca' i' p'iyaiam'i. they (vis.) each 
took hold of 

(c) Type cv-^ (most frequent type of distributive verb): 

tava'cup'i dry (past passive 

MU^qu'ntai' is straight 

pA'qa'rju to kill one person 
sa'rjqni' (it) is unripe 

to'qwa"(ti' patches one 

na a' ip'iya fire was burning 

(d) Type cv-^ 
qa'ivayani'i having a mountain 

jpa' spring 

iA'ta'4)Acup'i all dry 

mumu'quntaV several are 

pA'pa'qarju several kill one 
SA'.m'yqai' several things are un- 
io^to'qwa\u patches several 
nan-a"aip'iya there were fires 

qa'qaivayant'i having mountains, 

mountainous country 
pa'payant'i spring (distribu- 
tively)-having, places with 

Southern Paiute, a Shosbonean Language 




(e) Type c\'-^ ...'...: 
winai- to throw down 

pa{i)yl- to return 

(f) Type CV-": 
puyquywai- to have a horse 

(g) Type CV-" ...'...: 

p'inikai- to look at 
tona'V stabs 

(h) Type CV-" ...'... 

panaya- several go home 

w'iwi'nnaip ■ lyai {y)aijA (they) 

threw him (vis.) down 
p.'C pa' {i)yi p'iya all returned 

pumpu'quywa' (dissimilated 

from pumpu'rjqu-) each has 

phnp'i'n'i-ka' several look at 
tonto'v' A'^qai several stab 

pampa' ri' A'^qai (they) go home 
in parties; pampa'rinaq Aqwa'- 
ai- to go home, each group by 

(4) Iterative reduplication in verbs. Iterative verbs, i. e. 
verbs indicating the repetition of an action, are reduplicated in a 
manner very similar to distributive verbs, though the iterative is 
to be considered as a form distinct from the distributive. In some 
eases the iterative and the distributive are phonetically identical, 
in others there is some difference of form. On the whole, stem 
gemination and glottalization tend to be more frequent in iteratives 
than in distributives; contrast, e. g. : qioiyw'i'i- several take one 
OBJECT ( < qivii-) with qwTqw'i'"i- TO take one object several 

(a) Type v'v . . .(^) ...(...'... may appear instead of 


ivi- to drink 
ampa'yai' talks 
uywi'^ smells 

u'cu'qwi whistles 

oro 7)wi roars 
A'ti'xi to nurse 

li' pi' drinks repeatedly, sips 
a'a'^tipA'qai" talks repeatedly 
u'u'qwV smells several times, 

sniflFs around 
"'u'cuqwi" whistles several 

oWro'ywi' roars several times 
'a' fix I to nurse several times 


X Southern Pciiute and Ute 

260 SAPIR 

(b) Type cv-*: 

tavinna- to put out one's breast, tara'vm'naai' keeps putting out 

to strut (his) breast 

paywai- to yell pam'r/wai- to yell several times 

pi'pi'ta'ni' vomits (momentane- pivi'Han'm vomits several times 

ous reduplication ; see 5, e) 

toyo'qwi runs fjrj'^O^m' runs several times 

(c) Type cv-^: 
tA^pu'qun jumps 

keeps jumping, 

qu'qwi'^ shoots 
iTqa'V eats 
w'i'l'i dances 
sifqwip-'ifa ran 


qu'qo'qwi' shoots several times 
trti'qai' eats several times 
wiwi'ii" dances repeatedly 
nonii'qwip'i'ya^ kept running, 
ran time after time 
siva'i' whittles ssi'vai" whittles many times 

kwi'p-A to hit A-ff'/'A-ii'/';;'-' to hit several times 

yu'mu'qwi' starts (on being yuyu'm'MU'^qwi starts several 
startled) times 

(d) Type cv-^ . . .^ . . .: 

t'iv'^'i'na'Yai' leads tTW p'inaqai leads away several 

jiaya'rhjq'i to dodge (durative); nana' q- At'iyq'i to dodge one time 

naya't'ijjq'i (momentaneous) 
(e) Type cv-^ ...'...: 

qa'r sings 
maywa'vai' creeps 
jiaya'm V is sick 
tva'i' gives birth 

tcA'qo'itcai' takes off clothes 

qivii'i' takes one object 

after another 

qA''qa"ai' sings repeatedly 
main ma' yjwava'C creeps in starts 
nana'xa'nn is sick several times 
tu'tu"ai' gives birth several 

tcA^tca'qoitcaV takes clothes off 

several times 
qwTqin"'iV takes one object sev- 
eral times 

(f) Type cv- ...'../.. .(types d and e combined): 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 279 


yaya'i cries ya{i)'ya'qai cries several times 

7utitci'yai* (it) shakes nin''i'ntciq{i)i (it) shakes several 


(g) Type CV-" 

p'in-i- to see, look plmpi'n'ni' looks repeatedly 

tojia- to stab tonto'n'nai" stabs several times 

fini'a- to tell tmti'n'iai' tells several times 

pona- to stoop and stick out pornpo'n'na.i'^ stoops several 
one's buttocks times sticking out (his) but- 


number of verbs form their momentaneous (or inceptive) form (see 
§ 30, 3-8) by reduplication. Momentaneous reduplication differs 
radically from distributive and iterative reduplication in that there 
is no accompanying stem gemination or glottalization. There is a 
certain amount of overlapping of forms (e. g. t'i'fi'qa- to eat several 
TIMES; TO start TO eat), but, on the whole, reduplicated momentan- 
eous forms are sharply distinguished from corresponding reduplicated 
distril)utives and iteratives, e. g. qA'qa'fi- to settle dowim ( < qar'i- 
TO sit): qA'qa't'i- to sit several times; qaya- to start off singing 
(< -qa- TO sing): qA'qa"a- to sing several times; a'a'vi- to begin 
lying down ( < avi- to lie): a'a'pi- to lie several times; yaya'ya- 
TO burst OUT CRYING ( < yoja- to cry) : ya'ya'qa- to cry several 

(a) Type v'v-': 

avi- to lie down a'a'c/)/ to begin lying down 

This type does not seem to be freely used. Thus, m- TO drink 
forms no momentaneous (or inceptive) *i'i'vi-; ivitju- is the appropriate 
form (§ 30, 5). 

(b) Type cv-^: 

qa- to sing 9070'- to sing (momentaneously), 

to start in singing; qaya'tca rjA 
he (vis.) finished singing 
kieyq'i- to laugh Iciyi'erjq'i- to start in laughing 

pay(a)i- to walk pava'y{a)i- to start to walk 

pat- to call pava'i- to call (monientaneously) 

(c) Type cv-''; 


X Southern Paiute and Vte 


fiq a- to eat 
pitci'- to arrive 

itiufciyd- to shake 
qar'i- to sit 
yaya- to cry 

yjyo- to copulate with 

yuyivi- several are seated 
w'in'i- to stand, be standing 

(d) Type cv-": 
fin- in- to tell 


ti'fi'q a- to eat up, to start to eat 
pi'pi'tcl-, pi'tci- (§ 10, 3) to arrive 

n'Ln'i'ntciya- to start in shaking 
q/Cqa'fi- to sit down, settle 
yaya'ya- to begin crying, burst 

into tears 
yoyo'yj- to copulate with (mo- 
yuyu'ywi- several sit down 
w'iw'i'n'i- to stand up 

t'int'i'nia- to tell on; tlnt'i'niarjq'l- 
to tell to (monientaneously) 

(ti) Final reduplication. This type of reduplication is very 
imcommon in Paiute. It is confined- to a small number of verbs, in 
part onomatopoetic. Sometimes an -/- follows. Such are: 

pA'-sj'roroi-tr'i waterfall (participle of verb with incorporated pa- 


iump^'i'-s ivavai-fc'i precipice (participle of verb with incorporated 

tutnp"'i- rock) 
cu'ruru-, cu'ruru- to make a noise as of an object whirling down 
qi'nr'i- to sound like a hard object played over a toothed or notched 

qwinu'nnu- to turn around 
ta-ya'niinn-})ql- to have one's feet dangling 

§ 59. Numerals. 

(1) Numeral stems proper. The numerals of Paiute are: 

9. cu{w)a' royomA ciirjwi- 
10. toyo'mA'cuyivi- 
20. wa'inA^cuTjwi- 

iVA'tcii'tjwi- 30. 

inauL'yi- 40. 

nava'i- 50. 

nava'ikavai- 60. 

wan'rjWA'cutjici- 100. 

cv - 

pa iviA curjwi- 





Sunt hern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 281 


The stem cv-, in its meaning of one, is generally provided with an 
enclitic -cm- (§ 19, 2, k), e. g. : 

cv'yuc u one (cardinal attributive); objective cv'qucu 

cv'tacu once 

cv'yurjuc u to become one 

cv'ituywanumA, cv'ituywanum'^'ac u for one niglit 

cv'yunC one (in counting) 

Without enclitic -cm-, cv- is often used to mean other, the other, 
e. g.: 

co'yu other; cv'y arj.i other he (vis.), another one; cv '{i)y am other 
it, another (thing); cv 'ruclnaywav atj.i other-coyote he (vis.), 
the other coyote 

co'qunA other one (apparently co - -\- objective -q n- + verbal noun 
suffix -no-); co'qvn arjA the other one 

co'qu again, once more 

co'v'^'ant'i the other; cu'v'^'anfimi the others (anim.) 

Only 1 , 2, and 3 seem to be primary numeral stems. 4 is probably 
based on 2, wa- being reduced to wa-. 5 and 10 evidently contain 
ma- HAND. 6 is compounded of reciprocal na- (§ 22, 1) and pai- 
THREE, hence means properly duality of threes (cf. Nahuatl 
nahui FOUR < duality of twos; Hopi nalcyi four < kiyi two, 
navai six < pahio three, nanal eight < nalcyi four). 7 is 
clearly based on 6. 8 {waa'ywAtcuTjWi) is somewhat irregularly 
reduplicated from 4 {waHcu'tjwi). 9 is compounded of cu(u')a--^ 
nearly (§ 20, 12) and 10. 10 is properly ma'cv'ijwi, toyo'- (§ 20, 15) 
meaning just, quite, -c iiywi- (cf. perhaps -t ciirjwi- of 4) is obscure, 
but is probably another form for one ( < Shoshonean *siwi or *simi] 
cf. Shikaviyam ccwi- one, Mono ciwi, cinut); macihjwi- may thus 
have meant one pair of hands. 20, 30, and so on up to 100, are 
respectively compounds of 2, 3, and so on, and ten; -ma'cu'ijivi- 
always appears as such, instead of alternating, as would be expected, 
with -ma'ciiyivi-. 100, rather curiously, consists of another (cvyu-) 
and JUST-TEN. 

Cardinal and adverbial suffixes to numeral stems are discussed in 

(2) Employment of numerals. Numerals enter into .syntactic 
relations in one of three wavs: 

282 X Southern Paiiite and Ute 

264 SAPiR 

(a) As independent nominal forms, attributively or denominatively. 
Subjective forms end in -yu- (see § 36, 1), objectives in -qu-. Ex- 
amples of numerals in -qu- are: 

cv'quc- u'qwL'yutsiyaivdtc'f one (obj.) arrow-little-have-usitative- 

participle, wont to have one arrow 
wa'quicani qava'xA two-obj.-preterit-I horse-get, I received two 

paa'ik-^u three (obj.) 
mariL^Lku patcu'yw'Cxaipiya' five (obj.) daughters-have-past, had 

five daughters 

(b) As first elements of noun compounds; they geminate following 
stopped and affricative consonants. Examples of compounded 
numerals are: 

wa'q'imantsnjw'i two strangers 
waa'nL(y)avL'ijw ami the two chiefs 
wa' ma'^' cay'^oitsLrjw'i two old women 

Before vowels compounded iva- appears as xvan'- (perhaps < 
wa- -|- reciprocal na-), e. g. : 

wa'n'aipatsnjw'i two boys {a'ipats- boy) 
wa'n'ai<i>Ap'itsLT)w'i two young men {a'i<f>Ap'Lts- young man) 

Before nouns indicating time (such as day, night, month, winter), 
1 appears as cvi-; 2 as wai-; 3 as pai{y)£-; 4 as w aHcu' rjwiyu- (?); 
5 as mani.'yiyu-; 6 as navai-. These forms do not suffer vocalic 
unvoicing of their third mora. Examples are: 

cv'itavamA one-day-on, for one day (= cv'yucu tava'niA) 

cv'itDmumA one-winter-on, for one year 

wa.i'tavamaru two-day-on-like, for two days in number 

pa'i{y)ttu'ywan-umA three-nigh t-on, for three nights 

mani yiyutavamanC for five days in number 

nava' .itavamanC for six days in number 

(c) As verbs, based on forms in -yu-, with or without verbalizing 
-Tjqai- (§ 26, 1, a), e. g.: 

cv'yurjucu to become one; cv'Yuqwarjucu several become one 
nana' cvyurjqwaiyuciJ reciprocal (distributively)-one-be-subordinat- 
ing-just, as (they) are one among (them)selves, one by one 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 283 


waa'{i)i/ur)qi'r)'um'^'ini two-for-become-dual-me, they 2 (have) 
become two for me 

(3) QuASi-NUMERALS. A number of elements that are not true 
numerals are related in meaning and form. These are: 

(a) mano-, inanii- all. As subjective form is used mano'nia-, 
manu'nia- (for enclitic -nia- in numeral forms see § 36, 1); as 
objective, manoqu-. Examples are: 

mano'ni{y)a{i)yaqaxa' aru'qwA qv'n'i'ka all-plural- (§ 52)-im- 
perative (§ 52)-then! it-under lie; all (of you) lie under it, then! 

mano'qoaq-A piftcu'icurywaRi all (obj.)-it (vis.) knowing, knowing 
it all 

ya'manunC quite all, every one 

For man-o'qupa(n)tci- see § 37, 2. 

(b) nanin'na- different, both (inanimate), e. g. : 

nani'n'narjwituziVA to, in (2) different directions 

In compounds this appears as nania'naq u- (apparently with 
numeral objective -qu-), also, it would seem, before certain post- 
positions, e. g. -va- AT. Examples are: 

na}u"naq{w)oyaya'maqA both (obj.)-end-on-its (vis.), at both its 

nani'rinaqovarjA both (obj.)-at-his (vis.), on both sides of him 

This quasi-numeral is based on nani- separ.\tely (as adverbial 
prefix, § 20, 5; as independent adverb nani'cu-, § 60, 2, d). 

(c) naywa'ai- both (animate): consists properly of reflexive- 
reciprocal stem 7ia- (§ 46) and postposition -rjwa'al- together with 
(§ 50. 4, 11): WITH each other. nar)wa"qu- functions as inde- 
pendent objective and as first element of compounds. Examples are: 

fiaywa"", naywa"aicu both (people) 

naTjwa" q-uarja m pA''qa'r}up'Lyai{y)a7)a'vn both (obj.)- he (vis.; = 

they)-them (vis.) kill (sing.-dual)-past-he (vis.; = they)-them 

(vis.), they 2 killed both of them 
nar)wa"qup u\ni both (obj.)-eye-my, both my eyes; narjwa'qu- 

pu'imani with both my eyes 

(d) qima-' other. This stem may be either compounded (e. g. 
qii)ia'ya)tini my other house) or used independently. In the latter 

284 ^ Southern Paiute and Ute 

266 SAPIR 

case it has pronominal forms for the subjective (see § 89, 2); a 
numeral form in -qu- (cu-) for the object, e. g. : 

qima'qucuni qaxa'''va"c u other (obj.)-just-I sing (momentaneously)- 
will-again, I will sing also another one 

§ 60. Adverbs. 

There are two main classes of independent adverbs in Paiute, those 
whose position is entirely free (these generally precede verbs or come 
first in their clause), and those whicli lean on (though not enclitically 
attached to) a preceding word. The former type is more numerous. 

(1) Derivation of adverbs. A number of adverbs are really 
demonstratives, e. g. ai- then; ma' thus. Many others are special 
adverbial stems (e. g. qa not), provided, in some cases, with nominal 
suffixes (e. g. a'i-v"'i- now, fiv''i-tsL- very). Certain enclitic suffixes, 
particularly -c u- (§ 19, 2, k) and -n ia- (§ 19, 2, d), are appended to 
some adverbial stems, e. g. nava-cu- in vain; na'a - cu- separately; 
t'iv"'i-campa- sure enough; ti'ijw'i-nia- hurriedly; mio-n ia- far 
AWAY. Some adverbs contain postpositional suffixes, e. g. t'i-na' yqwa- 
UP hither (cf. § 50, 4, 18) ; icayi'-pa- near (cf. § 50, 4, 37). For local 
adverbs in -fiya-nia-, -toyo-n ia- see 2, b below. 

(2) Free adverbs. The adverbs of free position may be classified 
into temporal adverbs, local adverbs, adverbs of degree, and modal 
adverbs. They are employed either as true adverbs (e. g. qi'aijwi 
ya"" YESTERD.\Y die(d) ), often serving as bases for postpositional 
suffixes (e. g. qwa'at-uywa- off-to, the other way < qioau- off); 
or, in part, as verbs (this is particularly true of local adverbs, e. g. 
fiv'^a'iyni.k up'Cya' down-moving-inceptive-past, commenced to go 

(a) Temporal adverbs: 

ai- THEN, NOW (of rather indefinite temporal significance; comes 
first in clause as peg for enclitics; of demonstrative origin, see § 43, 5 
and § 44, 2, c). It is generally followed by enclitic -tea- (§ 19, 1, a) 
even when there is no reference to past time. Examples are: 

a'i(caqwA cv'yueu piya"jjiv uru'anani then-preterit-it (inv.) one 
be-left being (inv.)-my, then I have one left over 

'a'iaiit'i ti'tpr\nL(y)a'aun I'i'qa'i' thcn-tliey (vis.) (juickly-duai oat- 
present, see how fast they 2 eat 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 285 


a''iv"'i- NOW (probably ai-' new and nominal suffix -vi-, § 24, 1, b) 

H-cu- long ago (perhaps related to i-° old) 

i'iu-c u- FORMERLY, USED TO (perhaps assimilated from i't'i-cu- < 

f-" OLD and participial -t'i-) 
i'tcuqu- (early) in the morning, Ute wi'tcuqu- ( < i -, perhaps 

cf. two preceding adverbs and postpostional -tcuqu- relating to 

time, cf. vatcuqu-, § 50, 4, 37) 

ivd'tcia- early; also locally: far away, way off {-vdtcia- may be 
objective participle of postposition -va- at, § 50, 4, 37) 

it'i'-campa- {Tti'c anipA, often heard ti'c amp.i) always (for enclitic 
-campa- see § 19, 2, j) 

nafi'v'^ia- always, customarily (perhaps contains reflexive 7ia-) 

oi'ta-v'i- ANY longer {qatcun- oi'tacp'i no longer i — ) 

pina'yqwa- after a while, soon {pi- rear, cf. § 21, 3, and post- 
positional -narjqwa-, § 50, 4, 18) 

q'i'aijwi- yesterday 

u'v'^aiyavqu- then, thereupon (see § 50, 4, 41; frequently used as 
sentence-connector in narrative) 

un-'tu-cu- long ago (cf. i'tu-cn- above) 

(b) Local adverbs: 

ivL- WAY, FAR (e. g. i'(j)i tiv"'a" way down west; perhaps misheard 

for i'4>A, cf. iva'tcia- under a) 
mi{y)o-, mio-n-ia- far off, at a distance; mi{y)d" Hsiva- at k little 

DISTANCE (diminutive -tsi-, § 35, 1; postpositional -va-, § 50, 4, 37); 

mio'-t'iyania- at a good distance 
''o'i'mt- ON one's belly 

''o'i'min- avi" I lie on my l)elly 
pan-a'yqwa- coming down, north (probably waterwards; pa- 

WATER, reduced from pa-; postpositional -narjqwa-, § 50, 4, 18). May 

be verbalized 
pimi'tuywa- BACKWARD ( < pi- hear, cf. § 21, 3, and postpositional 

-mitii'ywa-, § 50, 4, 13) 
pit- cu' a' mi- downward 
qwaia- beyond, opposite (generally followed by postpositional 

-rjqioa-, § 50, 4, IG) 
qwarjwa- (perhaps < qwau- off + -a- > *qwawa-) : qwaijwa' ntcuyica- 

A LITTLE further BEYOND (postpositional -ntctiywa-, § 50, 4, 30) 
qwau-o off, away; qwa'utuywa- the other way (postpositional 

-tuywa-, § 50, 4, 30). May be verbalized 

286 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

268 SAPIR 

<z -", t'i(-)i-" up; objective i'itjqu-nia- further up; ti'ntuywa- upward, 
NORTHWARD (postpositional -ntuywa-, § 50,4, 30) ; fina'yqwa- coming 
up {ti- reduced from t'i -\ postpositional -narjqiva-, § 50, 4, 18). May 
be verbalized; see also twyu-'^ 

-fiya-nia- (-toyo-nia-) local advcrbializing element appended to 
certain adverbs or postpositional phrases (perhaps related to verb 
tiyai- TO become; enclitic -nia-, § 19, 2, d), e. g.: 
mava'i'tiyan-L, viava'Ttoyont' at a certain distance, way off 
mio't'iyani at a good distance 
u'u'rain(i*ani close towards it 

fiv^'ai-'' DOWN, west; tanti'v'^ai- far west. May be verbalized 

tovi"i-tsi- FOR A short DISTANCE {-tsL- probably diminutive, § 35, 1) 

tuyu-^ UP (evidently related to ft'-", see above; cf. also tuyu-mpa- 
sky): tuyu'ntuywa- upward (postpositional -ntuywa-, § 50, 4, 30) 

tcayi'pa- near ( < tcayi-°, not occurring independently, and post- 
positional -pa- AT, § 50, 4, 37) 

waq-{a)i'-"' hither. May be verbalized 

(c) Adverbs of degree: 

a'xv^i-cn- enough (probably a'tv""!- now, see a above, and enclitic 

-CU-, § 19, 2, k) 
fiv'"i'-tsL- VERY {-tsL- probably nominal suffix, § 24, 1, f); t'iv'^i'tsL-nia- 

greatly; tiv'^i'tssampa- really, of course (enclitic -c ampa-, § 

19, 2, j) 

(d) Modal adverbs: 

arja-cu- only, JUST (?) adverbially used independent personal 
pronoun he, § 39): 

imi' 'aik- ajjac- on-o'cuapiicL-^a' thou say he early-breathe-arrive- 
subordinating (nearly-arrive = wake up); you say, but just 
waking up 
'ar'i'k'i- almost, nearly 
imp'^a'i- hortatory : 

ivip^a'iar) aha' let-he (vis.) say-will, let him say 
iija't'ia- in vain, to no purpose (probably objective participial 

form in -i'ia-) 
iti'a-nia- too bad, unfortunately: 

TR'an-L aik-.i too bad you say, I'm sorry you say 
'lv"''l- hortatory, 'iv"i-ya- hortatory witii dual or plural subject; 
Iv^'i'-campa-nia- somehow, any old way; Iv'^i'-nia- hurry and 
— ! (cf. t'i'yivi-tiia- below). Examples are: 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 287 


Iv'^'i" urjwa' vatcuxw Aqwa' aic- itci" yarjWLva^ nirjwi' mix hortatory- 
thou him (inv.)-to-go-again this (inan. obj.) carry-shall liver 
(obj.); go ahead! go again and bring her this liver 
'iv'^'i'ni ni'rrV" ivi' :j^w''am'i hortatory-I we (exclus.) drink- 
go-momentaneous-future-dual, let us two go in order to drink 
'iv"'i'ni{y)a''' tiniA hortatory-like-thou tell! hurry up and tell! 
ma'^ THUS, IN THAT WAY (as described) (lengthened form of demonstra- 
tive stem ma-, § 43): 

ma' A' ga'p-'iya' thus (he) sang 
mani-camya- barely (probably lengthened mani- to do thus and 

enclitic -cam-pa-, § 19, 2, j); see § 53, 1, a 
marjaia-cu- on the other hand (adverbially used independent 
objective personal pronoun him, § 39): 

maya'iac- imi'xainC on the other hand 3'ou too 
nava-cu- merely, for fun, without purpose, in vain 
na'a'-cu- differently, separately 
nani'-cu- separately (cf. § 20, 5; § 59, 3, b) 
qa, qatcu- not; see § 57 

sv'v^a- provided that, if (perhaps cv- one and postpositional -va- 
AT, § 50, 4, 37): 

sv'v^'ayw avipa'xaxu^V^A if he (in v.) talks 
cu{w)a'-r'ua- perhaps (probably cua- nearly, § 20, 12, and interroga- 
tive enclitic -r'ua-, § 19, 2, f) 
ti'ijwi-Jiia- QUICKLY, IN A HURRY (cf. adverbial prefix fi'rjw'i- . . .n-ia-): 
tiT/wi'ma'" quickly-thou ! hurry! 

ti'r)wmi{y)a-7n'L tTqa'mC quickly-they (vis.) eat-usitative, they 
2 always eat in a hurry 
tiv'^i'-cu-, ttv"'i'-campa- sure enough (for t'iv'^i- cf. tiv"'i'-tsL very, 

d above) 
umpa'i(a)-, umpa'ia-campa- i don't care if, no matter: 
vmqm'in-L'^ no matter how thou (wilt test) me 
''mpa'i(y)arjwhu I don't care how ye (will do to) me 
^mpa'iAcanipa-ijA ya'a'iva^ however-only he (vis.) die-will, I 
don't care if he dies 
"'u'mp^ica-, ump'^i' ca-c-ampa- only for fun 

(3) Adverbs bound in position. These are almost all of demon- 
strative origin. They are much more difficult to define than the 
preceding set of adverbs. 

rt', 'a' (lengthened form of demonstrative stem a-, § 43) follows 
quoted word, like Sanskrit itl; ho! Examples are: 

288 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

270 SAPIR 

wi-y'imp a- nia'xaivant'f vulva thus nanie-have-future-participle, 

(it) will be called "vulva" 
qam'i'v'"'uitsL a ' 7ua'''janfV rabbit-eye-noun suffix (obj.) thus 

name-having (obj.). being called (obj.) "rabbit-eyed" 
paa'n- a" my aunt, ho! 
iy'iR INDEED, TRULY. This common adverb tends to amalgamate 
loosely with preceding personal pronouns, independent or enclitic. 
Thus, m' i-yiR is generally heard as ni'iym; imi- iyiR appears as, 
not i'm lytR, but imi'iy'iR (in general, -i- iyiR becomes t.y'iR); -ay 
iy'iR often coalesces to -at) giR (stopped g is sometimes heard for 
7 in others of these cases also). Present forms tend to take on 
preterital significance with iyiR. Examples are: 

n'i' IyiR iiQiio'ci I indeed dream-present, I did indeed dream 
imi' L^ir urjwaro"'^ thou indeed anim. sing. -is, you indeed have 

always been 
til am- a" "cay w J its i^'ir uijw.i old-woman indeed she (inv.), the 

old woman indeed 
a'iar) g'ir 'a'ik-^.i that (inan.)-ol)j.-he (vis.) indeed say, that 

indeed he says 
a'ian ig'ir 'a'ik fA that indeed I (always) say 
iiiii'ntcua-q- iy'ir ivi'rju thou-interrogative -it (vis.) indeed 
drink-momentaneous, you did drink it 
irjqi" indeed (Ute form of 'iy'iR, sometimes used also in Paiute) 
'ja'i\ '.?a'/' (objective inanimate invisible demonstrative in origin; 
see § 42. 9 and § 43, 5) frequently used adverb (generally post- 
verbal) of quite elusive significance. It seems to have emphasizing 
force. It is particularly common after iyiR (see above) ; with pre- 
terital -tea- and -ytva- (§ 19, 1); after gerund -tsL- (§ 55, 1, a); in 
irrealis forms (§ 33, 1), particularly such as indicate unfulfilled 
desire (would th.\t . . . !); after futures in -pa- (§ 32, 4); 
after -m'i- already (§ 30, 13); and after substantive verbal -aqa- 
IT IS (§ 56, 3). In many cases it seems to turn absolute or present 
verb forms to past tense forms (probably only by implication). 
Examples are: 

tu^qwL'y'aiijq'iy'iay'am 'oqi' shame-die-to-present-he (vis.)-thee, 

he is ashamed of you 
p.i^qa'ijuRtcaro' a 7) ^'qi kill-passive-preterit-interrogative-he 

(vis.), did he get killed? 
.C p'l iy'iai) 'iy'ir 'oai sleep-present-he (vis.) indeed, he was indeed 

i'rj iy'ir 'oaV yes, (he) was 

Southern Paiutc, a Shoshonean Language 289 


pA'^qa'-ijutsiiyw "qi' having killed him (inv.) 
uTjwa'yuqv ' q waxa' ^oqi' would that it (inv.) might rain! 
"^mpaiAcampam 'oai pA^qq'umpa ni no matter-only-me-thou 

kill-shail-me, I don't care if you kill me 
tTqa'm'iy'iarj ^oai he (vis.) is eating already 
imi'dq- 'oai' it is thou 
n'i'jii ^oai" pA^qa'ijvdiani me kill-impersonal-me, somebody 

killed me 
imi' 7)' waiar) iyq'i 'oqi yaa'irjqw'oi' thou-with-he (vis.) indeed 
himt-go-present, with you indeed he went hunting 
U'qwa'i (objective inanimate invisible third personal pronoun in 
origin; see § 39 and § 42, 9) sometimes occurs instead of 'aai'. 
It is frequently used in songs as practically meaningless padder: 
uqwaya. Examples are: 
rii'aq- v^qwa'i it is I 

i'm u^qwai iywituxWA thou indeed (shouldst turn) in the other 
o'", *o'" so, THEN, REALLY (probably adverbialized use of invisible 
demonstrative "'w'-, § 43), e. g. : 
'arja'v o'" he-at so, so at his place 
pina'yq 'o'" ( < pina'tjqWA 'o'") soon so 
maa'iriLijun I 'c o'" touch-momentaneous-me-again so, touch me 

then again 
mava'^c o'" so at that same place 

Note that -c u- and o'" amalgamate to -co''^ and permit of vocalic 
unvoicing before -c-. 

uru'a-c li- OTHERWISE (objective inanimate invisible demonstrative 
and third personal pronoun; see § 39), e. g. : 

ini't uyiva' ivi'rjumpaA'^qan unt'ncu this-away-thou drink-mo- 
men taneous-will-it (vis.) -I otherwise; go away, or I will drink it 
uc n- (probably invisible demonstrative stem u- + enclitic -cu-) 
emphasizing particle, e. g. : 

'i'r)anL{y)aq- u'cu this (anim.)-like-it (vis.) truly, maybe it is 
this one here 
U(()"'A THEN, NOW (perhaps < invisible demonstrative stem u- + 
postpositional -va-, § 50, 4, 37) weakly emphatic particle, e. g. : 
'iv"''i" o4>"'A go ahead, thou, then! 
uv"'aV THEN, AND, AS TO (apparently < nv'^ayu-, cf. i/y"'rt- above) 
common emphasizing and connective particle; frequent after 
-campa- only, except (§ 19, 2, j). P^xamples are: 

290 X Southern Paiute and Vte 

272 SAPiR 

imi' ut^aV irja"" as to thee, well? 

a'itcaram u'v"'ai' where-preterit-we 2 (inclus.) now? where, now, 

are we? 
axa'nivarjan u'v'^ai'' what, then, shall I do with him (vis.)? 
'i'tc vv"'aiYU and this (inan.) (is how it got to be) 
viaya'c amp uv"'ai' except that one (anim.) 

§ 61. Interjections. 

Interjections are of two types: simple vocables expressing emotion 
or desire and without definite grammatical form, and words of 
definite grammatical form, generally adverbs or terms of demon- 
strative origin, that are secondarily employed as interjections. 

(1) Simple interjections: 

a' ho! (e. g. paa'n- a' my aunt, ho!; cf. § 60, 3) 

'q, "qc, 'a' surprise, disgust 

'aa'ik wi, aa'ikwi, 'e'ikivi oh! 

au'ik-^ oh! 

awawa" meaningless cry in myth 

'a, 'i', e'i cry on guessing in hand-game 

i'ha + great joy 

r' yes! 

iTtja, "i'rjA yes! irja"" well? 

ira', ira'V fear 

m" prohibitive: don't! 

\r)' (nasalized breath + voiced guttural nasal) disappointment, 

c + don't! shut up! used also in driving away dogs 
y'ma.V yes! all right! 

iljn^u'ya {u' and ija are equally high-pitched) great fear 
o'v"'a, o'v"'a'^ yes! (qa'tcu no! is merely lengthened form of 

negative adverb qa'tcu not) 
u'o 'xJ ' iva'xJ^ imitates frog's croaking 
ijo'o'v'^LnC, yuu'v'^mC hail! hurrah! 

(2) Secondary interjections: 

a'lv'^ic u enough! (cf. § 60, 2, c) 
ii)"'t- alas! (cf. § 60, 2, d), e. g. : 
'iv'"'i t'iyVv"''ini alas, my friend! 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 291 


iv^'i '{u')qwa O poor — ! (followed by objective, e. g. 'iv'^l' 'qwa 
ni'niA O poor me! 'iv'^'i' 'u'^qwa nj.m^'t" O poor us (exclus.)!; 
'u^'qwa, 'q wa abbreviated forms of u^qwa'V) 
Iv^'i'yaya'pi alas-cry-past passive partie., too bad! 
ma'iki, maik- tiwa'cu greeting: hello! (mai- probably demonstrative, 
§ 43, 5; iiwa'cu evidently third singular animate invisible pronoun, 
tiv'^L'tssampA surely! of course! (cf. § 60, 2, c) 
""ni^a'campa'a' (rhetorically lengthened form of "m^'a'carnpA that 

(vis.)- only) enough! be quiet! 
o'nicampA (rhetorically lengthened form of 'u'nicampA that (inv.)- 

do-only) enough! be quiet! 
ya'nu ( < iya'nu, § 50, 4,1 ) here i am! present! 

§ 62. Idiomatic usages. 

A few remarks on verbs of doing and saying are all we need offer 
here. As numerous examples scattered through this paper have 
already shown, verbs of doing and saying are frequently used in 
Paiute in a wider sense than is customary in English. Verbs of 
doing, i. e. verbs in -ni- (§ 26, 2, b; § 43, 3; § 44, 2, a), often refer, in a 
loose manner, to any activity or state but those of speech, sound, 
and mental operation. A correspondingly loose reference to activi- 
ties and states of the latter sort is made by verbs of saying {ai- and 
viai-, § 43, 6). Thus, uni- to do and ai- to say are equivalently 
used in expressions in -n-a-cu-{v'^'i-) (one's own) — ing again imply- 
ing continuous and exclusive activity, e. g. : 

tTqa'n-Acuv iini'k-A he keeps on eating (lit., does his own eating again) 
A'pi'inacu{a)n iini'k-A I do nothing but sleep 

qa'uA'cuv"' a'ip'iya" he kept on singing, did nothing but sing (lit., 
said his own singing again) 

(1) Verbs of doing. Further examples of the generalized use 
of demonstrative verbs of doing are: 

qa'ivavdcitnni mu'kaip'iya mountain-lie-diminutive-participle-like 
do-resultative-past, like a little plateau (lit., mountain-lying) (it) 

ani'vuruy'i (song form) do-move about present, goes thus from place 
to place 

ni'camp ani'k-^A I-only do, it is only I 

292 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

274 SAPiR 

man I mikup'iya thus (as described)-do-nioving-inceptive-past, began 

to do that sort of movement, began to copulate (euphemistic 

reference clear from context) 
"m"'a'nikaim laxwariiano' thus-do-resultative-usitative-modal (§ 

19, 2, c)-interrogativp-indefinite, is one wont to be doing thus? 

that is not how one should be 
imp tim'k-A nu'i/u'-raxn' what does (inv.) while moving? what is it 

that moves? 
rii'axain- iini'va n C I too shall do so, I'll go too (meaning determined 

by context) 
Uni'avLxa while lying and doing so, while lying as described 
in imi'.i qani'va i{ni'iinC I thee ( = thy) liouse-at do-continuative- 

present, I stay at your house 
iltn'iu'miaxdic u do-move-subordinating -just, while on (his) way 

Corresponding generalized verbs of doing, happening, being, when 
of interrogative application, are expressed by ayani- to do what? 
TO ACT HOW? TO HAVE WHAT HAPPEN TO ONE? (see § 44, 2, a). English 
HOW and WHY are regularly to be expressed in Paiute via an interroga- 
tive \erb of doing, why did y'ou eat it?, e. g., has to be rephrased 

to ACTIN(; how, did YOr EAT IT? 

(2) \'ekbs of saying. The corresponding generalized usage of 
verbs of saying finds less ready analogy in English. First of all, 
ai-, particularly in its usitative form, frequently means to mean, 
TO REFER TO rather than literally to s.\y, e. g. : 

a'infcu'a tj 'a'inn' that-interrogative-he (vis.) say-usitative, is thai 

what he is wont to say? he does not mean that 
i'i'tjai n'ivii^ka this (anim.j-obi. say-usitative-perfective, has been 

always referring to this one 

For ai- . . .u in- to think, see § 19, 2, d. 

Examples of ai- as generalized verb of sound and mental operation, 
the precise nature of the reference being clear from the context, are: 

?(7 'iy'ir 'a'iiiri I indeed am wont to say = always have that dream 
aya'n iJ)utSL7)w a'ik-^.i what-do-momentaneous-gerund-he (inv.) says, 
what happened to him that he says so? — what has happened to 
him to make him cry? 
ava'ui o'paciiui. a'ivnni'i it-at-being that (inv.)-in manner-same- 
like say-future-participle, (what is) there will be saying in just 

Southern Paiiite, a Shoshunecm Language 293 


the same manner = (everything that is) there (at the house) will 
be making the same sounds as ordinarily (so that people will not 
know it has been al)andoned) 

A number of verbs of sound or mental operation consist of ai- to 
SAY preceded by some more specific word, e. g. ampa'{i)yania- 


(oBj.)- AGAIN SAY? TO TEASE. Examples are: 

nmpa'{i)yani a'ik-A noise is going on 

'ava'ywifi ampa\i)yanL a'iYUcampA it-in-being (obj.) noise-like say- 
while-only, even if inside it there is noise going on 

' an L Acurjw'in a'ikamC what (obj.)-again-ye-me say-plural-usitative? 
ye always tease me 






his (vis.) 

294 X Soulhern Fahitc and Ute 

276 SAPiR 



clna'rjwavLy' ay w^ qija"^ 

Coyote-quota tive- he 
preterit (vis.) 

aif arja'rux'w^ a'ip'iya',^ cii' xarjqixw' ain^ 'a'^cUcvv'^'at'^n}^ 

she to him said, "Go to get squaw- being about to make 

(vis.) bush twigs for me gathering-basket I 

a?A;" 'nynani'i}'^ y'viai,^^ a'ip'iya' clna'ywacf)!.^* uniTjuts^^ 
say being there- "Yes," said Coyote. Then 

from (obj.)." 

'o'xpa7]qu''aip'Lya^^ ci'i'v^hnpiaiyauv^'' 'u'ra'}^ Uv^Ltc"^^ 

went off in yonder his own squaw-bush towards Very 

direction it (inv.). 

mio'ni^^ xini'ii'mp-'iya"^^ yiayqa' p-'iya"^"^ qa'pV}^ 'a'ikw,^* 

far was doing along heard singing "Oh!" 

distant (obj.). 

a'ip'iya dna'r)wa4>i, pua'ru'aiy union- L-^ain.L"^^ cu'tvaru'ani^^ 
said Coyote, "it seems I am getting almost-inter. -I 

supernatural power, 

nono'ci'^'' nafi'v^i^^ pua'xant^^ iiyivoru'^^ 7i{"''.^' 

dream, already medicine-man am I." 

'LV^aiyaxiqv^"^ narjqa'isarjwlnLp'iya^^ qatcu"uqwA^* narjqa' p'iya\ 
Then stood and listened, not it (inv.) heard. 

I'v'^aiyauq' paya'in^^qwi'p'iya?^ %nL7]ut-^^ narjqa'p'iyai'cuqw^'' 
Then started off. Then again heard it (inv.), 

tira'c kwjp'Cyaicu.^^ Uin'rjui- naijqa' (saipinip'iyaic- it qw^'^ 

again stopped. Then again stood and listened 

to it (inv.), 

'a't inar)q''pLyai'k'^° D'v"'aiyauq'^- qa'q'pi'^^ ?rt»("'i"''^ 

heard it well then singing of "We (excl.) 

many (obj.). 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language 295 


anika"^ kwi'mv^ranhkamLaya,^* a'ik-Ap'iya"*^ 

are doing journeying in order to eat people," said (pi.) 

qa'm'vu.aya'^^ tuyumpapaiya'''ruqiVA'^'' nontsikaimaya^^ mam-u'c-^^ 
singing along beneath sky-vault flying along those (vis.) 

ova'narjqaTjw^^ am\^^ waa' nuia virjw^* ain nariL'naqwDyaya maxqavv'^ 
geese they Two chiefs they at both ends of it (vis.) 

(vis.). (vis.) they (vis.) 

w\nimLap'iya' }^ cina'ywav^'' ay' phu'kaip-'Lya'aim\^^ 

stood while Coyote he (vis.) saw them (inv.). 


o'v^aiyauqw^^ a'ip'iya, n'i"^ inano'qwoqwA^^ qa m'tifiaV^* 
Then said, "I all (obj.) camp-places 

them (inv.) (obj.) 

pa'payantV^'^ qa-'qaivantsLjAntt^^ in \m'^LantsLyAn(x^* 

spring-having mountain-having (pi. obj.) divide-having (pi. obj.) 
(pi. obj.) 

kwi'kwi'tcuvatcdci^^ pa-va'n' noantsLyAnW^^ mano'qu^- 

knoll-having (pi. obj.) valley-having (pi. obj.) all (obj.) 

nLTjw'i'ai'yaqw^'' pu'tcu'tcuywai'yLqw.^ 'iv^'can^^ xpii'ijuts' 

their (inv.) know them (inv.). Go ahead then 

people (obj.) (pi.) me 

n'i''"' na'upmi''^ mama'ni''^ n'i'yum''^ iiriLijuts- mQi'mpa-rjuyri ,^^ 
I like self make (pi.) I you then shall lead you,'* 

me me. 


cina' ywacf)! . 







What he 





a'ik'piya*^ nari'v'"ir)uq-wax(i' P^ ma-no'q oyaq'''^ pu'tcu'tcuywar'^ 
said (pi.) while asking eaeii All (obj.) them knowing 

other. (vis.) 







that he 


them (inv.) 


whither our 





X Southern Paiutc and Ute 



viarja c^ 


I v^myauq 

u ma- VLT) wa m-^ 



their (vis.) 

one (vis 





cina'rfwav arf 



Coyote he 




ay] a ip lya , 
he said, 


"Let him 


qa'tc 'a'iyu7jw(ii't\m'^^ 
not being good (neg.); 

7naa'i( lyk'tiv'^arjarayWA.^^ 

he (vis.) will cause us (inclus.) to be found out." 

c'lna'ijwav i{,mu' Rqwa x-^"^ NU^qwi in minp'iya"^^ tva a' rji pa.v plyn .^^ 
Coyote moving under ran along, shouted while 




will perhaps cause to be 

iv'i'ci'amamaxava y' ,^^ 
shall give him (vis.) 

ni.a VLi) wa )>u, 
their (vis.) 


Let us (inclus.) 

him (vis.) 


an i' 2( aia rjaraij wa^^ 

"so doing he (vis.) 

us (inclus.) 

na' pantwywarf^ 
together him (vis.) 

a ipiya 

nia''^VLr)'wain . 
their (vis.) chief. 




on to him 

flew down (pi.) 

cina tjivavL . 
Coyote (obj.). 

na'q'iujq piya}^^ 
dodged several times. 

Wl CL auiamax- pi-yaiyaT)^^^ 
Gave (pi.) him feathers 

na'panhixwA^^^ cina'yivavi a'ik' piyn\ iz)"'t"ca''''°^ Jiontsi'qu^"^ 

together, Covote said (pi.), "Go ahead flv off 


mar'i^^ avitcxin^^^ a'o'ra'^^^ via nt a' i^^'^ ^m'yuta- paiyii)umpa\^^^ 

that little ridge towards from on then shall return." 

(obj.) (obj.) it that 

V max, a ip tya 
"Yes," said 

cina' r)wa<i>i 

7iQ ntsi'qup'iya^^* 
flew off. 

little ridge 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshoneim Language 1^1 


qwaia'ijqwop'^^^ jjQtitsi'p'iya.^^'' (nu'aii 'ailc^, a'ip'iya 
beyond flew. "What I say?" said 

nia'vLyicani'. vm'^a'ruvanf^^ i{.waru"'^ m'"a'yA dna'rjwav 
their chief. "About to be he is that Coyote 

doing thus 

arf qatcn'royWA^^^ i'iv'^'i'tsi.-^axarj'u-n'it irarjWAP^ cina'ywa^i 
he, not us being about to obey (neg.) us." Coyote 

qg'nipiycO^^ avLtcitci manayqwpai'yiqw^^^ 'a-mu'<f>A^^ 

came back little ridge from its (inv.) other at them 

(obj.) side, 

pLtcijii'ya}'^^ o'v"'aiyavq' viaTjac- nia'v at) a'ip'iya\ 
arrived. Then that one chief he said, 

qatcu nQntn'n'Lvarjxoa'^'^^ npn'^i'oaxtux w^^^ qatcu wa'a'rjLvajjwa'^" 
"Not shall be flying around us, not .shall shout, 

around (exclus.) 

qafc qu 'va ywa'^-^ pua'ni'}-'^ y'ntai, a'ip'iya dmi r)wa<i>i . 

not shall sing loud." "Yes," said Coyote. 

ma'nun{}^^ Ha'cujup'iya^'^^ twyu'inpaP'^ \iura' }^^ i'i'v'^a^^^ 
All started to fly sky (obj.) towards it. West- 


il7uts-^^* ya'c p'iya'^^'" pu'u'raiv^^^ hult)^^'' uu'ra'}^ dna'rjwav ay 

then flew (pi.) whither do towards Coyote he 

their own it (inv.). (vis.) 

am a' ax tux w^^^ nontsi'vurup 'iya .^^^ 'i'v^'aiyauqw a'ip'iya' 

around them flew hither and thither. Then said 

ma'vnj'wain , wTn'aia ijaraij^*° ova'qarjumpa c^^^ maa'ii iijk'- 
their (vis.) "His (vis.) feathers shall again pull he (vis.) will 
chief, (obj.) we (inclus.) out (pi.), 

t'iv"'a yarayw uru'ac^*'^ a?(?'>:a'.''*^ o'v'^aiyauqDar)'^^* 

cause us (in- that doing." Then him (vis.) 

clus.) to be (obj. inv.) 
found out 

tcatca'i'p'iyaiaiii'^'^^ iuyu')iipapaiya'°vantuxu'^*^ ivTsi'mya tf^'' 
they (\is.) took at sky-vaiilt, his (vis.) 

liold of feathers (obj.) 

298 X Southern Paiiite and Ute 

280 SAPIR 

ova'qarjup'iya' .^'^ cina'rjwav arj' pi'tcu" ami^*^ cu'r'urup'Cyami'^^° 
took off (pi.). Coyote he downward made noise of 

(vis.) whizzing 

tw"'i'pvv'"anti^^^ kwi'pa'plya^^^ tA'pa'cp'iy^^- %ini7)uts- pina'yqiVA^^ 
being on ground fell, lay senseless, then soon 


cuwa'piicLp'iya^ }^^ saa'pi^^^ pinLJcaip-'iya}^'' a'ikw, a'ip'iya\ 
came to. Mush (obj.) saw. "Oh!" said, 

iiy'i' vutsLrjwunL ani^^ sd'a'viainaxqaini^^'^ a'ip'ixf^' ti\a'xaikwA}^^ 
"my friends, it have given (pi.) said while eating 

seems, me mush," it (inv.). 

pinaijqw^^* o'v^aiyauq' ti'qa'viaxi' patsiqw^^^ ci'^pi'xiru- 
Soon then having finished eating felt like 

it (inv.) 

tea qaip'iyaint.'^^^ maa'inip'iy^^^ liui'yuts- t3'ts'i'vanUa(f>L.^^* 

cold thrill going touched then being at his own 

through head, head (obj.). 

'aa'ikw, a'ip'iya cina'ijwa(f>i, tco'pi.''on^^^ ^m'k■a^^'^ ti'qa'xa'^^'' 
"Oh!" said Coyote, "brains-obj.- was in- eating?" 

inter. -I deed doing 

a'ip'iya'. pi'pi'ta'nLtiyaxp'iya'}^^ iiaya'i'aip'iya'^^^ cina'7]wa<^i, 
said. Tried to vomit. Was angry Coyote, 

i?)'^'m'™ narjwa'xpampa'am'i}''^ fiv^'a'im'miap'iya'^'^'^ cina'ywact)! 
"Let me shall follow their Traveled west Coyote, 

(inv.) tracks." 

'avLTjupiya'™ pinaijq o'v^aiyaiiq' nayqa'p'Lya'aimi^''* 

passed night Soon then heard them (inv.) 

after night on 

qa'mia'naniy^^ cinaywav, a'ik'p'iya, u'v^'a?)'"^ nupv'i'r'iraxwopa"^ 

their (inv.) "Coyote," said "there right among 

singing while (pl-), she (vis.) people 

moving along. 

avi" 7nama"utc^''^ urf imi'^''^ ui]w^^° 'a'cLniuina''^mi}^^ v'mai, 
lies woman she of you she your liking." "Yes," 


Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 299 


a'ip'iya' cina'ywacfn. 'ava^^^ 'ar'i'ac-^^^ qani'p'i^^^ 'ava 
said Coyote. There that (inan. former there 

obj.) camping 

place (obj.) 

pL'tcLXw'aip'iya"^^^ pu'ca'xaip'^yaiaT)'^^ inama"utsi^^'' %ni-^aicuar)^^^ 
went and arrived, looked for her woman so doing her 

(vis.) (obj.), (vis.) 

maa'ip'Cya\^^^ axa'ntva-'yan^^° u'v^'ar,^^^ a'ip'iya' clna'7)wa(t>i. 
found. "How shall I then?" said Coyote, 

her (vis.) do 

UTjwa'^vantuywa'rjup'iya^^^^ saxwr'ai'aijw^^^ uv^a"an^^* 

Got on top of her (inv.), her (inv.) stomach (obj.) on it (inv.) 

w'iw'i'n' i^'qup'iya^ }^^ y.nt'xcu'urjw^^^ toz'i'kuplyd'^^'' maija'c- 

began to stand So doing to fell out that one 

stamping. her (inv.) 

iTja" pitc^^^ arf. 

baby he (vis.). 

axa'n-ivaya'n}^'^ uxi^aV, a'ip'iya clna'7/wa<i>i. I'v^aiyau^uywA^^^ 
"In what way then?" said Coyote. Then him (inv.) 

shall I do to 
him (vis.) 

yi"i'kip'iya'aiijWA-°° paiyi'k'p'iya^°^ 'u'ra^^ fiv^i'p-uaimicp'i.^'^^ 
swallowed him (inv.), came back towards his own country 

it (inv.) (obj.). 

avLtjupaxp'iyaicu'^^^ saxWL'a(f)A''qai)q'iplya'^°* wa'n-^"^ unLvaniP^^ 

Again passed night had stomach-ache. "In that being about 

after night on way to do 


mama"nis-, a'ip'iya' clna'rju'a(f)i. 'i'v^aiyauq-' qumu'ntuaR'ip'Lya\^°'' 
woman," said Coyote. Then heated stones on fire. 

%nL''r)umits'^^^ tva'a'p'i^°^ pA'pa-'rayqai^^^ o'mA^^^ pirVrip-'iya'^^^ 
After doing so of cedar limb (obj.) on it Inmg on; 


y,nix'ur)w'^^^ i))a"pitc ay' w'i"i'kup'iya'. 'i'v^aiyauq' vi'^'Lo'tiyanC'^^^ 

while he baby he fell down. Then when at consid- 

(inv.) did so (vis.) erable distance 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 


qu qwa i onayw airjuyi-ya /' 
went to get armful of wood. 


piftcipiya^ na' a'itLp'iya' aikwA^^^ 
Arrived, caused it (inv.) to burn; 

his own having heated 
stones on fire 





2Vi p-Lja , 

on top of 

it (inv.) 


avL ptya 


being warm 


tst'q-uy'wanvmpuRpLya^^'^ 7(.m^^ 
made hair-scratcher, with it 

nantsri'xquTf' "piya" .^^^ 

scratched himself 

in hair. 

mntu'arjqirjuts-,'^'^^ a'ip'iya^ 
having given birth said 
to child," 

"In this being about 
way to do 

dna' 7jwa4>i . 

mama 'uts- 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 301 



1 cinaijivavi- coyote, only used in myths; -vi- noun suffix (§ 24, 1, b); i < i 
(§ 3, 3, b); -if a- quotative enclitic (§ 19, 2, m); --yw elided (§ 7, 1) from 
-ywa- preterital enclitic (§ 19, 1, a). 

2 Post-nominal pronoun (§ 42, 1). 

' vi'^a'-, m^a'- demonstrative stem (§ 43, 1); -va', final form (§8, 1, d) of 
-va- postposition (§ 50, 4, 38). 

^ qani-' house; -ja' spirantized (§ 16, 1), palatalized (§ 13, 4), final 
(§8, 1, e) form of -kai- verbalizing suffix to have (§ 26, 1, b). to have a house 
> to dwell. 

^ piTjwa- wife; -arja- possessive enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 4). piTjwa-arja- 
contracted (§ 4, 1, a) and elided (§ 7, 1) to jnijway; a secondarily nasalized 
(§ 6. 2). 

^ See note 2; final vowel elided (§7, 1). 

^ 07/a- third person animate singular pronoun (§ 39; 39, 3); -ruyiva-, elided 
(§7, 1) to -ruyw-, -ruxw-, postposition (§ 50, 4, 30). 

8 ai- to say; -p'iyai-, in final form (§ 8, 1, e), tense suffix of myth narrative 
(§ 32, 6). 

* cii-' SQUAW-BUSH TWIG; -xa- verbalizing suffix to acquire (§ 26, 1, c); 
-vq'i- indirective for (§ 29, 11); -xw'ai- to go in order to (§ 28, 3); -n 
elided (§ 7, 1) from -ni- pronominal enclitic me (§ 40; 40, 3). Imperative in 
form (§52). 

1" 'a^c L-' < 'a'ic i-' (§ 3, 3, a) gathering-basket; -tcu- < -ru-, -tu- (§ 13, 3) 
to make (§ 26, 1, d); -v'^a - < -va- (§ 14, 3, b) temporal suffi"x of future time 
(§ 32, 4); -tn- < -isi- (§ 3, 2, c,; § 13, 7, a) gerund (§ 55, 1, a); -neUded (§ 7, 1) 
from -ni- pronominal enclitic I (§ 40), subject of following verb, to which 
gerund is morphologically subordinate. 

'1 ai- to say; -k- elided (§ 7, 1) and palatalized (§ 13, 4) from -q a- tense 
suffix (§ 32, 2). 

12 ?l- secondarily nasalized (§ 6, 2) form of u- invisible demonstrative 
stem (§ 43, 1); -ma-'', -yna-" postposition (§ 50, 4, 7); -ntV < -ntia- (§ 8, 1, a) 
objective form (§ 49, 1) of participial -nt'i- (§ 25, 6, a). Form is objective 
because logically dependent on objectively thought c'li- of preceding verb 
(note 9); get squaw-bush twigs being therefrom > get some of the 

SQUAW-BUSH twigs. 

'3 See § 61, 1. 

'^ See note 1. -(/>/ final form (§8, 1, a) of -vi-. 

** tim- to do (§ 43, 3); -rju- momentaneous suffix (§ 30, 5); -Is elided from 
-tsi- gerund (§ 55, 1, a), having so done = then. 

'* 'o'x- < 'o'O- (§ 8, 2, b) < 'o '- (§ 10, 1) contracted from demonstrative 
stem 'o'- (§ 43, 1) and -u-; -up a()-" postposition (§ 50, 4, 35); -rjqw'ai- to go 
(§ 28, 1); -p iya' as in note 8. 

302 X Southern Paiutc and Ute 

284 SAPiR 

1^ c'i'i-' as in note 9; -v'^'i-'^ < -t^i"-" (§ 14, 3, b) nominal suffix for plants (§ 24, 

1, e); -m-p'i- nominalizing suffix used with possessive -a- (§ 24, 1, d); -a- posses- 
sive suffix (§ 24, 2, a); -x- glide (§5, 1); -ya- objective suffix (§ 49, 1); -m- glide (§ 
5, 2); -V elided (§7, 1) form of -I'i.- reflexive possessive (§ 40, 4). Form is ob- 
jective because in apposition with following postpositional phrase (§§ 49; 50, 3). 

18 = u'u'ra'. u- demonstrative stem (§ 43, 1); -ura' final form (§8, 1, e) of 
-urai- postposition (§ 50, 4, 36). 

" Adverb of degree (§ 60, 2, c). 

20 mid- local adverbial stem (§ 60, 2, b); -n i elided (§ 7, 1) from -n-ia- 
enclitic like (§ 19, 2, d) appended to several adverbs. 

" lini- TO DO (§ 43, 3); -n'ni- continuative (§ 30, 12); -p iya' as in note 8. 
WAS DOING ALONG used in idiomatic sense (§ 62, 1) to refer to movement. 

^ naijqa- to hear. 

" qa- TO sing; --pi' final form (§ 8, 1, a) of- pia-; -p-i- past passive parti- 
cipial suffix (§ 25, 5, a), qapi- meaning literally what has been sung; -a- 
objective (§ 49, 1), noun being direct object of preceding verb. 

" Elided (§ 7, 1) from 'aikvn- (§ 61, 1). 

2* pua-« supernatural power, supernatural; -ru'a- verbalizing suffix to 
BECOME (§ 26, 1, f); -i- glide (§ 5, 1); -yu- assimilated (§ 3, 3, f) from -y'i- 
present temporal suffix (§ 32, 1); -rno- = -ru'a- (§3, 1, c) interrogative enclitic 
(§ 19, 2, f) going with following enclitic -yainia- to mean apparently; -ni- 
subjective pronominal enclitic (§ 40, 2); -^ain i' palatalized (§ 13, 4) final 
(§ 8, 1, a) form of modal enclitic -yainia- (§ 19, 2, a). 

^ cuwa- with glide -w (§ 14, 3, a) modal adverb nearly (§ 60, 2, d) generally 
used as verb prefix (§ 20, 12); -ru'a- interrogative enclitic (§ 19, 2, f); -ni final 
form (§ 8, 1, a) of subjective pronominal enclitic -ni- (§ 40, 2), subject of 
following verb, nearly? = perhaps. 

2" Final form (§ 8, 1, c) of nynoci-y'i-; no - inorganically lengthened (§ 4, 

2, a); nonoci- to dream; -y'i- present temporal suffix (§ 32, 1). 
^ Temporal adverb (§ 60, 2, a). 

^ pua-' as in note 25; -xant elided (§ 7, 1) from -xant'i- having, present 
participle (§ 25, 6, a) of -yai- to have (§ 26, 1, b). having supernatural 
power = medicine-man. 

'"Substantive verb of animate singular subject (§ 56, 1), compounded of 
ujjiv he (§ 39, 1) and aru'a- to be (§ 43, 4). Note following first personal 
subject despite its composition with third personal element. 

" Independent personal pronoun (§ 39, 1); nasalization secondary (§ 6, 2). 

^2 Properly u'v"'aiyauq v, pronunciations with it- and o- due to careless 
articulation of unemphatic word. Temporal adverb (§ 60, 2, a) composed of 
demonstrative u- (§ 43, 1) and -v"'aiyauq 2i- labialized (§ 14, 3, b) from -vai- 
yauq u- postposition (§ 50, 4, 41). 

" Compound verb (§ 18, 2, a), narjqafca- to listen consists of narjqa- to 
hear (cf. note 22) and rare suffix -fca (§ 26, 1, j); -ijw'ini- postvocalic (§ 13, 
2) form of u'l'm- to stand, secondarily nasalized (§ 6, 2); -p'iya' as in note 8. 

^* qatcu- NOT (§ 57) broken because of following element; -' . . .q wa- 
pronominal enclitic it (inv.) used objectively (§ 40, 3), in final form (§ 8, 1, a). 

Southern Paiute. a Shoshcmean Language 303 


^5 So frequently heard for paya'in''Nu''qwL- compound verb (§ 18, 2, a). 
payai- with inorganic -a- (§ 3, 2, a) to walk; nuqwi- palataHzed (§ 13, 4) 
and unvoiced (§ 8, 2, a) to -n<'Nu'qwi- to stream, run; -p'iya' as in note 8. 

TO walk-stream = TO START OFF. 

" Simphfied from uniTjUls- (§ 13, 7, a). For analysis see note 15. 

" nayqa- to hear; -p'iyai- temporal suffix (§ 32, 6); -cu- enclitic suffix 
AGAIN (§ 19, 2, k); -' . . .qw as in note 34. 

^ Virac ikwa- to stop; z > t (§ 3, 3, b); -c t- < -c'i- unvoiced to c/-, -c- 
(§ 8, 2, a); -kiva-> -kwo- (§ 3, 1, c); -p'iyai- temporal suffix f§ 32, 6); -cu 
final form (§ 8, 1, a) of encHtic -c u- again (§ 19, 2, k). 

^ As in note 33, except that -r)iv\- is labiahzed to -77?^- (§3, 3, d); -cu- 
and -' . . .q w as in note 37. 

^ Adjective- verb compound (§ 18, 2, b). 'a't'i- well irregular participial 
form in -I'i- (§ 25, 6, a) of verb stem 'a'yu- to be good; -na^rjq"- < na^yqA-: 
naijqa'- to hear (§ 10, 1); -p'iyai- temporal suffix (§ 32, 6); -' . . .kwa- 
enclitic pronominal object it (inv.) (§ 40, 3) dissimilated (§ 13, 7, c) from 
elided -'kw (§ 7, 1) to -'k-. 

" qa- TO sing; -q'- = -q-A- unvoiced form (§ 8, 2, a) of -q a- suffix indicating 
plural subject (agent) of verb (§ 31, 1, c); -pi' = -pia- as in note 23. 

^ Independent subjective personal pronoun (§ 39, 1) with preserved 
final vowel followed by ' because coming before ani- to do (§ 7, 3). 

*' Song form for anik-^A. ani- to do (§ 43, 3); -k a- palatahzed (§ 13, 4) 
from -q a- as in note 41. 

** Myth form, kivimv "ra-" of unknown significance; -nUk a- nasalized 
(§16, 3) form of t'iqa- to eat; -niia- plural verb of movement (§ 18, 2, a) to 
go in order to (§ 28, 3); -ya' final form (§8, 1, e) of -yai- subordinating 
suffix (§ 55, 1, b). 

" ai- and -p'iya' as in note 8; -k-^A- palatalized (§ 13, 4) and unvoiced 
(§ 8, 2, a) from -qa- as in note 41. 

*^ qa - TO sing; -m'mia- to move while -ing (§ 28, 4); -ya as in note 44. 

^' tuyumpa-o sky; -pa{i)ya"-ruq iva compound postposition (§ 50, 4, 45). 

*" nontSL- TO fly; -ka- as in note 45 (but voiced form); -nn.a- and -7a" as in 
note 44. 

'^ Independent subjective pronoun (§ 39, 1). 

52 ovanaijqa- goose; -tjw elided (§ 7, 1) from -yw'i- animate plural (§ 48, 1). 

" Post-nominal pronoun (§ 42, 2). 

'* Compound of numeral stem and noun (§59, 2, b). waa-, wa- two; 
ni{y)a -vi- chief with nominal suffix -vi- (§ 24, 1, b); -rjw- as in note 52. 

5* Compound of quasi-numeral and noun (§ 59, 3, b; § 59, 2, b). nanCna- 
BOTH, different (with inanimate nouns); -q{w)o- objective suffix (§ 59, 2, a) 
used also in composition; yaya - end; -max^am = -maA^am'i (§ 8, 2, a); -ma- 
postposition (§ 50, 4, 7); -A^am'i unvoiced (§ 8, 1, a) form of -a^ ami- com- 
bined pronominal enclitic (§ 41, 1, e) referring to subject and possessive of noun 
with postposition (§ 41, 2, d). 

*^ Compound verb (§ 18, 2, a), w'ini- to stand; -m m- several journey; 
-p'iya' as in note 8. 

304 X Southern Paiute and Vte 

286 SAPiR 

" Cf. note 1. -vi- elided (§ 7, 1) to -v. 

** pirn- TO SEE, look; \ secondarily nasalized (§ 6, 2); -k ai- palatalized 
(§ 13, 4) from -q ai- resultative (§ 30, 9), regularly suffixed to p'ini- in its 
normal sense of to see; -p'iyai- temporal suffix (§ 32, 6) broken (§ 15, 2, a) 
to -p iya'ai- by following pronominal element; -' . . .m' final form (§8, 1, a) 
of objective pronominal enclitic -' . . .ml- them (inv.) (§ 40, 3). 

" As in note 32. Final -u- elided {§ 7, 1); -w glide (§ 14, 3, c). 

'"ma n-3- secondarily lengthened (§ 4, 2, a) from man o- all (§ 59, 3, a.)\-qwo- 
objective -qo- (§ 49, 1; § 59, 2, a) with glide -w- (§ 14, 3, c) and glottalized ^ 
(§ 15, 2, b) due to following pronominal element; -' . . .q wa objective pro- 
nominal enclitic (§ 40, 3) pleonastically referring to following objective noun, 
to which man 3-q ivo- is attributive. 

*' qa m- secondarily lengthened (§ 4, 2, a) from qani- house; -t ir'ia- redupli- 
cated plural of -t ia- place of (§ 25, 4, a); -i' final form (§8, 1, c) of objective 
-yO'- (§ 49, 1). Object used genitively with niyw'i' ai' yaq w below (note 67): 


*2 pa pa- reduplicated plural (§ 58, 3, d) of pa-' water, spring; -yantV = 
-yanl'iA objective form (§ 49, 1) of -yanVi- having (§ 25, 6, a) participial form 
of -yai- TO HAVE (§ 26, 1, b). Objective in form because modifying qa yu' I ir'iai' . 

" qa q aiva - reduplicated plural (§ 58, 3, d) of qaiva- mountain; -ntsi-' 
diminutive (§ 35, 2);--xan('i' palatalized form (§ 13, 4) of -yantV as in note 62. 

** m'im'^ia- reduplicated plural (§ 58, 3, c) of m'ia-" divide generally in 
form m'ia'yant'i-; -ntsL- and -yantV as in note 63. 

** kwi'kwi'lcuva- reduplicated distributive (§ 58, 3, c) of kwitcuva-' appearing 
generally in participial form kwitcu'va-r'i- knoll; -tci- assimilated (§ 13, 8, e) 
from -tsL-' diminutive (§ 35, 2); -tcV = -tciA objective form (§ 49, 1) of 
participial -tc'i- (§ 25, 6, a) assibilated from -r'i-, -Vi- (§ 13, 3). Syntax as in 
note 62. 

^^ pa van'nja- secondarily lengthened (§ 4, 2, a) from pavan'nja- redupli- 
cated plural (§ 58, 3, b) of pa n'noa- hollow, valley generally in form pa n'nj- 
ayanl'i-; -ntsi- and -yant'i' as in note 63. 

*' nirjw'ia- people of (a place) consisting probably of niijw'i- person and 
possessive -a- (§ 24, 2, a); -i- glide (§ 5, 1); -ya- objective (§ 49, 1); -' . . .q w 
possessive enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 4), their (inan.) referring to ma n:/- 
qwoqw . . . pa va 'n'noantsiyantV . Object of following verb. 

** pu'tcu'tcuyiva- TO KNOW probably contains instrumental prefix pu-" (§ 21, 
4); -I- glide (§5, l);-yi- < -yi- present tense (§ 32, 1);-' . . q w objective 
enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 3). 

69 = ivH'yan (§ 13, 6). iv'H- hortatory adverb (§ 60, 2, d); -ya- dual- 
plural imperative enclitic (§ 52); -n elided (§ 5, 1) from -ni- me (§ 40, 3). 

'" Subjective in form because object of imperative construction (§ 39, 1 ; 

'' na- reflexive pronominal stem (§ 46); -up a- postposition (§50 4, 35); 
-n for -ni voiceless (§8, 1, a) form of -7ii- me (§ 40, 3). 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonecm Language 305 


'2 mam a- secondarily lengthened (§ 4, 2, a) from mam a - reduplicated 
distributive (§ 58, 3, c) of ma - to make into; -ni as in note 71 . Observe that 
ME is expressed four times in this sentence. 

" n'i- secondarily nasalized (§ 6, 2) from ni- / (§ 39, 1); -T)um elided (§ 7, 
1) from -tjumi- objective enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 3). For combination 
of independent and enclitic pronoun, see § 40, 6, a. 

'*• mgi- nasalized (§ 6, 2) from tnoi-" to lead; -mpa- future of intention 
(§ 32, 4); -yum' = -rjumi final form (§ 8, 1, a) of -rjumi- as in note 73. 

^5 Elided (§7, 1) and contracted (§4, 1, a) from 'ama-arja-; 'arna- objective 
WHAT? with verb of saying (§ 44, 1, d); -oj^a- subjective enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 

'* As in note 11, except for voiceless form (-A; ? = -U-^a; § 8, 1, a) of suffix. 

'' na-' reciprocal prefix (§ 22, 1); -r'iv'^iiju- spirantized (§ 16, 1) from 
tw'^iyu- to ask probably containing momentaneous -yu- (§ 30, 5); -qwa- 
labialized (§ 14, 3, c) from -q a- plural suffix (§ 31, 1, c); -xa' = -ya' as in note 

^* manoqo- as in note 60. -yaq" contracted (§ 4, 1, a) from -ya-aq a; 
-ya- probably for -y'a- quotative enclitic (§ 19, 2, m); -aq a objective enclitic 
pronoun (§ 40, 3). 

"9 pu'tcu'tcuywa-' TO know as in note 68; -r elided (§ 7, 1) from -r'i- particip- 
ial suffix (§ 25, 6, a). For indicative use of participle, see § 55, 4, e. 

8° ai- inanimate demonstrative (§ 43, 5); -y- glide (§ 14, 2); -a tj contracted 
(§4, 1, a) from -a-arj; -a- objective (§ 49, 1); -ay elided (§ 7, 1) from -aya- 
subjective enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 2). 

81 = uru'a-c u- objective independent inanimate pronoun (§ 39, 1). 

82 = tw"'i'p'iA objective (§ 49, 1) of t'iv'^'ip'C- land containing nominal 
suffix -pi.- (§ 24, 1. d). Object of pu'tcu'tcuywar, takes up -aq a of note 78. 

*^ Assimilated (§ 3, 3, f) from pi-'urai-; pi- relative pronoun (§ 45); 
-urai- postposition (§ 50, 4, 36); -nay < -nayw (§ 13, 7, c) < -naywa- (§ 7, 1) 
apparently dissimilated from, if not misheard for, -raywa- possessive enclitic 
pronoun (§ 40, 4). 

^* uni- TO DO (§ 43, 3); -nA suffix of verbal noun (§ 25, 3) used as equivalent 
of relative clause (§ 45). 

'* Independent animate singular pronoun (§ 39, 1) anticipating following 
ma'viy'wa m- ay. 

^^niavi- chief; -y'wam contracted (§ 4, 1, a) and elided (§ 7, 1) from 
-y'wa-am L-; -y'wa- possessive suffix (§ 24, 2, b) ; -aw i- possessive enclitic pro- 
noun (§ 40, 4). 

«^ imp'^ai- modal adverb (§ 60, 2, d); -ai) as in note 80, anticipates following 
cina'ywav ay' . 

** ai- TO say; -va final form (§ 8, 1, d) of -va - future suffix (§ 32, 4). 

*9 Animate singular demonstrative (§ 39, 1) used attributively with 
following noun. 

"o 'a(i)yu- to be good; -ywai'- negative suffix (§ 57, 2, b); -t i- participial 
suffix (§ 25, 6, a); -m' final form (§8, 1, a) of -mi- animate plural suffix (§48, 1). 

306 ^ Southern Paiute and Ute 

288 SAPIR 

91 maai- to find out; -t i- contracted (§4, 1, c) from -( ui- causative suffix 
(§ 29, 12); -rjk'- = -j)kt- voiceless form (§ 10, 1) of -r)ki- indirective suffix 
(§ 29, 11); -Vi- = -ti- passive suffix (§ 29, 13); -v^ava- < -va-aya- (§ 14, 3, b; 
§ 4, 1, a); -va - future (§ 32, 4); -ajjarajjwA final form (§8, 1, a) of -arjaraTjwa- 
enclitic pronouns of subject and object (§ 41, 1, d; § 41, 2, a). 

9* -nmu- animate plural personal pronoun (§39, 1); -Rqwax- = -Ruqwaxi 
unvoiced (§8, 1 , a and 2, a; § 10, 1) from -ruqwayi- postposition (§ 50, 4, 31). 

" Nu'^qwi- TO run; -m'mia- suffix of movement (§ 28, 4); -p'iya' tense 
suffix (§ 32, 6). 

'* Compound verb (§ 18, 2, a), wa'a'yi- unvoiced (§ 8, 2, a; § 10, 1) from 
wa'arji- TO shout; -pax - = -pax i- unvoiced (§ 8, 2, a) from -pay{a)i- to 
WALK, to — WHILE JOURNEYING; -p'iya' as in note 93. 

9* am- TO DO (§ 43, 3); -■ palatalized (§ 13, 4) from -yai- subordinating 
suffix (§ 55, 1, b); -ar)arai)WA as in note 91. 

9« = maa'i( njk'lt- (§ 8, 2, a and b) as in note 91. -qw'ai- apparently semi- 
temporal use of -qwa'ai- off (§ 28, 2); -va elided (§ 7, 1) from -va- future 
suffix (§ 32, 4). 

" tj-'"'i- modal adverb (§ 60, 2, d); -aTjarayivA as in note 91, except that 
functions of subject and object are reversed. 

•* Contracted (§4, 1, a) from na-up antuywa-aijA; na- reciprocal pronoun 
(§ 46); -up a-ntuywa- compound postposition (§ 50, 4); -ayA enclitic pro- 
nominal object (§ 40, 3). 

'9 H-'i'cia- so heard for w'/'aa - feather incorporated as noun object (§ 18, 
2, f, y); -mamaxa- reduplicated distributive (§ 58, 3, c), indicating plurality of 
subject, of maya- to give; -varj' contracted (§ 4, 1, a) from -va-ar)A; -ya -as 
in note 96; -aijA as in note 98. 

'M Viv^ai- (§ 7, 2) local adverb (§ 60, 2, b). 

'01 Secondarily lengthened (§ 4, 2, a) and unvoiced (§8, 1, a) from arja'vantu- 
ywa-; arja- animate singular personal pronoun (§ 39, 1 and 3); -'vantuywa- com- 
pound postposition (§ 50, 4, 47). 

^°- yu{iv)aki- TO fly down (plural subject) unvoiced (§ 8, 2, a); -p'iya' as 
in note 93. 

"" = ana'?;u>ayi/i objective form (§49, 1) because referring to postpositional 
phrase (§ 49, 2; see note 101). 

1"* Abreviated form (§ 10, 3) of nana'qAt'iTjq'i'p'iya'; nana'q-Al'i- reduplicated 
iterative (§ 58, 4, d) of nayat'i- momentaneous form (§ 53, 2, b) of nayari- to 
dodge; -Tjq'i- indirective (§ 29, 11); -p'iya as in note 93. 

"" w'i'ci'amamax- as in note 99, except that -maya- is unvoiced (§ 8, 2, a; 
§ 10, 1) to -max-; -p'iyai- temporal suffix (§ 32, 6); -y- glide (§ 14, 2);-arj = 
-arjA as in note 98. 

i»« Cf. note 98. 

107 -yWj. modal adverb (§ 60, 2, d); -'- second person singular subjective 
enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 2); -ca'" modal enclitic (§ 19, 2, i). 

i"* nontsi- to fly; -qu- momentaneous suffix (§ 30, 7). 

i°9 Inanimate demonstrative elided (§7, 1) from mafia- objective (§ 39, 
1 and 4) in agreement with following noun. 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonecm Language 307 


"° avi- TO lie; -ta- assimilated (§ 13, 8, e) from -tst.-' diminutive suffix (§ 35, 
2); -Wi- participial suffix (§ 25, 6, a); objective -a- (§ 49, 1) elided (§ 7, 1). 
Form is objective because construed periphrastically with following post- 
positional phrase (§ 50, 3). 

"' a- demonstrative stem (§ 43, 1); -oral- postposition (§ 50, 4, 36). 

^^2 Secondarily lengthened (§ 4, 2, a) and elided (§ 7, 1) from mamaiu- 
= jnam ayu (§ 13, 6); ma- demonstrative stem (§ 43, 1); -ma-yu- compound 
postposition (§ 50, 4, 7). 

"' pa{i)yi-, pa{i)yi-TO return; -tju-" momentaneous suffix (§ 30, 5); -mpa' 
final form (§ 8, 1, d) of -mpa- future suffix (§ 32, 4). 

"^ See note 108. Secondarily lengthened (§ 4, 2, a) and nasalized (§ 6, 2) 
from nontsi- to fly. 

"* a z;t- secondarily lengthened from avi- (§ 4, 2, a). See note 110. 

"^ 9u;aia-" local adverb (§ 60, 2, b); -yqwap a- postposition (§ 50, 4, 16) la- 
bialized (§ 3, 1, c) to -rjqwopa-. 

"' Cf. note 114. -tsi-, -tsl- < -tsi- (§ 3, 2, b). Note durative force (§ 30) 
of verb because unprovided with -qu- suffix. 

"* "mu'a'm-TO DO THUS (§ 43, 3); -m -" future suffix (§ 32, 4); -nt elided 
(§ 7, 1) from -nil- participial suffix (§ 25, 6, a). For syntax see § 55, 4, d. 

^^^ qatcu- negative adverb (§ 57); -rayn^A objective enclitic pronoun (§ 
40, 3). 

i-20 tiv^itsLxa- TO obey; -va- future suffix (§ 32, 4); -y'wai- negative (§ 
57, 2, b); -t I- = -ti- (§ 3, 3, b) participial suffix (§ 25, 6, a); -raywA as in note 
119. For pleonastic use of pronoun see § 40, 5. 

^21 qoni- TO come back; secondarily nasalized (§ 6, 2) and unvoiced (§ 
8, 2, a; § 10, 1) to q^ni-. 

1" Probably for mana' yqw A-pa{iy yu-q w a (§ 3, 5, c). manar)qwapa{i)-yu- 
compound postposition (§ 50, 4, 7 and 49) apparently here used as indepen- 
dent word following objective form of noun (§ 50, 3); -' . . .q wa possessive 
enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 4) referring to avi'tcdcV. 

'" Secondarily lengthened (§ 4, 2, a) and rounded (§ 3, d) from 'ami- in- 
dependent animate plural third personal pronoun (§ 39, 1); -4>a final form 
(§ 8, 1, a) of -va- postposition (§ 50, 4, 37). 

'2< Abbreviated form (§ 10, 3) of pi'pi'tc'i- reduplicated momentaneous 
form (§ 58, 5. c) of pitci- to arrive. 

'" n^ntsi- as in note 117; -n'l.- continuative suffix (§ 30, 12); -va- future 
suffix (§ 32, 4); -rjwa' final form (§8, 1, e) of -ywa'ai- negative suffix (§ 57, 2, b). 

^'^^ nitnH- independent personal pronoun (§ 39, 1); -oaxituxwA voiceless 
form (§ 8, 1, a and 2, a) of -oayituywa- postposition (§ 50, 4, 26). 

1" wa'arji- to shout; -va rjxoa' as in note 125. 

'2* qa - TO sing; -va ijwa' as in note 125. 

1^ Final form (§ 8, 1, c) of pa'a'ni-y'i-; pa'ani- to be high, loud; -y'l- 
present temporal suffix (§ 32, 1). For syntax, see § 55, 3. 

''" Secondarily lengthened (§ 4, 2, a) from mantir-ma- all (§ 59, 3, a). 

1" yac I SEVERAL fly; -yu- momentaneous suffix (§ 30, 5); -p'iya' temporal 
suffix (§ 32, 6). 

308 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

290 SAPIR 

"^ tuyumpa- sky analyzable into tuyu-" up (§ 60, 2, b) and nominal suffix 
-mpa- (§ 24, 4, b); -i elided (§ 7, 1) from -ia-, -?/«- objective suffix (§ 49, 1). 

1" = a'u'ra'- a- demonstrative stem (§43, 1) referring to preceding noun; 
-'ura' postposition (§ 50, 4, 36). 

"< nm- TO DO (§ 43, 3); -ts final form (§8, 1, a) of -Isl- gerund (§ 55, 1 a). 


1" ya c- unvoiced form (§ 8, 2, a) of yaci- several fly. 

"6 pu'urai- as in note 83; -v elided (§ 7, 1) from -v'i- reflexive possessive 
pronoun (§ 40, 4). 

'" uni- TO do; -7) elided (§ 7, 1) from -rju- momentaneous suffix (§ 30, 5). 
For absolute verbal form in relative clause, see § 45. 

"* Read a m a 'ax itiix h-a secondarily lengthened (§ 4, 2, a), assimilated 
(§ 3, 3, e), contracted (§4, 1, f), and unvoiced (§ 8, 2, a) from am ijayil uywa-; 
am'i- animate plural independent personal pronoun (§ 39, 1); -oayit uywa- 
postposition (§ 50, 4, 26). 

"' < nontsi- (§ 3, 2, b) to fly; -vuru- compounded verb stem to go from 
PLACE TO place (§ 18, 2. a). 

140 = ivY'd'a-ya-ava-raywa- (§ 13, 6; § 4, 1, a; § 13, 7, c); w/'aa - feather; 
-ya- objective suffix (§ 49, 1); -arjaraywa- combined subjective and possessive 
enclitic pronouns (§ 41, 1, d and 2, d). 

'" jva- to pull out (hair, feathers); -q a- suffix of plural subject (§ 31, 1, 
c); -J7U-" momentaneous suffix (§ 30, 5); -mpa- future suffix (§ 32, 4); -cu 
final form (§8, 1, a) of -c u- enclitic again (§ 19, 2, k). 

^*^ urua- objective inanimate pronoun (§ 39, 1); -c- elided (§ 7, 1) from 
-CM- as in note 141. 

1" oni- TO do; -^a' < -yai- (§ 13, 4; § 8, 1, e) subordinating suffix (§ 55, 1, b). 

144 = u'v'"aiyauqu- (§ 3, 5, e) then; -arjA objective enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 

1" tcatcai'- reduplicated distributive (§ 58, 3, b) of tca'ai-TO take hold of; 
-p'iyai- temporal suffix (§ 32, 6); -ami- subjective enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 2). 

I''* tuyumpa- sky; -pa{i)ya-vantuywa- compounded postposition (§ 50, 4, 45 
and 38). 

147 = wi'ci'a -ya-ai)a-. Cf. note 140. 

"8 Cf. note 141. 

i« Local adverb (§ 60, 2, b). 

^'^ cur'^iru- onomatopoetic stem with final reduplication (§ 58, 6); -p'iyai- 
as in note 145; -/it' final form (§ 8, 1, a) of -n m- modal encUtic like (§ 19, 2, d). 

1" tiV'ipu- rounded (§ 3, 3, d) from tiV^ip'i- earth; -v^'a- < -va- (§ 14, 3, b) 
postposition (§ 50, 4, 38); -nfi = nfiA objective (§ 49, 1) form of participial 
suffix (§ 25, 6, a). For syntax, see § 55, 4, c. 

'^^ kH'i'pa'- TO strike, fall on. 

1" tA'pa'ci- TO LIE senseless; -p'iy over-elided (§ 7, 4) from -p'iyai- temporal 
suffix (§ 32, 6). 

1" Temporal adverb f§ 60, 2, a). 

'" cu{w)a-o TO breathe (dur. cua-q a-, mom. cua-rj'xvi-); -pitci- to arrive. 

TO breathe arrive = TO COME TO, TO REVIVE. 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 309 


1*^ sa'a- TO MAKE mush; -pi' = -piA objective form (§ 49, 1) of past 
passive participial -pi- (§ 25, 5, a), mush-made > mush. Object of following 

1" See note 58. 

1'* Viy'iv^'i- FRIEND rounded (§ 3, 3, d) to Viy'ivu-; -tsi- noun suffix (§ 24, 1, f); 
-i)Wi{- rounded (§ 3, 3, d) and secondarily nasalized (§ 6, 2) from -7?u'i- animate 
plural suffix (§ 48, 1, b); -tiLa- modal enclitic (§ 19, 2, d); -ni possessive enclitic 
pronoun (§ 40, 4). 

"' sa'a- MUSH incorporated object (§ 18, 2, f, 7); -m amax - unvoiced (§ 8, 
2, a) from -mamaya- reduplicated distributive (§ 58, 3, c) of maya- to give; 
-qai- perfective suffix (§ 32, 3); -ni objective enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 3). 

'^ ti'qa'-' TO EAT > ti'qa'-' (§ 3, 3, b); -xai- subordinating suffix (§ 55, 1, 
b); -' . . . ./cti'a- objective enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 3). 

^" ti'qa'- TO eat; -m au'p a- to finish second stem in compound verb 
(§ 18, 2, a); -tsi- < -tsi- (§ 3, 2, b) gerund (§ 55, 1, a); -' . . .qwa- as in note 

**^ ci'p'i'-' incorporated noun cold with probably instrumental function 
(§ 18, 2, f, a); -qirutca- to have a thrill go through one's head; -qai- 
resultative suffix (§ 30, 9); -p'iyai- temporal suffix (§ 32, 6); -n t' modal 
enclitic (§ 19, 2, d). 

1*' maaini- to touch consisting of instrumental prefix ma- (§ 21, 1) and 
stem -aini- not occurring independently; -p'iy as in note 153. 

'" to'tsi'- < totsi'- (§ 8, 2, a; § 10, 1; § 3, 2, b) head; -va-" postposition 
(§ 50, 4, 38); -nt'i- participial suffix (§ 25, 6, a); -a- objective suffix (§ 49, 1); -(f>'i 
unvoiced form (§ 8, 1, a) of -v'i- reflexive possessive (§ 40, 4). For syntax, see 
§ 55, 4, c. 

'«^ tco'pi'k I- brain contains instrumental prefix tco-' (§ 21, 8); -a- objective 
suffix (§ 49, 1); -r'j- contracted (§ 4, 1, f) from -ru'a- interrogative enclitic 
(§ 19, 2, f); -n elided (§7, 1) from -ni- subjective enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 2). 

^*^ tint- to do; -ka' palatalized (§ 13, 4) and final (§ 8, 1, e) form of -q ai- 
perfective suffix with inferential implication (§ 32, 3). 

^" ti'qa'-' TO eat; -xa' final form (§ 8, 1, e) of -yai- subordinating suffix 
(§ 55, 1, b). 

'■^^ Compound verb (§ 18,, 2, a), pi'pi't a'ni-« reduplicated form (§ 58, 5, c) 
of momentaneous significance to vomit; -tiyax - < -t'iya- (§ 3, 3, b; § 8, 2, b; 
§ 10, 1) to try, to practise. 

"' nayai'ai- to be angry < to die of anger; naya- anger incorporated 
instrumental noun; -i'ai- < y(a)'ai- (§ 13, 6) to die. 

^~° 'iv"''i- hortatory adverb (§ 60, 2, d); -n for -ni (§ 8, 1, a) subjective enclitic 
pronoun (§ 40, 2), subject of following verb. 

I'l = nar}wa'-upa -" (§ 8, 2, a); narjwa- tracks; -upai)-" postposition (§ 50, 
4, 35); -fnpa'am'i broken (§ 15, 2, a) and unvoiced (§ 8, 1, a) from- 7npa - + 
-' . . .mi-; -mpa- future suffix f§ 32, 4); -' . . .mi- possessive enclitic pronoun 
(§ 40, 4). For use of postpositional phrase as verb of motion, see § 50, 2. 

'" tw"'ai- local adverb verbified (§ 60, 2, b); -m'mia- suffix of movement (§ 
28, 4). 

310 X Southern Paiiite and Ute 

292 SAPiR 

i"3 Secondarily lengthened (§ 4, 2, a) and unvoiced (§ 8, 2, a) from 'avnju-', 
'avi- TO lie; -t/u- momentaneous suffix (§ 30, 5). 'aviyu- to lie down 


»'* narjqa- to hear; -p'iya'aim'i broken (§ 15, 2, a) and unvoiced (§ 8, 1, a) 
from -piyai- (§ 32, 6) + -' . . .mi- (§ 40, 3). 

I"' qa - TO sing; -m la- several journey verb stem generally appearing 
in compounds (§ 18, 2, a) as plural verb of movement; -na- suffix of verbal 
noun (§ 25, 3); -' . . .m" possessive enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 4). 

"s Contracted (§ 4, 1, a) from uv'^a-arja-. u- demonstrative stem (§ 43, 1); 
-Va- < -va- (§ 14, 3, b) postposition (§ 50, 4, 38); -ot/zI subjective enclitic pro- 
noun (§ 40, 2) anticipating following nominal subject woman. 

1" niiywi- < nirjw'i- (§ 3, 3, b) person, people; -r'iraxwo-K -r'iraxua-o 
(§ 3, 1, c) nominal base of compound postposition (§ 50, 4, 28); -pa elided (§ 7, 
1) from -pa- postposition (§ 50, 4, 38). 

i'« Secondarily lengthened (§ 4, 2, a) and elided (§ 7, 1) from mama"utsi- 
woman; mam a'u- reduplicated stem (§ 58, 1); -tsi- noun suffix (§ 24, 1, f). 

1"' Objective form of independent personal pronoun (§ 39, 1) used geni- 
tively (§ 39, 4). 

!«> Post-nominal pronoun (§ 42, 4): the one whom you like, in apposition 
with preceding woman. 

1*1 'a'cintui- to like probably containing causative -rdui- (§ 29, 12); -na'''mi 
broken (§ 15, 2, a) and unvoiced (§ 8, 1, a) from -na- verbal noun suffix (§ 25, 
S) + -' . . .mi- possessive enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 4). Verbal noun here 
used as practical equivalent of subjective relative clause see § 45). 

1*2 "a- demonstrative stem (§ 43, 1); -va elided (§ 7, 2) from -va- post- 
position (§ 50, 4, 38). 

1" Independent third personal pronoun (§ 39, 1) used as demonstrative 
qualifier of following noun. 

1'* Elided (§ 7, 1) from qanJ p'ia-; qani- house; -pi- past-passive participial 
suffix (§ 25, 5, b), here used as temporal noun suffix past (§ 24, 3, b); -a- objec- 
tive suffix (§ 49, 1). that former camping place is objective because in ap- 
position with 'a- of 'ava it-at (§ 49, 2). 

1" piici-, pdc'i- TO arrive; -xw'ai- suffix of movement (§ 28, 3). 

^<^^ pu'ca'xai- to look for contains pu-o instrumental prefix (§ 21, 4); 
-piyai- temporal suffix (§ 32, 6); -arj' objective enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 3). 

i«' See note 178. -tsi elided (§ 7, 1) and dulled (§ 3, 2, b) from -tsia-; -a- 
objective suffix (§49, 1). 

i*« ^nl- TO do; -xat- palatahzed (§ 13, 4) from -yai- subordinating suffix 
(§ 55, 1, a); -cu- modal enclitic (§ 19, 2, k; § 55, 1, a); -a?)' objective enchtic 
pronoun (§ 40, 3), object of following verb. 

1*' maai- to find. 

190 axani- to act how? (§ 26, 2, b; § 44, 2, a); -va ijan contracted (§ 4, 1, a) 
and elided (§ 7, l)from -va-arja-ni-; -va- future suffix (§ 32, 4); -aijani- com- 
bined subject and object enclitic pronouns (§ 41, 2, a). 

1" Connective adverb (§ 60, 3). 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 311 


1^^ mjwa- animate singular independent personal pronoun (§ 39, 1); 
-vantuywa- postposition (§ 50, 4, 47) verbified (§ 50, 2); -rju- voiceless form 
(§ 8, 2, a) of -7)u- momentaneous suffix with transitional significance (§ 30, 5). 

"' saxwto - STOMACH, BELLY; -ia- objective suffix (§ 49, 1); -' . . .r)w 
elided (§ 7, 1) from -' . . .7)wa- possessive enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 4). Ob- 
jective because referring to following postpositional phrase. 

1'^ u- demonstrative stem (§ 43, 1); -v'^a'auA < -va'auA (§ 14, 3, b) post- 
position (§50, 4, 47). 

1" wiw'i'n'i- reduplicated momentaneous form (§ 58, 5, c) of w'ini- to stand; 
-qu- inceptive suffix (§ 30, 7). 

"8 2^nt- TO do; -X- = -xu- palatalized (§ 13, 4) and voiceless (§ 8, 2, a) form 
of -yu- subordinating suffix (§ 55, 1, e); -cu'utjw broken (§ 15, 2, a) and un- 
voiced (§ 8, 1, a) from -cu- modal encHtic (§ 19, 2, k) + -' . . .7/it;a- objective 
enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 3). 

1'^ w'l'i- TO fall; -ku- momentaneous suffix (§ 30, 7). 

19* 'iria'- baby; -pi-tc < -pi-tsi- (§ 7, 1) noun suffixes (§ 24, b and f). 

199 = u'v'^aiyauqu- then (§ 60, 2, a) H — ' . . .Tjwa- objective enclitic pro- 
noun (§ 40, 3). 

^ y'i'iki- TO swallow; -piya'aiytvA broken (§ 15, 2, a) and unvoiced (§ 8, 
1, a) from -p'iyai- (§ 32, 6) + -' . . .j)wa- as in note 199. 

201 pa{i)yi-, pa{i)yi- to return; -ki- hither (§ 28, 5). 

^2 t'iv^Lp 'i- earth, country rounded (§ 3, 3, d) to tlv'^ip-u-; -a- possessive 
suffix (§ 24, 2, a); -ia- objective suffix (§ 49, 1); -u- glide (§ 5, 2); -0t voice- 
less form (§ 8, 1, a) of -v'i- reflexive possessive pronoun (§ 40, 4). 

203 Cf. note 173. -pax- = paxi- < -pay{a)i- (§ 8, 2, a; § 10, 1) to walk, 
as compounded verb stem (§ 18, 2, a) while journeying, from place to 


20^ saxwM-' stomach incorporated as local noun (§ 18, 2, f, S); -(pA^'qayqi- 
spirantized (§ 16, 1) and unvoiced (§ 8, 2, a) from paq a-yq'i- to have a pain; 
-vq'i- indirective suffix (§ 29, 11). 

205 Elided (§7, 1) from mani- to do in that way (§ 43, 3) here used as 
demonstrative adverb. 

2o« uriL- TO do (§ 43, 3); -va-'' < -m -" (§ 3, 1, a) future suffix (§ 32, 4); 
-nti participial suffix (§ 25, 6, a). Participle used in lieu of finite verb (§ 55, 4, e). 

207 Unvoiced (§ 8, 2, a; § 10, 1) from qunm'ntuar'i- to heat stones on fire 
containing instrumental prefix qu-" (§ 21, 12). 

20^* See note 15. -tni- after (§ 30, 13). 

209 = xca'a'p'iA objective form (§ 49, 1) of wa'ap'i- cedar tree; ica'a-' 
cedar; -pi- noun suffix for plants (§ 24, 1, e). Object used genitively (§ 49, 
2) with following noun. 

210 pA'pa 'ratjqa- limb, branch reduplicated noun (§ 58, 1). -i elided 
(§7, 1) from -ya- objective suffix f§ 49, 1). 

2" 0- demonstrative stem (§ 43, 1); -yriA postposition (§ 50, 4, 7). 
2'2 p'Cri'n- to hang on of durative form (§ 30). 

312 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

294 SAPiR 

*'' ^nl- TO do; -xu- palatalized (§ 13, 4) from -yu- subordinating suffix 
(§ 55, 1, e); -' . . .ijw elided (§ 7, 1) from -' . . .ijwa- subjective enclitic 
pronoun (§ 40, 2). 

*'■' m"'i3- adverbial stem far away (§ 60, 2, b); -t ly an i' < -t'iyan la- (§ 3, 
3, b; § 8, 1) local adverbial suffix (§ 60, 2, b). 

^'' qu'qwa- wood incorporated as object (§ 18, 2, f, y), absolute form qv'qwa'- 
p I ; iyona- {^ 13, 6) to carry in one's arm; -yw'ai- suffix of movement (§28, 3); 
-yu- momentaneous suffix (§ 30, 5). 

^1* na'ai- to burn; -^i- contracted (§ 4, 1, c) from -t ui- causative suffix 
(§ 29, 12); -piya'aik WA broken (§ 15, 2, a) and unvoiced (§8, 1, a) from 
-p'Lyai- (§ 32, 6) and -' . . .k wa- objective enclitic pronoun (§ 40, 3). 

*" Cf. note 207. -qai- perfective suffix (§ 32, 3); -na- suffix of verbal 
noun (§ 25, 3); -v elided (§7, 1) from -i;i- reflexive possessive pronoun 
(§ 40, 4). 

^'* u- demonstrative stem (§ 43, 1); -v'^aax < -va'ayi- (§ 14, 3, b; § 7, 1) 
postposition (§ 50, 4, 46). 

2" yutui-' to be warm (in reference to water). -IcV = -tc'iA; -tci- parti- 
cipial suffix assibilated (§ 13, 3) from -i'i-, -r'i (§ 25, 6, a); -a objective suffix 
(§ 49, 1) Objective in form to agree with following noun. 

^* Elided (§ 7, 1) from paia-, paya-; pa - water; -ya- objective suffix 
f§ 49, 1). 

*** ivi- to drink. 

2" Contracted (§ 4, 1, d), assimilated (§ 3, 3, f), and unvoiced (§ 8, 2, a) 
from ts'i-'i'q UTj'wa n'imp'i-ru-; ts'i- < tsi- (§ 3, 2, b) instrumental prefix (§ 21, 
9); -iq UTj'wa- (?) verb stem used with prefix tsi- to indicate to scratch the 
head with a stick; -nimp'L- suffix of noun of instrument (§ 25, 2); -ru- 
verbalizing suffix to make (§ 26, 1, d). 

^" Secondarily nasalized (§ 6, 2) and elided (§ 7, 1) from uma-; u- demon- 
strative stem (§ 43, 1); -wa- postposition (§ 50, 4, 9). 

^^'' nan- reflexive prefix (§ 22, 1); -ts'i'x quTj'"- probably < -tsi'-'iq uij'wa- 
(§ 3, 2, b; § 8, 2, a; § 10, 1) see note 222. 

2" Elided (§ 7, 1) from ''i'ni- to do in this way (§ 43, 3), here used as 
demonstrative adverb. 

226 ^j.n person, human being incorporated object (§ 18, 2, f, 7); -niua- nasal- 
ized form (§ 16, 3) of tua- to give birth denominative verb from iua- child 
(of some one) (§ 47); -yqi- indirective suffix (§ 29, 11); -yu- momentaneous 
suffix (§ 30, 5); -ts final form (§ 8, 1. a) of -tsi- gerund (§ 55, 1, a). 

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language 313 



Coyote, it is said, was living there. His wife said to him, "Go and 
get squaw-bush twigs for me, who am going to make a gathering- 
basket, I say, out of them." " "All right," said Coyote, and then he 
journeyed off in yonder direction towards his squaw-bush. He was 
very far away (when) he heard singing. "Oh!" said Coyote, "it 
looks as though I am going to be a medicine-man; perhaps I am 
going to dream. Already I am a medicine-man." And then he 
stood and listened, did not hear it. And then he started off. Then 
he heard it again, stopped again. Now again he stood and listened 
to it; this time he already heard well the singing of many: "Thus we 
do, traveling in order to eat people," said they, singing along under 
the sky, those geese, as they flew along. The two chiefs stood at 
either end of the line as they travelled along. Coyote saw them, and 
then he said, "Of all the camping places — those with springs, those 
with mountains, those with divides, those with knolls, those with 
valleys — all their people I know. Do you then make me into one of 
yourselves, and I shall lead you," said Coyote. "What did Coyote 
say?" said they, asking one another. "He says that he knows all 
those lands towards which we are going." That chief of theirs then 
said, "Let that Coyote talk, he is not a good one. He will cause us 
to be found out." 

Coyote ran along under them, shouted as he went along, "Oh," 
said their chief, "in doing so he might cause us to be found out. 
Let each one of us give him feathers," said their chief. And then 
down on to Coyote they flew. Coyote kept dodging. Each one 
gave him feathers; they said to Coyote, "Go ahead! fly off towards 
that little ridge, and from it then you will return," "All right," 
said Coyote, and off he flew, flew beyond the little ridge, "What 
did I say?" said their chief. "That Coyote will always be doing 
thus, he will not obey us." Coyote returned from the other side of 
the little ridge, arrived where they were. Then that chief said, 
"You shall not keep flying around us, you shall not yell, you shall not 
sing out loud." "All right," said Coyote. 

All set off flying towards the sky; westward, then, they flew off 
whither they were bound. Coyote flew back and forth around them. 
Then their chief said, "Let us pull out his feathers. By doing that 
(which he is doing) he will cause us to be found out." And then they 
took hold of him under the sky and pulled out his feathers. Down 

314 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

296 SAPiR 

came Coyote, making a whizzing noise; he fell upon the earth and 
lay senseless. Then, after a while, he came to. He saw mush. 
"Oh!" said he, "my friends, it seems, have given me mush," he said, 
as he ate it. 

Then, after a while, when he had finished eating it, he felt as though 
a cold thrill went through his head; and then he touched his head. 
"Oh!" said Coyote, "is it my own brains that I have been eating?" 
said he. He tried to vomit. Coyote got angry (and said), "Now I 
will follow in their tracks." Coyote journeyed westward, he camped 
several nights on his way. Then, after a while, he heard them as they 
moved along singing. "Coyote," they said, "there in the midst of 
the people lies the woman whom you like." "All right," said Coyote. 
There at that old camping place he arrived. He looked for the 
woman and, in so doing, found her. "What, then, shall I do to her?" 
said Coyote. He got on top of her, stood stamping on her stomach. 
Just as he did so, that baby fell out. 

"What, now, shall I do with him?" said Coyote. And then he 
swallowed him, and he turned back towards his own country. Again 
he camped several nights on his way; he had a stomach-ache. "In 
that way will it always be with a woman," said Coyote. And then he 
heated stones on the fire. After doing so, he hung on to a cedar limb; 
as he did so, the baby dropped down. Then he went off to a con- 
siderable distance for an armful of wood. He arrived, built a fire 
of it. He lay on top of the bed made of rocks that he had heated; 
he drank warm water. Then he made a head-scratcher and scratched 
his head with it. "In this way shall it be with a woman when she 
has given birth to a child," said Coyote. 

Texts of the Kaibab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 


Introduction 299 

Key to the Phonetic System Employed 302 

I. Paiute Myths 308 

1. Wolf and his Brother: 

Text and Interlinear Translation 308 

Free Translation 338 

2. How the "Cry" Originated: 

Text and Interlinear Translation 345 

Free Translation 347 

3. How the Bear Dance Originated: 

Text and Interlinear Translation 348 

Free Translation 351 

4. The Origin of People: 

Text and Interlinear Translation 351 

Free Translation 358 

5. Sparrow Hawk and Gray Hawk Contend for a Woman: 

Text and Interlinear Translation 360 

Free Translation 367 

6. Coyote Sets the Parturition Customs: 

Text and Interlinear Translation 369 

Free Translation 375 

7. The Theft of Fire: 

Text and Interlinear Translation 377 

Free Translation 390 

8. Iron-Clothes . 394 

9. Chipmunk Deceives the Giant 408 

10. Coyote unsuccessfully Imitates Carrion Beetle 410 

11. Gray Hawk and Toad Gamble 414 

12. Rat Invites the Deer and Mountain Sheep to a Round Dance 426 

13. The Badger People Wage War against Wolf and Coyote. . . . 432 

14. Eagle as Suitor 444 

15. Rattlesnake as Story-teller 446 

16. Owl's Widow's Experiences with Skunk, Badger, and Hawk 448 

17. Coyote and Porcui)ine 456 

18. Coyote and his Daughters 462 

19. The Bird that Carried People away 464 

II. P.mute Xon-mythical Texts 472 

1. How the Kail)ah Paiutes learned the Bear Dance 472 

2. The Two Horse-tail Hair Brothers, a Ute War Story 472 

3. Mamputs' Style of Beginning a Speech 476 

318 X Southern Paiute and Ute 


III. Paiute Myth Recitatives 478 

1. Eagle's Myth Recitative 478 

2. Sparrow Hawk's Myth Recitative 478 

3. Rattlesnake's Myth Recitative 480 

4. Iron-Clothes' Myth Recitative 480 

5. Coyote's Lament 480 

6. Red Ant's Myth Recitative 482 

7. A Myth Song 482 

IV. Ute Myths 484 

1 . Porcupine Tricks Coyote 484 

2. Coyote Deprives himself of his Eyes 488 

3. Wildcat and Coyote Disfigure each other 494 

4. Owl's Widow Goes in Quest of Chicken-Hawk 494 

5. The Releasing of the Corraled Buffalo 504 

6. A Ghost Woman Robs Mourning Dove of her Son 506 

7. The Woman that Ran off with a Herd of Wild Horses 513 

Notes 515 

1. Notes to Paiute Texts 515 

2. Notes to Ute Texts 527 

3. Notes to Translations of Paiute Texts 529 

4. Notes to Translations of Ute Texts 534 



The text material presented in this paper belongs to two rather 
distinct, though closely related, dialects of the Ute-Chemehuevi 
branch of Plateau Shoshonean. The bulk of the paper is devoted 
to mythological and other texts obtained in 1910 (February to May) 
from Tony Tillohash, a young Kaibab Paiute from Kanab, in south- 
western Utah ; the balance, to mythological texts and one tale recorded 
in English, secured in 1909 (August and September) from Charlie 
Mack, a Uintah Ute from White Rocks, Utah. 

The Ute texts were obtained at White Rocks in the course of a 
brief trip among the Utes of Uncompahgre and Uintah reserves. 
A further series of thirty Ute tales was obtained in English by my 
colleague, Dr. J. A. Mason; these were published under the title of 
"Myths of the Uintah Utes" in The Journal of American Folk-ljore 
for July-September, 1910 (pp. 299-363). I should not fail to add 
that Dr. ]Mason also obtained a series of interesting pictographs in 
the course of a reconnaissance of Nine Mile Canyon, some distance 
south of Uintah Reservation. This material is still unpublished. 

More substantial for linguistics than the Ute work were the results 
obtained from Tony, who was in 1910 just about to complete his 
course at the Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania. Through the 
kindness of Dr. G. B. (Gordon, the director of the University of 
Pennsylvania Museum, and of the superintendent of the Indian 
School, arrangements were made to have Tony housed in Phila- 
delphia and employed at the Museum, so that he might be ren- 
dered available as a source of information for further Shoshonean 
researches. Tony pro\ed an excellent informant. Though young 
and absent from his native home for about five years, he was of a 
naturally conservative temperament and possessed of a remarkable 
memory. Hence he was better informed on the subject of tribal 
lore than could normally ha\e been expected. His unfailing good 
humor and patience also helped materially to lighten a task that 
demanded unusual concentration. (Indeed, in all my linguistic 
experience, I doubt if phonetic perception has ever been .so severely 
taxed as in recording Shoshonean dialects of the Ute-Chemehuevi 
group.) Besides the Kaibab Paiute texts here presented, there were 

320 X Southern Paiutc and Ute 

300 SAPIR 

secured from Tony supplementary material for the grammatical and 
lexical study of his language; a series of over two hundred songs, 
chiefly ceremonial, recorded in text and on the phonograph; and a 
considerable body of ethnological information. The grammatical 
data have been worked up into a sketch of the Paiute language, 
which forms the first part of this volume. The lexical material fol- 
lows in the third part. The songs and the ethnological data will 
form the subjects of future papers. Tony, further, pro\ed \aluable 
as a first-hand source for a seminar in American Indian linguistics 
that I was then giving at the University of Pennsylvania. Last, but 
not least, he was a delightful companion at all times and is remem- 
bered with the friendliest feelings by all who came in contact with 
him in Philadelphia. 

The linguistic relation of Southern Paiute (to be carefully dis- 
tinguished from Northern Paiute or "Paviotso") to Uintah Ute is 
close. Indeed, they are not so much closely related languages as 
mutually intelligible dialects of the same language. This probably 
applies to all the dialects of Ute-Chemehuevi, which may be defined 
as a dialectically differentiated Shoshonean language stretching from 
Uncompahgre Ute in central Colorado to Chemehuevi in southeastern 
California. The texts embodied in the present volume are therefore 
illustrative of one of the most widespread languages of aboriginal 
America, though the specific dialects of the texts, Kaibab Paiute and 
Uintah Ute, co\er only restricted territories in southwestern Utah 
and northwestern Arizona and in northeastern Utah respectively. 
No attempt has been made to normalize the texts, which are given 
here precisely as heard. The phonetic system used is that described 
in the report of the Phonetic Committee of the American Anthro- 
pological Association;' the symbols are defined in the key prefixed to 
the texts. Those wishing to make an analytical study of the language 
are referred to the Paiute grammar which precedes; the necessary- 
lexical assistance is given by the Paiute dictionary which follows. 

In their mythological affiliations the tales recorded here e\ idently 
correspond closely to the Ute, Shoshone, and Comanche tales already 
published by Kroeber, Mason, Lowie, and St. Clair. References to 
parallel tales have been confined to Plateau Shoshonean. Fiwther 
parallels from other Plateau tribes, from Plains tribes to the east, 
and from California and Washington-Oregon tribes to the west are 

' See Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 66, no. 6, 1916. 

Texts of the Kaibah Paintes and Uintah Utes 321 


given in the papers mentioned. On the whole, the rehition of Southern 
Paiiite mythology to that of the Northern Shoshone is very close, 
perhaps e\en closer than might have been expected. 

In conclusion, I should like to express my indebtedness to the 
late Dr. Gordon's kind help which was given me throughout the 
prosecution of my Shoshonean studies. 

Edward Sapir. 
Ottawa, June 5, 1918. 
Chicago, July 16, 1930. 


1 . Monophthongs. 

a as in German Mann. 

a like u of EngUsh but. 

a as in EngHsh hat. 

a as in French patte; midway between a and a. A nuance of 
of a that is characteristic of Ute. 

e close as in Erench ete. Occurs only rarely, as nuance of i 
or of a-a-£. 

£ open as in English met. 

i close as in French fini. 

t open as in English it. 

o close as in au of French chapeau. 

open as in German voll, but less clearly rounded. 

to approximately like aw of English law, but more nearly 
approaching a. 

u open as in English pull, sporadically close as in English 
rule; always close when long (u ). 

u- long and open as in English poor, but without r-glide. 

i high-back-unrounded-narrow (Sweet's terminology); may be 
produced by completely unroimding close u, without 
modifying tongue position of u. On first acquaintance 
this vowel impresses one as a "muddied" nuance of ii, 
but its formation is quite unlike that of French or Ger- 
man ii. Its semi vocalic form is y (see below), to which 
it is related as u to w or i to y. t, ii, and t are modified 
forms of i. 

i high (or high to mid)-back-unrounded-wide; related to ii 
approximately as i to i or c to e. It is apt to sound like 
a "muddied" 6 or a dull a. 

ii not a true ii as in French or German, but duller in timbre. 
Probably high-mi.xed-rounded-wide; apt to sound like a 
rapid diphthongal i". 

i high-mixed-rounded-wide; approximately like i of English 
(American) first, but without r-quality. 

6 as in German schon or Gotz (i. e. close or open in quality). 
Rare in Paiute, but very common in Ute, where it corres- 
ponds to Paiute o. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 323 


' and other superior vowels: 

weakly articulated, but not completely unvoiced, vowels. 
They are frequently glides, sometimes they are reduced 
from fully articulated vowels. After their own vowel, 
generally long, e. g. a^, they denote "pseudo-diphthongal" 
rearticulation. Before and after glottal stops (') they 
are murmured in Paiute, after glottal stops they are 
whispered in Ute. 

A and other small-cap vowels: 

completely unvoiced vowels, pronounced with full 
breath. They may be defined as \'oiceless breath 
modified by various vocalic timbres. 

% and other vowels with subscript hook: 

nasalized vowels; nasalization is either weakening of q 
(see below) or secondary, due to presence of preceding or 
following nasal consonant, w, nasalized w, occurs 
sporadically in Ute as development of 14. 

', 'J, ' weakly articulated, but not completely unvoiced, nasal- 
ized vowels. 

a and other vowels with superscript ' : 

glottalized vowels, i. e. vow^els interrupted by a series of 
weak glottal stops. This type of articulation is some- 
times referred to as " glottal r. ' ' w, glottalized w, occurs 
sporadically as development of u'. a is secondarily 
developed from a' or 'a; similarly for other vowels. 

U, "( unvoiced forms of q, 5; may be defined as voiceless 
nasalized breath with u and t timbre respectively. This 
type of articulation is rare. 

2. Diphthongs. 

ai, ai. Hi, si, oi, oi, ui pronounced as diphthongal combinations 
of a, a, ji, £, o, o, and u respectively with following i. 
These diphthongs are either inorganic, i arising as glide 
before following y, or organic, in which case the first 
vowel is sometimes heard doubled, e. g. aai, ooi. In 
certain cases the two vowels are pronounced with a drag, 
indicated as a.i; in others, the i is rather faint, indicated 
as a'. 

ai diphthongal combination of a and i. 

au diphthongal combination of a and u (cf. ou of English 
gout), aau, a.u, and a" are also found. 

324 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

304 SAPIR 

ai (and similarly for other diphthongs) : 

as above but with second element of diphtiiong \oiceless. 


p intermediate or unaspirated surd stop of labial position; 
intermediate character most marked initially and in 
second portion of geminated (lengthened) p; tends to be 
semisonant after m. Aspirated (p") before voiceless 
vowels or as substitute for p-j- voiceless vowel. 

b sonant labial stop. Found in Ute as sporadic development 
of p after m, less often initially. 

t intermediate or unaspirated surd stop of dental position. 
Types of articulation parallel to those for p (see above). 

d sonant dental stop. Found in Ute as sporadic development 
of t after n, less often initially. 

k intermediate or unaspirated surd stop of mid-palatal 
position. P'ound chiefly, as variant of q, between 
preceding back vowel and following i. Types of articula- 
tion parallel to those for p (see above). 

g sonant mid-palatal stop. Found in Ute as sporadic develop- 
ment of k after r), less often initially. 

q intermediate or unaspirated surd stop of back-palatal or, 
frequently, velar .position (velar character most pro- 
nounced before o and i). Types of articulation parallel 
to those for p (see above). 

g sonant back-palatal or velar stop. Found in Ute as sporadic 
de\elopment of q after r), less often initially. Also occurs 
intervocalically as lightly stopped development of y, 
rather frequently in Ute, seldom in Paiute. 

kw, gw, qw, gw labialized forms of k, g, q, g respectively. 
When k and q are aspirated surds, w appears as voiceless 

k intermediate or unaspirated surd stop of front-palatal 
position; approximately like ky of English cue. Found 
regularly as development of q, (k) after i. Types of 
articulation parallel to those for p (see above). 

5 sonant front-palatal stop. Found in Ute partly as sporadic 
development of k after r\, (q); partly intervocalically as 
lightly stopped development of y. 

Texts of the Kaibab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 325 


s voiceless sibilant, as in English so. In Ute s is regularly 

intermediate in place of articulation between s and c, in 

Paiute it is generally pure in quality, 
c voiceless sibilant, as in English she. 
ts intermediate or unaspirated surd aflPricative of s- position. 

In Paiute, like ts of English hats; in Ute, intermediate 

in place of articulation between ts and tc. Types of 

articulation parallel to those for p (see above), 
tc intermediate or unaspirated surd affricative of c-position, 

as in English chat. Types of articulation parallel to 

those for p (see above), 
dj sonant affricative of c-position, as in English judge. 

Pound in Ute as sporadic development of tc after n, less 

often initially, 
m as in English me. 
M voiceless m. 

m'' m pronounced with lip rounding of w and followed gen- 
erally by rapid w-glide. Before ^oiceless vowels it 

appears as m*, with voiceless w-glide. 
n dental nasal, as in Italian. 
N voiceless n. 

n> palatalized n, i. e. n modified by y-contact of the tongue. 
1] mid-palatal, back-palatal, or velar nasal, corresponding in 

position to k and q. Like ng of English sing. 
N rarely occurring voiceless form of i). 
r)w labialized i). Always treated as simple consonant, 

analogously to kw, qw. 
I)* i) followed by voiceless w; de\eloped from w before \oice- 

less vowels. 
J3 front-palatal nasal, corresponding in position to k. Approxi- 
mately like gn of French gagner. 
n, n syllabic forms of n and r). n like -on of English button. 
V bilabial v, as in Spanish, but never tending to become 

lightly stopped b. 
(J) bilabial f; unvoiced v. 
w as in English. 

unvoiced w, like wh of English white. 
V" bilabial v with approximate acoustic effect of w due to 

inner rounding. A labialized nuance of v, to be carefully 

<listinguished from w. 

326 X Southern Paiiite and Ute 

306 SAPIR 

(J)* unvoiced v". 

r lightly trilled tongue-tip alveolar r. Never so lightly 

trilled as to be heard as sonant d, as happens in some 

American languages. 
R Unvoiced r. Its exact timbre changes with that of the 

voiceless vowels that follows it. Before i', it is perhaps 

cerebral, with a thickish c-like quality. 

Y voiced mid-palatal, back-palatal, or velar spirant, corres- 

ponding in position to k and q; like North German g of 

X unvoiced form of y ; like ch of German Bach. 
X intermediate in type of articulation between y and x. 

A nuance of y that is found in Paiute. 
I voiced front-palatal spirant; acoustically close to, but to 

be carefully distinguished from, y. Related to y as k is 

to k, q. 
5 unvoiced form of y; like ch of German ich. 
% intermediate in type of articulation between y and x. 

A nuance of y that is found in Paiute. 
. yw, xw, yw, yw, xw, ^w labialized forms of y, x, y, y, x, and ^ 

respectively. Before voiceless \owels w of xw and xw 

appears unvoiced to w. 
y like y of English yes. 

Y unvoiced form of y; differs from x in being pronounced with 

less energy. 

h as in English. Occurs in Paiute as sporadic modification 
of s. 

' breathing occurring finally, medially after voiceless vowels, 
or initially before vowels. 

J voiceless nasalized breath. Found more frequently in Ute 
than in Paiute. 
glottal stop. 

p, {, k, q, k, kw, qw, is, t'c glottalized forms of p, t, k, q, k, 
kw, qw, ts, and tc respectively. consonants are 
pronounced with simultaneous closure and siibsequent 
simultaneous release of oral point of articulation and of 
glottis. They have a snappy effect altogether different 
from the cracked effect of the glottalized stops and 
affricatives of many West Coast languages. They are 
developed from ' + stopped consonant (or affricative) or 
from stopped consonant (or affricative) + '. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiiites and Uintah Utes 327 


*". ^, "^j ^^, ^'. % ''. '. -^ weakly or very rapidly articulated forms of 
in, s, c, ts, w, y, x, x, y. They arise either by reduction 
of these consonants or, more frequently, as glides. 
^, '', ^^, ^, and ' are generally sharpened forms of ' after 
voiceless Aowels. 

Accents and other Diacritical Marks. 

' denotes that preceding vowel is stressed. 

denotes that preceding vowel or consonant is long. 
+ denotes excessive length of preceding sound. 
< "derived from." 
> "from which is derived." 
( ) enclose words in English translation not found in the 

Indian original. 
[ ] enclose meaningless elements in Indian song texts. 


1 . Ti'v*a'tstna va'vti)W. 
Wolf and his Brother.' 

tiv"a tscnava a ti]\v 
Wolf and his brother 

m*a va am 
there they (inv.) 

Q na't A'ciaqq'^ 

wlien was early 


(|a p tya 

paa iranr ijijw 

of us 2 aunt she (inv.) 


to her (in\'.) 

qari p lya , 
(2) dwelt. 


i\ a tci 

••" 'a 

he, "Go ahead, 
now ! 

wara'x ani ''xwa'*. 

go to ask for grass 


What vou 


wi 't uc 
long ago 

anik a' 
are doing 

punt avtxa . 

while lying down 


1 nil 

cuwa p itci 
are waking up 

\) mat, 
"All right," 


cuwa p itci 
am waking up 

^ nu t A'ciaijq'. 
when was early morning. 

paya n-^-qwtp '.va 
started ofi" 

pa a ia\' u nw' 

his own aunt she (inv.) 

(ja nt 

aip lya 

m ca ^ 
but I 



wara X ani ''jw'aixa'. ywa vatci uv"a 

while going to ask for To her (inv.) there 
grass seeds. 

pt tctyw'aiptYa' 
went and arrived 

qant vaarjW 

at her (inv.) 



oai pa a lav u i]W. 

it (inv.) his own she (in^•.). 
aunt (obj.) 

pa 4 ar)W 

His (inv.) 


qa to 


qari'p ta'» qant'a<{)t. 

sat (neg.) her own house 


qari'pt7a'im'^ qanc'arjW. a'itlcaqw 

they 2 sat her (inv.) house "Where is 
(obj.). she (inv.) 

Only her (inv.) sons 

ptya 13 qm 

your (pi.) 


Tony Tillohash, Kaibab Paiute Indian, in his Carlisle School Unifokm 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




u r)\v, 

she (inv.)?" 

a'ip tya'aiin" 
they 2 said 

pi tctvan t', 
will arrive," 


a ip-t7a 

cina'r)wa<])i. ti7a"xw=*'aiya'ai]', 

coyote. "She went to gather seeds," 

qwt ayanti' tuwa tsir)W, 

grizzly bear sons, 


ma'ip tya'aim'. 
thus they 2 said. 

ma ntcu"aia vtp lYa 
waited for lying down 

pina qqw' ai)W 
"soon she (inv.) 

uv^a qanc ar)W 

there her (inv.) 

house (obj.); 

pina qqwA 

pina qqWA 

pa a ai)W 

his (inv.) 



pa-q ar)W 

His (inv.) 


paa ar)\^^ 
his (inv.) aunt. 

ffqa va^nt' 
will eat^* 

"Yonder me 

s *'a'p t', 

mush (obj.)," 

ma va'tcan' 
my masturbator 

ma ip tya , 
said thus. 

ma ip tya 
thus said 

ya 'riqik ' 
bring to," 

a ip tya 

paa ar)W'. 
his (inv.) aunt. 

tuwa tsii)w 

qwa'ru^'wap tya'aik w 
gave it to her 

mava'tcai'ya'ar)W piy£'iya<j)t. piya"ar)W qwi'i'p tya'aikw 

her (inv.) mastur- their own Their (inv.) took it, 

bator (obj.) mother (obj.). mother 

a-vi p tya 




a'ip txa" 

p% wc ^arux WA.' 
on (her) back. 


Pf'ni'k aip lya'aiqw. 
saw her (inv.) 


aipiya, mia " qwoam ijni i}qii)umpa 
said, "with this it shall do for,' 

(inv.) I you (obj.) 

pa 'a'niputs-, 
my auntie," 

etna ijwacpi. 

5 nicamp , 


a ip tya 

Grizzly bear 

yoyo p tya aii)W 

Copulated with 

her (inv.) 

pa a "ai)W. 
his (inv.) aunt. 

ctna'r)wa({)i pa a'ia<j)t 

coyote his own 

aunt (obj.). 


a ip tya 


citcu"mantk'ptya ijntu'q u^wa'ai)W 

put claws into his (inv.) back (obj.)' 

330 X Southern Paint e and Ute 

310 SAPIR 

u'"a'x arux w a'wiic ", a'ip iya' ctna'r)wa(})i. qa'tc, 

through it. "Enough," said coyote. "No," 

a'iptya' qwt'yats . ctna'r)wa(|)i qwi'tt'k ipiYa'" qnt'r)''uts- 
said grizzly bear. Coyote got up suddenly, then 

tOYo'q 'ptYa". qwtya'ts- qwiri'k ipiya'. ctna'qwavt 

ran off. Grizzly bear arose. "Coyote (obj.) 

yntu'qua'arjW pjnt'k aiyaq ', a'ip tya' qvvcya'maunia'uts-. 

his (inv.) back look at it," said grizzlv-bear woman, 


cina'i)wa(})i paiyiq w'a'ip eya 'a vt'p iya 'oa 'va'ana({)t 

Coyote went back home, lay on his own back, 

qatcu'qwa'ar)W pijnt'k ait' uc'p ta'. pa vi"ir)W tiYi'ai''' 

not it (inv.) him allowed to see. His (inv.) elder deer 

(inv.) brother (obj.) 

towa'tsi pA^qa'p tya ijnt'r)uts ijntu'q ua'aqw ya 'q ipcya'. 
child (obj.) killed, then his (inv.) back brought. 

flesh (obj.) 

ctna'r)wa(j)i tu'(iwt"aip tya' qa'tc oa'iya({)V pynt'f utna 'aip tya' 
Coyote was ashamed, not his own caused to be seen ; 

back (obj.) 

tiv'^a'ts- pu'tcu'tcuywap cya. o'vaiyaq '^i' A'pt'i't'ucptya'air)W. 
wolf knew. Then caused him to sleep. 

stna'r)wa<|)i mjnt'c piya uijwa'vatcanwitu.x w. 'a ni'an 'aik - 
Covote rolled over towards him. "What sav?" 

(obj.) I 

a'ip'iya' tiv'a'ts . mmt'c qa'aijw yntu'q ua'aqw'- qa'tc' 
said wolf. When he (inv.) his (inv.) back not 

rolled over flesh 

ma'a'nqijwa'aq w iiv"a"aq ijntu'q uvt '"a'i' ma va't'cainptya. 
was (neg.) there there it back flesh it (obj.) fastened on. 
it (inv.,); (inv.) (obj.) 

ijnt'ts stna'rjwavt yntu'q urj ij'ntcu"nt' na ya'p a n'^ptya'. 
Then coyote (obj.) his (inv.) again as became. 

l)ack flesh was 

Texts of the Kaibah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




u v^aiyauq 


ui)" Gt'vatcuxwqwa "aic u itci" 

to her set off again this (obj.) 

qa p tyaaic u, 
again sang, 

it (obj.) 

"Go on! 

ya r)u'tva' 
shall carry 

ntqwu mpi' ti'qa va n'ai)"' uK. 

liver (obj.) her (inv.) being it (inv.). 
about to eat 

qnt ts pA^qa r)Utst'ti)W 
Then having killed her 


mano'qu ma '"vi qa ni'aqw pcVa '*nti'ar)W pi'nt"nu't'- 
all (obj.) things (obj.) her (inv.) whereon (obj.) had been 

house (obj.) she (inv.) wont to look 


nia^no'q oq w nc 'va ma '^via'arjW pA^qa'iiutst'iqw 
all (obj.) it shall carry her (inv.) having killed her 
(inv.) on back things (obj.) (inv.) 



u u ra 

a ip lya 



pa aiya'({)'i:'. 

his own aunt 


ymai , 


ma ip tya 
thus said 

pa "ya 'n^ NU^qwtp lya 

walked along 

etna r)wa<j)i 

qa ni aqw 

her (inv.) 
house (obj.) 

ijnt ts 


pi'pi'tct^w^'aip cya' 
went and arrived 


her (inv.) sons 



tlieir own 
mother (obj.) 

u\"a am 
there thev 

(inv.) ' 

qa ri p tya aim 

(2) they (inv.) 


qani\a'. i^e nu, a ip tya' 

in house. "Here is," said 

qa ni ar)W 

her (inv.) 

house (obj.) 



a r 

a'iyai)umwi ti'qa'vaa naijumi ma'ik ain'aijw. 
your (pi.) your (pi.) being his (inv.) saying 

uncle (obj.) about to eat (2) so." 

waa na'ip atsti)W ti'qa'ptya'aik wamt. ijnt'i)uts A^pu'ip tya'aim' 
Two boys they (2) (inv.) ate Then they (2) (inv.) 

it (inv.). slept, 


X Southern Paiiitc and Ute 



etna r)wa<J)i 
CO vote 

na i)wa aq uum 

both (obj.) of 

them (inv.) 

pA^qa qupcYa aim 
killed them (inv.). 

A^po' t" <uip i yaaim' . 

caused them (inv.) to sleep. 

pma r)qw 

piya am 

their (inv.) 


arrived home. 

ijni ts 


a iptya, 

uv*a '"ntini ma va'tcan" ya 'ijqi'k '^. u'vaiyauq ' 

"Yonder me my masturbator bring to." Thereupon 

a ip 't'Y^j A^P' lyi ami, a ip lYa. 

said, "They (2) are sleeping," said. 

etna r)wav 


na n ''c o'o'qw 

ijwa'ruYwap tya'aik w. iys'nu, a'ip lYa 

by himself it (inv.) gave it (inv.) to her. "Here is," said 

ctna'r)wa<})i, ntr)wu'mp aRi a'ip tYa ctna'i)Wa({)i. o'vaiyauq 
coyote, "liver it," said coyote. Thereupon 

qwt yaYant'i 
grizzly bear 



all (obj.) 

ntqwu'mpt u^qwa'i' t'l^qa'p tYa'aik wa. ijnt'ts- 
liver (obj.) it (obj.) ate it (inv.). Then 

qwirt'k iptYa 
got up, 

na"7a't tr)qipt7a.^'' 
dodged quickly. 

her (in.) things 

coyote (obj). 



ma ru arup tya 
jumped and 
reached for, 

killed her (inv.), 

t i 7a 'n^p t7a' ai i) w 

butchered her 


pu'^qwi agw ijqwa 1 ptya ma- VtniA. 
her (inv.) hung up on brush, 

bladder (obj.) 

ijnt'quts- sijma'i'qa'aip ■tYa"aik WA. u'v"aiyauq u ma n o'q oq ' 
Then remembered it. Thereupon all (obj.) of 

them (inan.) 

ma '*vta r)W no '^p t'Ya qa'ivavttcit nnt a nt'k aip tya 

her (inv.) carried away like plateau did 

things (obj.) on his back. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




ma '*^a^l]w u'r. ijnt'yuts- no'3'q"uptYaaik w 

her (inv.) they Then started to carry them 

things (inan. inv.). (inv.) on his back, 

to vt"its-. qnt'r|uts- cum^'i'qai'pt'Yaaikw 

for short Then remembered about it 

distance. (inv.) 

paYJi iny'fqw'tp tya 
went off 

pu qwi vt u ru 

bladder it 

(obj.) (inv. obj.) 

his own 

ijnt r)iits- 

payt rj^ptya 
started back 

MA'tca'i'ariq'ip tya'aik-w qnt'ts- 
reached for it (inv.). Then 

o p ac ijni r)uts 
through then 

that (inv.) 
same way, 

u'r wi'i'k uptya tiVt'p uv*a ntux w. t'vaiyauq ''u 
it dropped on to ground. Thereupon 

(inv.) down 

a ip cya, yt u xwa *yt q ni, 
said, "Why don't you get 

a leg?" 

a'ip tya, nti)wt'xaiYU ij'ni, 
said, "like person do in 


a ip tya 

a ip '.ya 





^"'wa'vaiyuij^p'tyai'tkw ""qwc'yu «<})'[. 
went for it, brought them (inan. inv.) his own 

back arrows (obj.). 

pu''qut v 

etna r)wav 

pa ya'i'', 


His own 




qu'qwt'p tya'aik w u'qwt'yu'141)' ma n ii'n i 
shot it (inv.) his (inv.) arrows, all 

xini i)uts 

'a Hct'm'aq u<j) 

with his own bow 

it (inv.) 

kwi'pa'p tya. 

tu'p*i'k uptya. 
were used up. 


cim}'''ptya'aik w 
let it (inv.) go, 

na 'nqa'p tya 

paiyt rj^uptya 
started back 

towards it. 

pu^qwt vt 

ainpa yauxu 





X Southern Paiutc and Ute 



MU''qwt'5^a"Hv'aiva ni 
I shall go to call for 



nji'nt tuwa'tsti)wa'. 
my children (obj.).' 

pa lyiq w" oipiya 
went returning 


a ip tya 

qa nt av 

his own 


pt tctywa'aip tya 
went and arrived 

qa ni'va(})V 
at his own house. 



cu 'q ucutcm 

"Just one (obj.) 

I did 

ini"amantiYa 1]' 
of her things 

a ip tya 


ynt ts- 


ta ijwa'i'^kaiyuwa'*.'* 

go and hang bv your 


"'u'^pa *p tya. 
went through 
vonder wav. 


a ip tya, 


u ra 

a'ip tya 


'Go ahead! 

a'ip tya 

ijnt ts- 

wa'a'p tm' 


ijwa'i'kaip tya 
was hanging 

pt tc'piya 




u r)waip tya. 

su- yuc 
just one 

qa nt'va (})i;. 

at his own 


qa 'p tya 

on dav. 


a ip tya 


ntj yi)wa.ixwa a ic u. 
go and hang yourself again. 

iva tct 

tiv*a'ts , 


nji ij waip tya 
hung himself. 

payt'k iptya 

started to 


Qno't A'ciaqq' 

when it was 

early morning 

tv^'t c^ * 
"Go ahead, 

a'ip tya 

u'^ pa "p tyaic- qnt i)uts 

again went off then 

through yonder way ; 

uv"'a c 


i]nt r)uts- 

cu'^ut a vamac- 
on one day again 

ijwa'i^kaip tya. 
was hanging. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 







when it was 


paiyi'k iptya 

started to 



qni ncmptya 
kept doing thus 

etna qwacpi. 


at his own 



ctna'ijwac])! tia'vi ym^'a'nti uru'v^ixaptYa. paiyt'kipi'Ya 
coyote service- from it obtained arrow Started to 

berry bush sticks. return 

qani'av u'ra pt'tc'pt'Ya qant'va cj) uru'v^i mantsa'gwtnapt'Ya. 
his own toward, arrived at his own arrow threw down in pile. 



house, sticks 

tirjwi'niA tu'u'm'ptYai'ikw 
hurriedly picked them (inan.) 

u qwa 1 

pulled it off 

tiv^a'ts- tirjwrniA tu'u'm'ptYai'ikw uru'v^'i 
wolf hurriedly picked them (inan.) arrow 


A'st"aiyaq ''w ta '*'"ruptYa 
their (inan. inv.) made shirt 
bark (obj.), 

cina'i)wavtyar)W uv*a '^ti A'si'aiyaq '' ta'^'riiq'^pcYaiA'^- 
coyote (obj.) he from on top their (vis. inan.) made shirt (of) it 
(inv.) bark (obj.) 

qaai)'.^* qnt'ts- nan o'^'v lini'flk'piYa uru'qwa^xti 

for him. Then for himself made for from below 

A'st'aiyaq *w 
their (inan. 
inv.) bark 

like arrows 

u'qwa'i* ma^ru""mijQuptYai'tkw. 
it (obj.) pulled it (inv.) off. 




qnt quts 

naiya pa^q'^piYa. 
turned into. 

ma "va'tcaq^piYa. 
fastened on, 

go and hang!" 

v^aiyauq " 


a iptYa 

''wi ci avt 




U m^i , 

a iptY^' 


u mw 



ahead ! 

u'xpa "p "tYa 
went off in 
yonder way, 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 




qa ri p tYa 


mr)W':"aiya <})t 
his own body 


a RI. 


ym ts 

ynt ts- 

a ip tya 

man c- 





was left 

mano q*u 
all (obj.) 

his tail 


imi'ntcu'" tiimpa'Ya'. 

you (inter.) have mouth? 

am axa aiqqwa 
What, pray, did 


wont to come 

behind me, 

aimj' pa vt'n 

always my elder 

say brother 


tq,iiwa'i*kai"xwa' ai^a'. qWA'ct"r)w 
'Go and hang saying?" His (inv.) 

a iptya. 

1 mi 

by your feet,' 

pu'tcu'tcuYwa'yiq w 
understand it (inv.), 










na- urjwaiYwa'ai'' 

'Go and hang 

yourself !' 

a'intcua 1) 

(inter.) he 


a iptya 

a uni 



'Go and get arrow 


iim% icampa * a " 
only that (obj.) 


ni"q w 
I it (inv.) 

a la r) gir a imt . 

that indeed always 

he says." 

pu'tcu'tcuYwai'yiq w 
know it (inv.)," 

u v^'aiyauq- 

uru v^i^apiYa 

obtained arrow 



very many 

no p tYa 
carried on 
his back, 

qani va(pi 

at his own 


pi tciYwa'aip lYa. 
went and arrived. 

ta'*'urup tYa 

uru q uptYa u'^qwt yuu 

made arrows arrows (obj.), made shirts 

qni ts- 


pa VI tr)w 

his elder 



Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 337 


pima'u(j)V na 'uq wiqqa'^ u'ava^nA.^' i'v^aiyauq ' tiv^a'ts* 

wherewith being about to fight. Then wolf 

their own 

qa 'p-iya i 'tcuq u, ■tv*c"ca'*, a'iptya fiv'^'a'ts-, 

sang when it was "Go ahead!" said wolf, 


ctna'rjwac})!, na u'rjwai^wo'aic u, a'ip tya tiv^'a'ts-. 

"Coyote, again go and hang said wolf, 


st'na'qwac})! pu'teu'tcuywa'aptYa' ampa'yana'arjWA. 

Coyote understood his (inv.) talking. 

qa'tc o'vaiyauq- ywa'i'kaip ta'* uru'v^^iyap tya tiv^'i'ts 
Not this time was hanging, obtained arrow very 


'a va"an'. o'vaiyauq- aqqa'q wicari' ptini'k aip'tya 

many. Then lightning (obj.) saw 

ive'tci' tiv^'a" fiv^t'pi' qigwa '*va^nti'. 'aa'ikwi 

way off in west land (obj.) at edge. "Oh!" 

a'ip'tya c{na'r)wa4)i, um^a'r aro "avi aya'n a ni'ntc'* 
said coyote, "that might be how doing?" 


a'ip iya cjna'gwatj)!. 'a puwa'ru'"'a'iyuru'ani, a'ipiya 
said coyote. "Why! Am I obtaining super- said 

natural power?" 

ctna'i)wa(})i, na ri'v^'t puayanti nji", a'ip tya ctna'i)wa<j)i. 
coyote; "always medicine- I," said coyote. 


o'v^'aiyauqu ctna'i)wa(})i paiyt'qwo'aip'tya Nu''qwt'm''yap tya 
Then coyote went returning, rushed along, 

qant'vacj) pi'tct/wa'aip tya. ynt'ts a'ip'tya ctna'i]wac{)i 
at his own went and arrived. Then said coyote, 


n|" aqqa'q wi'cari' pt'ni'k a', a'ip'tya ctna'i)wa<j)i. 

"I lightning (obj.) see," said coyote. 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



pavt tqw 
His (inv.) 
elder brother 

aqqa'q wi'cari 
lightning (obj.) 


oa lA. 



'a't impu'tcu'tcuywa'ap lYa'aik WA 
well understood it (inv.) 

v^aiyauq ''w 

a ipcya 

pa *vi ir)W 

his (inv.) 

elder brother, 


ivVca'' uru'v^Ixaxwa'*. v'ni^i'- a'ip-tya 

"Go ahead I go and get ar- "Yes," said 

row sticks." 

o'xpa*p-tYa ctna'rjwav u'v^a*nti uru'v^iyap-tYa cina'i)wa<f)i 
Went off in coyote, being there gathered arrow coyote 

yonder way (obj.) sticks; 

ar)qa q wi cari 
lightning (obj.) 


CO qu, 
one (obj.). 

tA'pu'qwipiYa ma "va 'tiYan}". o v^aiyauq 
jumped to big distance. Then 


qa-nt'va (J)V 

at his own 


pa *vt'ni 
my elder 

see it (inv.)." 


NU''qwt'm''ya'P 'Ya-- 
rushed along. 

went and arrived 

qni ts- 


pa yi'q wo'aiptYa 
went returning 

was afraid. 

ccna rjwacpi. 

'aa'ik w 

tea *Y' P' 

pa*vi tr)W 
his elder 


a ip't'Ya, 


aqqa q wicari 
lightning (obj.) 

uru v^iYaxwo aic u, 
again go to obtain 
arrow sticks," 

a ip tya. 

y m^i 

etna qwav 

a ip tya 

u X pap lY^- 
went off in 
yonder way. 

4ni ts 

u v"'a*nti 

uru v^iYap 't'Ya 

obtained arrow 


iv*^t ca" 
go ahead! 



Texts of the Kciihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




aqqa'qwi'caRi tiVt'ts- tcaY''p' qnt'ijupcYa. ct'na'i)wa(j)i 
lightning "very near did. Coyote 

ti rjwini' 

a iptys^ 

payi'ij^'uptya qant'vacj) pc'tciywa'aip iya. 'a'ikw 
started to at his own went and arrived. "Oh!" 
return, house 

cina'i)wa(})i, impi" ant'k a' pt'ni'avt^a' 

coyote, "What (obj.) are lying down 

you doing and looking? 


One should not be doing 


ai)' pyqqa'a vt'p tya. 

he kept lying down. 

ijni'vttcit i'ya 

While being 



urjwa'c tiv^'a'tc 
he (inv.) wolf 

a p ruqqa ni 
cave (obj.) 

into it they (inv.) 


na^Yu'qwiriqi't u'", 

qA qa RptYa aunt, 
they (2 inv.) escaped. 

tiVa ts 

a iptya 

a ipcYa, 


iv^t ca 
'Go ahead! 




a'ipTYa ctAna'r)wa(})i, imi'ntcu'^a 'q ' nj'ni pfijwa'ntuYwaq-ai- 
said coyote, "You (inter.) my on whom my 

it (vis.) 

nianan .^ 


'a ru" um^a'nikaivanti 

are in that way being 

about to be doing 

na Yiiq^^'UV^iiaux u. 
when fighting." 


scAna ijwav 

ni ni 




qu'tca'qariA ma *'a'qaip tYa tiirjqa nt uv^'i mitux w 

light gray (obj.) had on, cave (obj.) out of it 

tspt'i)UptYa. 'aa'ik w tiv^a'ts-, 'a'ik'pcYa ijwa'ri 

emerged. "Oh! wolf," said (pi.) rain (obj.) 



aro " 
it is 

wolf (neg.), 

ci na i)wav 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



am"", a'ik 'ptya uma'gwant'i. cc'na'qwav uwi'^wayanti 
it is," said (pi.) from among Coyote canyon (obj.) 


uv'^a a X I 
o\er it 


Y'v''aiyauq ■ 


a iptya 



naYu'qwtqqi'f u'". 

paiyi ijuptya 



etna qwav o pac-. 

coyote through 

that same 


tv^t"ca" i'm 

"Go ahead! you 

a iptya 


1 mi 


n( m 

pjnt'k aivaqwa' i]ni'nani 

will look at (neg.) my doing. 

own eyes 


good (obj.) 

like soldier 

from it 

wi'tu'v'^'uaq aiva'. 
will keep covered." 

q mai , 

etna gwav 

avt ptya. 
lay down. 

a ip tya 

pa^vt tr)W 

His (inv.) 

elder brother 

ma * aq aip tya 
had on, 

na ya'<{)A''qaip-tya. 

sa ywa /a r 


etna r)wa(pi. 


uru"ap tya 
it was, 

cave (obj). 

ts pt'ijuptya. 'a'ik w um^a'qa q ', a'ik 'ptya 
came out. "Oh! it is that one," said (pi.) 

ij wari tuwa tstijw. tWa ts- qu'qwt p tya ini tuxw 

rain (obj.) children. Wolf shot at this 

yaya'^mantia q w 
at its end, 

ijnt ts uru c qoD'i'nap tya. ijnt'ts 

then it (inv.) was mowed down. Then 

ina'rjqwA'patci' yaya '''mantiya q vv qu'qwtp tya'aic u u'pac 

on other side at its end again shot, again in 

from this that way 

ant i]Uptya 

qo 1 na p tya. 
was mowed down. 

D v'^aiyauqu 


Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




ptint'kaip iya 



at him 

um'^'a'riar'uwa 1)' 


"that (inan. obj.) 


(inter.) he 

qu'qwc't' u'a'cuyaywa^yano', 

Would lie would get shot!" 



Truly indeed 

coyote (obj.) 

pa*vi'a({)V. a'ik wi, 
his own elder "Oh!" 
brother (obj.) 


has been hiding 


a iptYa, 
he said, 

pavt ni 
my elder 

a ip lY^int 


his (inv.) 

elder brother 


pA^qa'r) utixp't ya. 
was killed. 



ma- *v'ca aqw 

his (inv.) 
clothes (obj.) 

a iptya 

etna qwacpi, 

n{i)wu'ntstr)w am' 
People they 

qwiYwi'xptya'aik \v 

took (pi.) them 

(inan. inv.). 

n'i'nt pa^vt'ni pA'^qa'rjUfi', 

"my my brother is killed," 

CO 'v^'antimw ma*no'qo 

others all (obj.) 

D v^aiyauq-^u 

pa^na x qwa aip tYa. 
went and returned (pi.). 

cma qwav 

said (pi.). 

qna'^Y't ux-w 
inside it 

a r) 


his own cave 


ava qwi 
in it 

ma^va campa^i) 
"There only he 

shall die off," 

I v^aiyauq 

cave (obj.), 

ci'ct'miap lYa'aiqw ctna'qwavt 

left (pi.) him (inv.) coyote (obj.) 

unt'ts- pa^na'x qwo'aip lY^' 

then went and returned (pi.). 

ma '^v uR ma '*noq 

clothes they all (obj.) 

(inv. inan.) 

kiya'p V tiYa'i'k'aipa''ptYa 

Round took place while 

dance journeying ; 

qm^u'v^'antuxw kwi'pa'mipiya. waa 'qu mauma'*'coYOitstr)wa 
on to them were thrown. Two (obj.) old women (obj.) 

'a mu'v'^'ant'ux w 
on to them 

k wi' pa'm m imp t Y a 

were wont to be 


maa'v aR tiiv*a'tst' 
clothes they wolf 

(inan.) (obj.) 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



inaa"a 13'. tA'ci'aqqu kiya'p ta'am' 

his clothes. When it was round dance 
morning (obj.) they (inv.) 

wa 'ma *'cDY''oitsir)W pivi'av am' 
two old women their own they, 


o'a xavatcuYwap't'Y^' 
(2) went into it 

o v^aiyauq u 

my little elder 
brother (obj.) 


ct na qwav 

ma 'Via'a'i)' 

his (inv.) 
clothes (obj.) 


a r) 

tv"t ni, 
"Let me,' 

aip cya, 

ni m 

yu ""a xwD aiva , a iptya 

shall go to said 


cina'r)wa<j)i pa^YS^'n^qwiptya 

started to go 

na^gwa *upa am 

through their 





was lean 

cma qwav 


t v^aiyauq 

po pa 

'iva'*n' atci'p cyava', 
"Here I sliall put awa}' 
bow and arrows," 

i]nt'p iya 'a^tci' A'^qa'i' 

did so, bows (obj.) them 

a'iptya ctna'qwa<l)i. 
said coyote. 

etna r)wav 

a r) 

Became fat 

ai] . 

o pa °- na i)wa vi ct na i)wav 
through tracks coyote 

that (obj.) 

qa ni'p tv"a*nt u'r qu n u'r 

at deserted it (inv.), fire it 


'a'ik w, aiptya ctna'r)wa(})i, o'v^'aiyauq u 
"Oh!" said coyote. Then 

yuna aiptya 

put down in 

several places 


again doing so 

on his way 

cuwa'qwA'tci'p tya'aim' 

Nearly caught up with 

them (inv.) 

na *na aip tyaaic. 
still was burning 
in several places. 

pa-^ya'n^'fqwtp tya 
started off 

iniya naijwavt 

traveled track 


o pa *. 




etna ijwav 

a iptya, 

Texts of the Kaibab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




itc aro"avi' aYa'ni 'a ni'ntc', a'ip 'iya 



would how doing?" said 





aR ''i'tcia' mti'a '^ntsiYanfi' 



it this (obj.) little divide (obj.) 


a'ip iya 




t'v'^'aiyauqu nir)wu'aiyau(l)t ma^no'qu tiVi'ijUptya 

Then his own body (obj.) all (obj.) asked 

cma r)wav ar) . na r)qa vaiyacpt 

coyote he. His own ear (obj.) 

aro'amc' aya'n a ni'ntc', a'ip tya 
always is how doing?" said 

tiv'*'i'i}Up'iYa, ''itc 

asked, "This 



o'v^'aiyauqu na qqa'v'arjW yD'oixpiya qa'tc a nipa'xpt^a'* 
Then his (inv.) ear fluttered, not talked (neg.) 


uR. man campA qwA ct yar) aR piya iipcya. 
his (inv.) ear it That (inan.) his tail it was left. 

(inv.). alone 

i'v^aiyauqu ccna'ijwav a'ip tya, inii'ntcu' tiinipa'ya' 
Then coyote said, "You (inter.) have 


niVi naqqoavatc, a ip iya 

being wont to come said 

behind me?" 


v^aiyauq u 

qwA ci yar) 
his tail 

a'i iyifr 

that indeed 





a ip tya, 

1 mi 

pu'tcu'tcuywar'iq w 
knowing it (in\-.), 

u v'^aiyauq-w 

a ip tya 

qWA ct ai] 
his tail 

cma ijwavi, 
coyote (obj.), 

1 tc'i ' 1 tcia' 

"This 'This 

(inan.) (inan. obj.) 

lutya '''ntstyanti' 

little divide 



X Southern Paiute unci Ute 



uva '*nti' 

a ipiya^ 


ya'a'iq wo'aiva', 

a 1 nanii 
your saying 

wa 'ni a*'coYWDitsti)wa' 
two old women (obj.) 

qWA ct yai) 
his tail 


ma *'caYWDitsir)* 
"Old women 

'There only he 


a ip lya aim 

shall die off,' 



said (2) 


tiiqqa niav 

his own cave 


ma *mu'c 

a'ip tya 

um'^a'c ampa'a ', a'ipt'Ya, qWA'ci'ni ni'qwA 

"Enough of that said, "my tail, I it (inv.) 

pu'tcu'tcuYwa'yiqw, a'ip tYa ctna'i)wa({)i. 

know it (inv.)," said coyote. 

am mmA, 





wa- "ma * ca- 
two old 


ma "no'q u 
all (obj.) 



pa "Y^'r'^'fiwtp "tya 




started of 


miya'vo". t'v^aiyauqu p'jni'k aip tYa waa 'ma "'caYwoitstijwa' 
traveled Then saw two old women (obj.) 

trail (obj.). 


uv'^-i '"nt'i' 

po 'ru'm'amoc])! 

tiv^t'p 't' 

little divide 


with their (2) 



ow n canes 


kwi'kwi'p-Apt'Ya. maa'ip tYa'aim', uv^'a '''c ampaijw ctna'r)wa({)i 
hit several times. Said (2) thus, "There only he coyote 


ya a iq-wo aiva 
shall die off 

yaya " av 

his own 


um^a naijqw, 
wMth it," 

a ip "tYa ann 
said (2) 

Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Vtes 




wa ma-*'caYwoitstr)W. 
two old women. 


k-aip iYa'aini 
them (2) 

na *i}'a'i'aip-tYa 
was angry 

^''a'it! iivari'um', 

will cause you 

(pi.) to die," 



their (2) 
doing so. 

seeing them (2). 

etna r)wav 


ni qwum 
"I you (pi.) 

a iptya 


a Y^ip '51^1 - 
in hiding 



(pl. obj.) 


pa "ya n^^qwtp cya 
started off 

q'ima'r)Wi'tuxw po'" 

otherwards trail 


uyu'm aqwit ux w oij'yo uv'^a'^wtuywarjupiya wa'ma-^'caywoi- 
away from it, far turned into it two old women 

away (obj.) 

tstijwa' um^y 'uwa'mJYU.^' 
in front far away, 
of them 


wa 'ma'caywoitsir)W, 
two old women. 

namp'i'n'in iptya. 'a'ikw, 

looked for tracks. "Oh," 

c; nai]wa vtn tya " 
"like coyote you 

a ip tya aim . 
said they (2). 


a ip tya 

aya n 

ani ntc', 

wa ma '''caywoitstriw, 
two old women, 

a ip tya 



(inan. obj.) 



it is 

etna r)wavty ar)W pa *vi tst pA^qa vanayaya 

coyote he elder returning (pl.) 

(obj.) (inv.) brother from killing 


a ip tya 

are doing," 

i'tc aro" 
"this is 




him (inv. obj.) 



X Southern Paiute and Ute 



cjna qwavty 
coyote (obj.) 

D v"aiyauq u 

aijw iiv"a 'ntiywac- ci'ct'm taq i',^* a'ip tya'ainr. 
he at that same are leaving," they (2) said. 

(inv.) place 

cma r)wav a ip lya, a 

coyote said, "(disgust), 

aya'n^'ka ''va*tsix''a "ow'arjw 

Being about to act (pi.) how 

did you (pi.) iiini (inv.) 

pA^qa ijuptya aiyooi) , 
would have killed him 


pt'mptn' "ka' c;na'r)waviy ai]W, a'ip cya 

be looking coyote (obj.) he (inv.)?" said 

(pi.) on 

I him 

you (pi.) 

ccna qwav 


n( ni 


v*aiyauq u 

etna r)wav 

a iptya, 

pt's 'oatsui)wa ni 
my children (obj.) 

paiyt q WD aivii 

shall go and 



a ipiya 

ctm^^j X qai cm 
left them (inv.), 


"wa'nuntca *m"^m' 

"Over there I them 

(inv.) have 

ijni'tsin' r\\' 

then I I 

pa y; ijuptya 
set off to return 

a'ya'ma'ct'k aip cya'aim' 
hid from them (inv.) 


mcya '"ntstyanti 
divide (obj.) 

v*'aiyauq u 


wa 'ma*'caywDitstr)w 
two old women 

o pac- um 

in that same 
way they (inv.) 

ijnt ts 

u- v"a . 

(2) did; 

pA^qa i)uptya aun . 
killed them (inv. 2) 

wi'to'n' '-"ptya'aik WA 

shook them (inan. 

inv.) out; 

o 'p a'^ ci'ni'k'ptya 
through stuck through 

ijnt ts- 

DO ai yam ma^no q- 

Their (inv.) all (obj.) 

bones (obj.) 

c;na'r)wa^i sa^na'i]w'aiya(})t 

coyote his own gum- 

penis (obj.) 

ma''ma '^''caywoitst A'st"ai'. ijni'ts 

old woman (obj.) .skin (obj.). Then 

Texts of the Kaibah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




op a acunt 
as in that 
same way 

una'^YttuYwap tYa 
went inside her 

o'pa'ap t'Y^'^'irn' 
they (2) went 
through that 

naya pa-^quptYa. 
got to appear. 


na *no- 'ci' 



trail (obj.), 

etna gwav 


at camp 

they (inv.) 

ai] . 

CO- q- 



na i)wa"aic- 

pi tctxwa'aip iY^. 

(2) went and 


t v^aiyauqu 

a'ikw ci'nagwavini' pivi'aiaraqw 

"Oh! like coyote our mother 


a'ik ami', 

wa-'ma'caYWoitsiqw ava '^na'am' 

two old women; much they 


pte'iaraqwA tca'narD'onfoqwai' 

our mother 

(2) are 

tea 'naro'Dnfoq ''ai' . 

skin is put on 


ant Acyqwuni 

"That just you 

(pi.) me 

cj naqwavmi 
like coyote 

they (2) arrived 


quickly they 


a'ikami' niya'q axainQmwi 
always while calling (pi.) 
say us (excl.) 

ti'^qa'p lY^. 
(2) ate. 

skin is put on self; 

"You (pi.) tiring 

liwa lac u c;na qwavc 
him (inv. coyote (obj.) 


a lam 




us (excl. 


at name. 

''i'nimiAcampaniimwi miyo-'raqwA mi yaxu tcYi' ya t^ja aim' 
In this way we (excl.) long distance when trav- when 2 are very 

merely always do we (incl.) 

eling (pi.), 


t'i qwtniya amwi 
quickly 2 

ti^qa mi', 
always eat." 


kiya'p- aR 
round it 

began to 

tA'cc'p auxu 
when it was 


take place 



waa-'ma *'caYWDitsti)W 
two old women 

A'ti'x iqarip-tYa 
(2) sat and nursed 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



ii r)'ap ttstr)wa" 
babies (obj.). 

am ts- 

ma *n3 q uij waim 

all (obj.) of them 

(inv.) they 


■t'v'''aiyauq .)^no't A'ciaqqu 

Then when it was early 


a *mu c- 

two old women 

ktya'p ta'amt ii'^'n'-xavatcuywap lya'aim". 
round dance they went (2) into it. 

(obj.) they (inv.) 

"'a't i tOYo'qw^'oitctm*ti)w 

jiood two runners 

ijnc ts- 

wa a lYU 


um*u'nantux w 
opposite them 

wum p iya. 
(2) stood. 

tiv"a tsi 
wolf (obj.) 


man c- 
that (inan.) 

ma- 'v ur)w 
his (inv.) 


'a^mu'v^'antux w 
on to them 

kwi'pa'p tya 

a mt ac- 

wa 'ma *'caYWDitstr)w-a'. tA'pu'q wiptya ctna'r)wav a ^mu'v^'anti' 
two old women (obj.). Jumped coyote upon them 

waa q w am 

two (obj.) 



that (inan. 
obj.) same 
they 2 

on self. 

her children (obj.). 

tea 'Yayai'.^* 

"Let skin 
be on them!" 

a ip-iya 

ijm ts 

a mu c- 

waa ly 


wa- ma "'caYWOitsiqw^® pVi aiya-i) 

towa tstijwaai) 
her children 


two old women her skin (obj.) came to have 

t v^aiyauq u 

cma ijwacpi 

ma "va'i'tran t' 
far off 

tA'pu q wipiYa. 

t v^aiyauq-u 

ti ntoY>iq"wpcYa 
ran hard 

cma rjwacpi 

tiv'i ts 

nuy.T n t 

wtmi m yap tya 

stood while 


cma ijwacpi. 

Texts of the Kaihcih Pahttes and Uintah Utes 




unt ts 




ma'up ap'ia'* 

was visible 


found (pi, neg.). 

a 'mil c- 

he is," 


ant an 
"That I 


a'ik'ptya. ina^ma'nnap tYa'aiqw, 

said (pi.)- All pursued him (inv.). 

qa *tcu't tyai'ptya 
began to give out; 

a *vi'tcitc[ 

little ridge 


uv'^a axi 
over it 

tiVt'ts ym'^u '"wa'mi. o'v^aiyauqu 

verv in front of them. 





being there 



hunted for (pi.), 

qm^u riwanti 
one of them 


not him 



irianiya- q- u c , a ip lya 

"This one perhaps," said, 
it (is) 

ta rjwa't stq w. wa'a'i)tr)up lya 
having kicked Yelled out 

it (inv.). 

t't iimpt 
old (obj.) 

coyote ; 

sa Vi ''ywttcap T 



far off 

tA'pu'q wtts- ti'ntoyDq wiptya ctna'ijwac})! ma "ma'nnap Yya'aiqw 
having ran hard coyote, all pursued him (inv.). 


qni c- a*nt r)uptya 

In same did 


etna qwacpi. avi tcttci uv^'a a x i 

coyote. Little o\er it 

ridge (obj.) 

ina'^ni 'campA 

na ya'parjuptya. 
turned into. 

ya u({ wiptya 
ran over 

In same way 

St na ijwacpi 
coyote ; 

a^ni'k 'ptyu. 
did (pi.). 

pu'ca'yaik'ptya qatcu"ur)W ma'ma'i'pta'". 

hunted for (pi.), not him (inv.) found (pi. neg.). 

mtyi qqa ntvtnt 
like gopher-pile 

uv*a '*ntii' 

Being there 




X Southern Paiute and Ute 



one of them 

ta *i)wa'l! siq w. 
having kicked 
it (inv.). 

1 qantaq- u c, a ip tya 

"This one perhaps," said, 
it (is) 

ctna'r)wa4>i ma^va'i'tiYant' 
Coyote far off 

mtyi qqanivi 



again jumped; 

yaaic u 

qni c- 

In same 

maAma nnaqupYyaic ui)W. 

again all began to pursue him (inv.). 

a-*nt rjuptya 

Cfna qwav 

a I) 



turned into wind. 

t v^aiyauqu 

qatco"oi)W maAma i'pta''^. 

not him (inv.) found (pi. neg.). 

niv'^a "uqwatui^a^va *rar|W. 
"Let us cause (pi.) snow to fall." 

pu'ca'yaik 'ptya'airiw 
sought (pi.) him (inv.), 

a'ik 'piya, 
said (pi.), 

niv*a'*r)wap lYa.^ 

qna *Y'tuYwaptYa, 
went into it. 

etna i)wav 


D v^aiyauqw 




niV^a'ta ma'Y^p tYa. 

went out to see how 

deep snow was. 

ava an 




little cave 


niVa 'r)wap tYa 

pi naqqw 


uv^t'mitux wpia'*. qats 

got out (neg.). Rat 

'a'ikw, a'ipiYa 

"Oh!" said 

c?nt'mant i'i]mm' ma'x-, 

some of your give," 

tinder me 

a x) 


a ip lYa. 

a^na x- 

qani ^aiptYa. 
had house. 

"my friend 

"All right," 



qa'ts ai)' um^'a'ntiTfa'aqw eg nc"aiya(})t ma^ya p cYa. 
rat he, some of it (obj.) his own gave, 

him (inv.) tinder (obj.) 

Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




t v^aiyauq-u 

py "1 qq quptya 
made noise by 
sucking in between 
closed lips, 

etna qwacpi 


then him 


na'a'if ijpcYa 
caused to burn; 

rat (obj.) 


after having 

done so 


t v'^aiyauqu 

tPqa'p tY^'aiqw. 
ate him (inv.). 

miya'putsi' cara'Ya'na'mpu'tst 

Little (obj.) little shell (obj.) 

qnt'ts- nii^a'£uintti)wa'ntsta4)V 

Then his own little wind- 

causer (obj.) 

went into it. 

a r 

D v^aiyauqu 

pi tcipt'Ya' 

ava ax I 

ya r)wt xwa aip iyS' • 
went carrying along. 

pa °va 1 ptYa 

commenced to 


iya'tu^wa *r)' 

Here through 



ptqqa'vaaip 't Ya'aik • w 
Kept calling it (inv.); 


a'iYUcampai)W qa'te' 
although he not 

(inv.) said, 

ctna'i)wa(|)i ptnt'ljaiptYa' 

coyote saw 


causing to 






nt'yu'x "pta'. 

uv^a r)W 

ts pi'r)Up'tYa' 


o'v^'aiyauq u 

his own little cave 

qa ri'p tYa'. I'v^aiyauqu uv^t'mituxw 

sat. Then out of it 

"i'v^'aiyauq u nti)wt'aai'yar)W pa *\'t'a(i)t 

Then his (inv.) body his own elder 

(obj.) brother (obj.) 

uru'qWA tA'ct'axanivc u'v^'a^n' wa "tct'ptYa'. 
under it ant-hill on it placed, 


pa'iytqw=>'aiptYa' qani'vantuYwau<l)t. 
went and returned to his own house. 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



am ar) a um pa "vc n uqw, 

"What always my elder he 

he (inv.) say brotlier (inv.)", 

itci" pjm'Ij^ aiva *i3wa'" a'i^a', 

these shall look at (neg.),' saying?" 


a ipiya , 

a ip tya 

t'v''aiyaiiq u 


while doing 

it (inv.) 

q wa'ai)W 

it (inv.) 

ma *vta ar)\v 

his (inv.) 
clothes (obj.) 

pu'cu't uqwt'yai) 

his (inv.) medicine 


ma *no q u 
all (obj.) 

u pa quptya 

' 'Not them 


looked over; 

ijn} i)uqwa a- 
When he (inv.) 

tiv'^i'ts- tuYwa'r'iT}Upi:Ya'. 'a'ikw', a'ip'tya' 

very became dark. "Oh!" said 

cma'r)wa<})i, ''i'tclyaq 'a'imt' qatcu'aq- 
coyote, "This (obj.) always 'Not it 

he say, 


iiv^'a "ai 


having heard 

it (inv.), 

t v*aiyauq ''u 

narjqa p lya air)W 
heard him (inv.) 

watci'k ai'narjW. 

his (inv.) having 

been put. 


"Here (I) 



p jni'k ai va *!) wa' 
shall look at,' 

TO qwi^u uqw 
his (inv.) roaring 



a ip lY^ » mava ac an 

said, "in that it (obj.) 


a ip cYa 

D A^aiyauq u 



own little cave 


qu'qwc'pt'Ya A'ta'q wots! wx'ct 'yai'arjw u'niA uru'q wanti' 
shot, crow (obj.) his (inv.) there- feathered 

feathers (obj.) with arrow (obj.) 

qu'qwi'p t'Ya'. 





When he (inv.) 


became dark. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paint es and Uintah Utes 




t v^'aiyauq u 

mari c amp 
only that 

were left. 



i'v^'aiyauq u 

nia "nt n c 

WA cf yav 




ai)qa q wa "naij'wantst 
red-shafted flieker^^ (obj.) 


gave out, 

WA ci- yaar) 
his feathers 

i v^aiyauq oq w 
Then it (inv.) 


ijn; quqwa aq wa aqw 

When he (inv.) did 

it (inv.) 

qu'qwi'p tYa'aikw 
shot it (inv.) 


became clear-like in 


'uv^a '*ntux wp'tv 

To that former 


cuwa I piya . 
was glad. 

piv^a ar)wa(pt 

whereat his 
own him (inv.) 

i|nt'r)uts- qatc 
having not 


watci'k ainA 
having put 

ynt ts 


" u raip tYa. 

towards it. 

lay (neg.) 


pa VI ya^i) aq ntqwi *. d v^aiyauq- 

his elder he body. Then 

brother (obj.) 

na mpu'c ayaip tYu' qatcii"nq w maa'ip tYa'. pina'ijqWAsampaq w 

looked for tracks, not it (inv.) found. But soon it (inv.) 

ynt 5jaic u maa ip tYfi- o- x pa- ar)W 

again doing found. Through yonder 

him (inv.) 

C(na'i)wav ai)' pavi'av yni'ts- qani" 

coyote he his own elder then house 

— brother (obj.); (obj.) 

'aa'ik w, a'ip tYa', waa'iyumt^ aitcuaqw 

"Oh!" said, "two traveling, it turns 

out, (inter.) he (inv.), 

na nti'nAp'tYa' 

maa ip lya 

m *an aq-, 
that it," 

a ip tya na mpt n mr'^.a . d v'^aiyauq u tuywa r'tqupcYa 

said while looking arountl Then became dark, 

for tracks. 



X Southern Paiute and Ute 





ma- "vc 



a'ip I'va' 



qo oip lya . 
all went to sleep. 


ar) u'^qwa lyana^w aip iY^- 

he went to get wood. 



was left. 


accustomed to 

do what?" 

'imi ntcu 




etna qwac])! 


D 'no'tA'ctaijqu cma'- 

when was early dawn coyote 

Uni'ts- ma *no'qo 

Then all (obj.) 

aro"" qu'pa'raxavatc' 

are being wont to 

pop in burning?" 

a'ik'piya' cu 'yuc 

said (pi.), one 

asked it (inv.), 




(am) wont to 
pop in burning," 

■t'v''aiyauq u 


carried in 





a ipcya 

Dyontava'c up c. 
dried-up fir. 

etna rjwav 


Having done 

it (inv.) 

qu'pa'raxap tya'. 
popped in burning. 

a I] 

ma^no q- 
all (obj.) 

na'a'it! u'cp'iya 
made fire; 

thereof (obj.) 




muru 'tva ^ntu'ywami, 
"On to your blankets!" 

pa *vi yai) 
his elder 


pr'i)wa 1 . 
wife (obj.). 

pa *vi ni, 
my elder 


a ip tya 

cma qwacpi. 

to^mpt'n'a p iya' ti'qwini 

doubled up legs quickly 

a ip tya , 


ai)a c. 

maa ip tya aii)W 
found her (inv.) 

woman (obj.) 

pa *vi av 

his own 

elder brother 



ant an 
"That I 


a iptya 

etna i}wa(j)i. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




t" v'^aiyauq u 



pa-*vi ar) 
his elder 

go to hunt." 

a I) 

a ip iya, 


i v^'aiyaiiq- 

a- ya m'^t'ci a. yipi-^a 
lay in hiding; 

tina'^y.wa'aip tya'. 
went to hunt. 

nia xo p [ nap tya 

o X pa *p iya 

yonder went, 



Vv^t ca" 
"Go ahead! 

a ip'iya. 


pa-^vt yar] 
his elder 

t v*aiyauqu 

etna i)wav 

a I) 


his own 

bow (obj.) 

ijnt ts- 

paiyii quptya' 
started back 

qa ni u ra . 

house toward, 

c'v^'aiyauq w 


a ip tya , 

pa^vi'tcuan' u'r)A 

"My elder he 

brother (inter.) (inv.) 

qima q uc u 



(ja tc 

'a Hci'ni 
mv bow 

has (neg.) bow?" 

qima q uc u 




qo'poq w, 

lias (neg.) 



a ip tya , 
said ; 

a'ip tya' 

a I] . 

pa'^vi mi 

your elder 


'v 'mai 

"mine (perf.) 



he (inv.)," 


qa tcu'ai)' 
"Not he 

a'ip tya' 

a ip tya 

etna rjwacpi. 

To there he (inv.) 

w{'na I ptya an) 

threw her (inv.) 


tiVt'p tv*a *ntux WA 
on to ground; 

having done 
to her (inv.) 

y.j -/D m'mtap tya'airiw. 

kept copulating with 

her (inv.). 

XI nicampan 
"Enough me 



X Southern Paiute and Ute 



a ip ty^' 


nia uma uts 

o'v*aiyauq u 

ai]'. qa tc, a ip iya' 
she. "No," said 


maunia uts 


asp (obj.) 

ijna '^yituywap tya 

went into it; then 

u'niA pA'tca'a p tya'. 

thereon was fastened. 

ai) oiya vt 
she quaking 
asp (obj. 



'u'raip iya 



cma qwav 

pina qqw 





a'ip cya', 

pi' pi tciptya. 

qni ts 


ar)a cu 

pa-*vi't n-' 

"My dear ehler 


ct avi 
asp (obj.) 


his (inv.) 



a na^x- 

ai)a c u 

be fastened," 


a iptya 


I have been 




''i't a mpA'^qap tyain ['. 
grew tired of. 

ts qa'p I'nap cya'aik w 
cut it (inv.) off 

etna i]wav 

a ip tya , 

qa iva^c ampanc- ^a ", a ip lya 
I shall be satisfied, said 

then, merely," 

wi a lyaijW 

his (inv.) 

penis (obj.) 


"My elder 



ct na r)wavt. 

w'a'p I'top its- 

t v^aiyauqu 


ccna ijwaq)!. 

pa^no '^yw'ait! uip cya'aiijw. V''"i^''> 

caused him (inv.) to go to "Yes," 

carry water. 

°o- pa" 
Oft" yonder 

pa^na 'yw aip tya. 
went to carry water. 

a iptya 


Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes ami Uintah Utes 




paiyi'k iptYa' 
came back, 

pi tciptya 

pa *m'va "ts 
being about 
to take oflF 

remained stuck. 

o'tca'n'o ntnni 'va' 
always about to 
carry water jar," 

qatcu 'q w 
not it (inv.) 

qani va . 
at house. 

qwi i p ta " 
took (neg.), 


o'tca iA 


jar (obj.) 

aiyav u mA 

his own thereon 
back (obj.) 

i'i'n in i'va'campani'^a'* 
"I shall be doing in this way, then, merely 

a ip tya 


t'v'^aiyauqu tiv'^'a'ts a'iptya, 
Then wolf said, 




u^qwa n o^ywa 

go to carry 




qant va 
At house 


a'ip tya' cina'i]wa({)i. °'o 'xpa' u'^qwa'n o^'yw'aip tya 
said coyote. Off yonder went to carry wood, 


water jar (obj. 

it (inv.) 


'o'aiya I) 
his back 


na Vi'iyava u^qwa'p t no '='p tya'. 
between wood (obj.) carried 

on back. 

yni'ijuts- ma-^i'c- u'^qwa'p- aR 
then that (inan.) wood it 

came off of it (neg.). 

u'qwa'no 'ntsttc' 

carrying wood on 




D v^'aiyauqu 

my a- ^/aiva , 
shall have name," 

na'a'ifuip tya'aikw 

caused it (inv.) to 



"Let me, 



ijnt ts 

"^^-''a. na^yu'tc'uap tya' 
burned up 

with it 

etna ijwav 

ill) . 

358 X Southern Paiiite ami Ute 

338 SAPiR 


Wolf and his brother dwelt there. When it was early in the morn- 
ing, Wolf sang, "Go ahead, now! Go to our aunt and ask for grass 
seeds.^ What are you doing, lying down and looking?" "All right," 
said Coyote, "you are waking up now, but I have been awake long 
ago, ever since it was early morning." Coyote started off towards his 
aunt's house, on his way to ask for grass seeds. To her there he went 
and arrived at his aunt's house. His aunt was not there in her house, 
only her two sons were sitting there in her house. "Where is your 
mother?" said Coyote. "She has gone to gather seeds," said the 
two sons of Grizzly Bear; "she will come back soon," thus they said. 

Coyote waited, lying down there in her house, and soon his aunt 
arrived. His aunt said, "Soon you will eat mush," thus said his 
aunt. "Affer instrumentum meum masturbationis' quod ibi jacet," 
said his aunt, and the children gave their mother instrumentum 
ejus masturbationis. Their mother took it and lay on her hack. 
Coyote saw her and said, " My aunt, let me do it for you by means 
of this,* my auntie," said Coyote, et cum amita sua copulavit. 
" Enough 1" said his aunt. "No," said Coyote, and Grizzly Bear put 
her claws into his back flesh. "Enough!" said Coyote. "No," said 
Grizzly Bear. Coyote got up quickly and ran off. Grizzly Bear arose 
and said, "Look at Coyote's back." 

Coyote returned home and lay down on his back, did not allow 
(Wolf) to see it. His elder brother killed a young deer and brought 
home his back flesh. Coyote was ashamed and did not allow his 
back to be seen, but Wolf knew. Then he caused him to sleep, and 
Coyote rolled over towards him. "Did I not say so?" said Wolf. 
When (Coyote) rolled over, there was no back flesh of his there; in 
its place (Wolf) fastened on the back flesh (that he had obtained). 
Thereupon Coyote's back flesh again became as it had been. 

Then Wolf again sang, "Go on! proceed again to her and carry 
this liver for her to eat. Then, having killed her, all things of her 
house whereon she has been accustomed to look, all her things shall 
you carry off on your back, having killed her," said Wolf. " Yes," 
said Coyote. And then Coyote walked along towards his aunt's 
house. Now he arrived there where were her sons — there the two 
of them were staying in their mother's house. " Here," said Coyote," 
is your uncle's liver which he says you are to eat." The two boys 
ate it and fell asleep. Coyote killed both of them, and then caused 
them to appear to be sleeping. 

Texts of the Kaibab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 359 


After a while their mother arrived home. Then she said, " AfTer 
meum instrumentuiii masturbationis quod ibi jacet!" Thereupon 
Coyote said, "They are sleeping," said he, and of his own accord 
gave it to her. "Here," said Coyote, "is this liver." And then 
Grizzly Bear ate the liver and fell asleep. (When) she got up, she 
jumped and reached for Coyote. Coyote dodged quickly, and then 
lie killed her. All her things lie gathered together, butchered her, 
and himg up her bladder on a bush. 

And then he remembered (what Wolf had told him). Thereupon 
all her things he carried away on his back, and those things of hers 
were (piled up) like a plateau. And then he started off with them 
on his back and walked along for a short distance, when he remembered 
that bladder which he had hung up. So he went back along the 
same road, and reached for it. And then the bladder fell down to 
the ground, whereupon Coyote said, "Why don't you get a leg?" 
said Coyote. "Walk!" he said, "act like a person!" said Coyote. 
He went for his bow and brought it back (with) his arrows. And 
then he shot his arrows at it (till) they were all used up. Then he 
struck at it with his bow. Then he let it go and started off back 
towards (his things). 

Coyote heard the bladder talking, "I will go to call my children 
to help." " All right," said Coyote, and then started back towards 
his house. He arrived at his house, whereupon Coyote said, "Just 
one thing did I forget of her belongings, "said Coyote. Then Wolf said, 
"Go ahead! go and hang yourself with your feet downward." Coyote 
said, "All right," and went ofi' in yonder direction. Then he hung 
himself on a cedar branch, remained hanging for one day. Then he 
started off for home, and arrived at his house. .\nd then early in the 
morning Wolf sang; Wolf .said, "(jo ahead. Coyote! Go and hang 
yourself again." " .\ll right," said Coyote, and went off in that 
same direction. Then in that same place he lumg himself, and again 
for one day remained hanging. And then he started off for home 
when it was evening, and arrived at his house. 

Always Coyote kept on doing thus, .\fter that Coyote obtained 
sticks for arrows from a service-berry bush. He started to return 
towards his house, arrived at his house, and threw the arrow sticks 
down in a pile. \nd then Wolf picked the arrow sticks up in a hurry, 
pulled off their l)ark, and made a shirt for Coyote, from the outer 
bark he made a shirt for him. .\nd then for himself he nuide one 
from their inner bark, pulled it off. .\nd those (sticks) then turned 

360 X Southern Paiute and Vte 

340 SAPIR 

into arrows, and then he fastened feathers on to them. Thereupon 
said Wolf, "Go aliead! go and hang yourself." "All right," said 
Coyote, and went off in that direction; there Coyote stayed. He 
asked all parts of his body, until only tliat was left — his tail. Then 
Coyote said, "You who are always coming after me, have you a 
mouth? What did my elder brother mean when he said, 'Go and 
hang yoiirself?" His tail said, "You know about it, that indeed 
you always say. 'Go and hang yourself,' that is not what he really 
means. 'Go and get sticks for arrows,' that indeed he always says." 
" All right! stop talking! I know about it," said Coyote. 

Tliereupon Coyote obtained arrow sticks, very many of tiiem he 
carried on his back, and came home to his house. Then his elder 
brother prepared arrows and made very many shirts with which they 
were to fight in battle. Now then Wolf sang in the morning, "Go 
ahead!" said Wolf, "O Coyote, go and hang yourself again," said 
Wolf. Coyote understood whereof he spoke; this time he did not 
hang, but gathered very many arrow sticks. Now then he saw 
lightning way off to the west from the edge of the land. "Oh!" 
said Coyote, "I wonder what that means that it appears thus!" 
said Coyote. "Why! I wonder if I am getting to be a medicine- 
man!"* said Coyote. "I have always been a medicine-man," said 

x\nd then Coyote returned home, ran along, and arrived at his 
house. Then Coyote said, " I have seen lightning," said Coyote, but 
his elder brother imderstood that lightning very well. Thereupon 
his elder brother said, "Go on! go and get arrow sticks." "All 
right," said Coyote. Coyote went off in that direction, there he 
gathered arrow sticks. Once again did Coyote see lightning. Coyote 
jumped a big distance, and then Coyote returned home, ran along. 
Now he was frightened; Coyote arrived at his house. "Oh, my elder 
brother! near at hand now have I seen lightning." 

And then his elder brother said, "Coyote, go ahead! go once more 
to get arrow sticks," he said. "All right," said Coyote, and went 
off in yonder direction. Then at that place he gathered arrow sticks. 
Now then lightning got to be very near. In a hurry Coyote started 
home, and arrived at liis house. "Oh!" said Coyote, "what are you 
doing, lying down and looking? That is not how you should act." 
Although he was about to be attacked (by enemies), that Wolf 
kept lying down. And then into a cave the two of them escaped. 

And then Wolf said, "Go ahead, you! go and fight!" said Wolf. 

Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 361 


"All right," said Coyote. " It is not you on whom I depend. You 
will be acting like that when I go out to fight." Thereupon Coyote 
put on a light gray (shirt) and came out of the cave. "Oh, it is 
Wolf," said the children of Rain. "It is not Wolf, it is Coyote," 
said some among them. Coyote jumped over the canyon, and 
returned through the same way. 

And then Coyote said, "Go ahead! do you now go and fight!" 
"All right," said Wolf. "You shall not look at what I do, you shall 
keep your eyes covered." "All right," said Coyote. And then 
Coyote lay down, while his elder brother put on a very good (shirt)— 
blue it was, and he looked like a soldier. And then he came out from 
the cave. "Oh, that one it is," said the children of Rain. Wolf 
shot at this end of the line, and then that (end) was mowed down. 
Then he shot also at the other end of the line, and in the same way 
it fared with them — they were mowed down. Now Coyote was 
looking at his elder brother. "Oh!" he said, "those (clothes) it is 
that my elder brother has l)een hiding from me. Would that he 
would get shot!" thought Coyote to himself. Sure enough Coyote's 
elder brother was killed. "Oh!" said Coyote, "my elder brother has 
been killed," said he. The other people took off all his clothes. 

And then they all returned home. "Right there in his cave let 
Coyote die!" said they, and then they left Coyote in the cave. Then 
they returned home. .\s they were journeying along, dancing took 
place; all the clothes they threw on them— on two old women the 
clothes they always threw. Wolf's clothes. When it was morning 
the two old women, their mothers, went into the dance. 

Now then Coyote said, "Let me go and bring my elder brother's 
clothes!" said Coyote. So then Coyote proceeded in their tracks; 
exceedingly lean was Coyote. And then, "Right here I shall put 
away bow and arrow," said Coyote. Thereupon he did so, the bows 
in several places along the trail Coyote put down. While on his 
way, following in the track, Coyote became fat. He nearly caught 
up with them at the camps that they had just occupied; the fires 
were burning yet in several places. "Oh!" said Coyote, and then 
proceeded on his way, following in the traxelcd track. And then 
Coyote said, "1 wonder what it is that makes this so," said Coyote, 
"right here at this iittle divide!" .said he. 

Now then all parts of his body Coyote set to asking. He asked his 
ear, "What is it that makes this so?" said Coyote. Thereupon his 
ear fluttered, but did not talk. (He asked other parts of his body 

362 X Southern Paint e and Ute 

342 SAPiR 

until) only thcat tail of his was left. Thereupon Coyote said, " Have 
you a mouth, you that always come behind me?" said he. And then 
his tail said, "You are one that knows about it, that indeed you 
always say." And then Coyote's tail said, "This, whereof you say, 
'This little divide there,' is the work of two old women," said his 
tail. "The old women are always saying, 'Yonder in his cave let 
him die!' say those two old women." And then Coyote said, "That's 
enough, my tail! I knew it all," said he. 

And then Coyote proceeded on his way, following along in the 
traveled trail. Then he saw how two old women at yonder divide 
were hitting the ground several times with their canes. Thus they 
were saying, "Over there let Coyote die with his crying," said the 
two old women. Now Coyote watched them from his hiding place 
as they were doing thus; he was very angry as he saw them. "I 
shall cause you two to die," said Coyote. And then Coyote started 
off in another direction away from the trail; when far away, he came 
back to it far in front of the two old women. 

Coyote acted as though looking for tracks. "Oh!" said the two 
old women, "you are acting like Coyote," said they. "Oh!" said 
Coyote, "what is it that this means?" said he. Thereupon the two 
old women said, "This means that they have just killed Coyote's older 
brother; but him, Coyote, they have left at that same place yonder." 
And then Coyote said, "Ha, I would have killed him. What did you 
two let Coyote go for?" said Coyote. And then Coyote said, "0\er 
there I have left my children, and now I am about to return, " said he. 

And then Coyote started for home and hid from them at the divide. 
And then the two old women again did as they had done, and Coyote 
killed them. All of their bones he shook out; deinde Canis suum pen- 
em gummis infixit per cutem unius feminae, whereupon she appeared 
just as before. And then into one woman Coyote went himself. 
Both of them went along on the traveled trail and arriAcd at the 
camp. "Oh! it looks like Coyote with our mother's skin put on 
himself," (said the children of Rain). "You are always teasing me," 
(said Coyote). And then the two old women arrived, and much they 
ate. "Oh! it looks like Coyote with our mother's skin put on him- 
self. See how fast they eat." " We are tired of what you keep saying 
about us, calling us by that Coyote's name. Indeed we always act 
in this way when we are journeying a long distance; when very 
hungry, we are wont to eat quickly.' 

.\nd then, when it was evening, the round dancing took place. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Vtes 363 


Those two old women were sitting nursing babies, and then all of 
them they killed. Then, when it was early morning the two old 
women went into the round dance. And then two very good runners 
stood opposite them. Now those clothes of Wolf fell on them, the 
two old women. Coyote jumped on to her two children^ and said, 
"Let my skin be on them!" And then those two children got to have 
on themselves that same skin of the two old women. Thereupon 
Coyote ran as hard as he could, very far on his way was he. 

And they said, "That is what I said, it is Coyote," said they, and 
gave chase to him. Coyote started to give out; over a little mountain 
ridge he ran close ahead of them. Then he was no longer visible 
there; they hunted for him at that place, but did not find him. There- 
upon one of them said, "Perhaps it is this one," as he kicked some 
old dog excrement. Coyote yelled out. Having jumped way off, 
he ran as fast as he could, and they gave chase to him. It happened 
to Coyote as before. Over a little ridge he ran and barely escaped; 
he turned into a gopher pile. It happened to them as before. They 
hunted for him there but could not find him, when one of them said, 
"Perhaps it is this one," and kicked the gopher pile. Again Coyote 
jumped far off and again they gave chase to him. 

Again Coyote did as before. This time he turned into wind; and 
then they hunted for him but could not find him. Then they said, 
"Let us cause snow to fall," so then it snowed very much. And 
then Coyote went into a little cave. Very much snow had fallen, 
and Coyote went out to see how deep it was. After a while he was 
unable to get out. Rat was living therein. "Oh!" said Coyote, 
" my friend Rat, give me some of your tinder,"^ said he. " All right," 
said Rat, and gave him some of his tinder. And then Coyote built 
a fire, and, after he had done so, he began to imitate Rat's squeaking. 
And then he killed Rat and ate him up. 

He went into a little shell and started to call his own wind. The 
wind then arrived; in this direction it went, carrying him over the 
snow. Yonder (his shell) stopped. He kept calling upon (his wind), 
yet despite his words (his shell) did not move. And then Coyote 
saw his own little cave, therein it was sitting. And then he came out 
of it. Thereupon before daybreak he put his elder brother's body on 
an ant-hill. And then he went back to his house. ^ 

"What does my elder brother mean," said he, "when he says, 
'Do not look at these things'?" said Coyote. .\nd then he looked 
over all of (Wolf's) clothes, while engaged with tiiem he untied (Wolf's) 

364 ^ Southern Paiute and Ute 

344 SAPiR 

medicine. As soon as he had done so, it got to be very dark. "Oh!" 
said Coyote, " this is what he means when he says, 'Do not look at 
them.' " And then he heard (Wolf) howling there where he had put 
him. Coyote shouted when he heard it, "Here I am," said he, 
"in that same place, that little cave of mine." Then Coyote shot, 
he shot an arrow feathered with a crow's feathers. As soon as he had 
done so, it got to be very dark. Now all the feathers gave out, 
except that the flicker's feathers were left over. Then Coyote shot 
the (arrow) up in the air. As soon as he had done so, it cleared up 
and Coyote was glad. 

And then he went towards where he had put (Wolf). He came 
there but, having done so, he did not find his elder brother's body 
there. So then Coyote hunted for tracks but did not find them. 
But after a while, continuing his search, he found them. Going in 
yonder direction. Coyote tracked his elder brother; and then he found 
a house. "Oh!" said he, "it looks as though there are two. Look 
at that!" said he, as he looked around for tracks. And then it got 
dark and they all went to sleep. Then, when it was early morning. 
Coyote went to get wood. And all kinds of wood he asked, "Are 
you one that pops always when you burn?" said Coyote. "No," 
said they, until only one was left. Coyote asked it, " What are you 
accustomed to do?" said Coyote. "I am one that is accustomed 
to pop when burning," said a dried-up fir. 

And then Coyote took along all that he could carry of it in his 
arms. Then he built a fire of it, whereupon that popped. "On to 
your blankets! Fire, my elder brother!" said Coyote. Thereupon 
his elder brother quickly doubled up his legs (that he had had stretched 
out). (In this way) Coyote found the woman, his brother's wife. 
"That is what I said," said Coyote. 

And then his elder brother said, "Go ahead! Coyote, go hunting." 
" All right," said Coyote. So then he went off in yonder direction, and 
then he lay there in hiding. Soon after his brother went out hunting. 
Thereupon Coyote broke his bow and started home toward the 
house. And then he said, "Has not my elder brother another bow? 
My bow broke," said Coyote. " Your elder brother has not another 
bow," said the woman. " .\11 right," said Coyote, and right there on 
the ground he threw her down. Deinde cum ea copulavit. "Stop 
doing thus to me!" said the woman. "No," said Coyote. So then 
that woman moved towards a quaking asp, and then she went into 
it. Then Coyote was left fastened to the quaking asp. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




After a while Wolf arrived home, and then Coyote said, " My dear 
elder brother, here am I fastened in the quaking asp," said he. Not 
long after he spoke. Wolf got tired of it et tum penem Canis abscidit. 
Deinde Canis dixit, "mi frater, satis me habeam ita brevem penem 
habere," inquit. And then Wolf told him to go and carry water in 
a water-jar on his back. "All right," said Coyote, and off in yonder 
direction he went to carry water on his back. And then he turned 
back and arrived at the house. And when he was about to take off 
the water-jar (and put it on the ground), he could not take it off — 
it was fastened to his back. "Let me, then, be wont always to do 
in this manner merely, just carrying a water-jar always on my back," 
said Coyote. 

And then Wolf said, "Go ahead! go and carry wood on your back." 
"All right," said Coyote, and off yonder he went for wood to carry 
on his back. And then he carried wood between (his back and) 
water-jar. He arrived at the house; now that wood would not come 
off his back. "Let me, then, have 'Wood-carrier' as name," said 
Coyote. And then he set fire to it, and Coyote burned up together 
with it. 

2. Po'pa'qw 

How IT 

yaYapi ti'^qa ij'wtpc. 


wr tuc- 1 (pa 

Long ago far off 

man o'q ""opantc'pa'a'vtgw am' 

all sorts of animals they 

tWa"^^ tanti'v^'aipa' 

down in distant west 

nara'q wiintcump'ptYa'. 
assembled together. 

uv'^a 1 

wa ixpiya . 
had a council. 

a^a n i^aiam 

"How doing 


manu'n I 

"Let us 

maqa cu 
That one 

of us 

am mi 



dying off?" 

cjna i)wav 



a ip tya , 

ntr)w'i ar)warai)WA 
our people 

a ip tya 

pa- m amn I 
quite all 

shall assemble together 



ya Ya'oq'Q^ifea va am' 

shall (pi.) cry ahead 

for them 

'u'm*{' tcar)wu'k 'qwa'ttci'm^f. 

them dying off (pi. obj.)." 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



um^E'vac- o'" nara'q-wctcumpAptYa' mant'va ntipa'atstviqw 
Just there really assembled together all about to be animals 

am'. na ra'qwtntcumpaqumiitc 'o^i' 

they. After having assembled (past) 


sang (pi.) songs. 

That one 

"Let me 

etna i)wav 

t v^aiyauq u 

etna qwav 





shall begin to 


V m^i , 

"m^a cam pa a , 
"Only that you," 


0° cu- que- uv^c amantiacpV 
so one (obj.) of his own 

ma'ik 'ptYa'aigw. qa'tc, 

said (pi.) to him. "No," 

qima queun 

"another (obj.) 

still I 

qaxa *va^c , 

shall again 

begin to sing," 

a ip tYa , 

said (pi.). 

qa -/a p'tya . 

began to 




t v'^aiyauq ucu 
So then again 

qima'quc- qa xa "ptYa' tiVi't's ati 

another (obj.) began to sing very good 


uv^^i aiau(pt. 

his own song 


cma r)wav 


na va cu 
for fun 


citca'qwaip tya'aim' 
fooled them 

name ^a/a n av 
his own first 
beginning to sing 


ma n tn I 

uv*a '*ntux w 

u mA. 

ip tya 


pampa n na q qwo * 
go off and return (pi.) 

iv"! ya q- 

"Go ahead 


tiv" t'p • laiyar) um i 

your lands (obj.) 

puv*a lyaqumwi 
whence you 

ijnt'k ip'tyarjumi. y 'm^i', 

you did hither." "Yes," 

Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 367 


a'ikai)uptYa' mantn t' nantca'p uruipiYa' 

said (pi.) all, scattered apart 

tiv''t'piaqaya(j)V "'u'ra'. mari'c u ptVa'iyuam 

their own lands towards that whereat their 

(obj.) them. 

aR kia'q 'qain' tiimp^i't I'^qaq'wi'pt'Ya'. ynt'ts 

it having danced turned to stone. Then 


lim^a'nfimanariqwA povo''aYaip"iYa ''i'tcuwaiYU po 'pa'q w 
from that became trails; in this way how it 

yaYa'pt ti'qarj'wtp'. a'in' naqqa'qaip tni. 

of cry having arisen. That (is) my what I heard. 

(How THE "Cry" originated) 

Long ago way down in the far western country all sorts of animals 
were assembled together. There they had a council. That Coyote 
said, "For what reason is it that our people are all dying off?" said 
he. "Let us, every one of us, assemble together, and then let us cry 
for those who are dying off." There indeed were assembled together 
every kind of animal that was to be.^" After they had assembled 
together, they commenced singing songs. 

Thereupon that Coyote said, "Let me begin the singing." "All 
right," said they. So Coyote began the singing of one of his songs. 
"Enough for you!" they said to him. "No," said Coyote, "I shall 
begin the singing of still another one," said he. Then again he began 
the singing of another one, a very good song of his. This Coyote 
had been fooling them just for fun with the song that he had first 

And then Coyote said, "Go ahead! all of you go back home, each 
to your own land, to there whence each of you has come." "All right," 
said they all, and scattered off towards their own lands. That place 
where they had danced turned into stone, and then from it trails 
arose in all directions. It is in this way that the Cry has come to 
be. That is what I have heard. 


X Southern Paiute and Lite 



3. Mauma'q Din'i'pc' 
Of bear-dance 

wa'n'ai(})pitsii)W tiv^'t'tc 

Two youths very 

po pa * ti'qa i] wtp i. 


'ati naTi'Yiv''iYantimw 

good being friends to 

each other; 

uru an uniptya 
always were. 

II v^aiyauq u 

yaa ujqw oip-iYa aim 

they (2) went out 

to hunt 

u v^a m 
there they 

his friend 

qai)'wtts , 
into grizzly 

bear (obj.) 

not me 

knoll (obj.) 


a'ip lYa' 

u mA 

qa ri p tYaaim 
they (2) sat. 

na i)wa * 

with each 

other ; 




his friend. 

ng no st 

having turned 

"Let me 





not me 

w''a'p umanti 
being from 
cedar (obj.) 

qa nt 



tini'ava *i)wa'aini 

shall tell (neg.) 

on me, 

shall tell (neg.) 
on me. 


shall cut oflF 


'ana'*Y't u^wampa' imin 
shall go into; you me 

4 ntquts- 


tiv*i'r)uqwatu'a'c ampan 

even if they (indef.) ask 

about me 

qni'ts no't a m ar'uirjqu 
Then when it turns to 

early spring 


having done 


wi ya r)qrn ava 
shall cut notches; 


a ip tyS' 




'd ra'va' tiv''['p't 

shall dig ground (obj.) 

' pi'pi'tcuv'^a nti 

being about to 
begin to arrive." 



ijna'*Yit ii' 
into it, 


tiY'i v^'iqw, 
his friend. 


o pa 
in that 

ant va n I 
shall do 




Texts of the Kaibab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 



a 1 nami, 


his friend 

a ip lya 

his friend. 

t v^'aiyauq- 


ai) ac- 

a ij 

man o'qoq ' ma a'vta({)i tcA'^qo'itcap tYa'. 
all (obj.) of his own took off. 

it clothes (obj.) 


ptini'k ain' 
look at me 


ma n a'ytt UYwai)quni 
as I go into that 

qwtya tsi 

qa ni . 



house (obj.) 



ai yaicu 
after saying 

payji m^'qwtp iva 
went off 


iinc'ijuts ijna '"Y't uywaijuptya'. 
Then went into it. 




his friend 


pa lytq w" oip cya . 
went and returned. 


ma va- c 
just there 


qa ri ya 

nj ni 
of me 

pina ijqw 
after a 


my friend 


qa ni'v%'. 
at house. 

o'p a' 'ant'qwo'aiqu, a'ip'tya' pt'tcipiya' 

in that go off and do!" said, arrived 


pinagqw o'v^aiyauqu cuwa'nytk ^fptya'aiqw a'i4)pttst ija'i'.^* 
After a then commenced to miss youth this 

while (pi.) him (obj.) (obj.). 

ti'v"Tai]'3« o'\"aiyauq u tiv"i'r)Uqwap tyaa'iyaij', imi'ntcu'a i)' 
His friend then asked (pi.) him, "You (inter.) 

(obj.) him 

p;ni'Rai'ti]W tiyi'v''ia'm u'qwA. qatcu"uij iya'nul)wa'^ 

see him your friend (obj.) he? Not he is here (neg.). 

cu waroa I) axam t i mi 
Perhaps (inter.) you 

pA^qa ijuqwa ti)W 
kill him off, 

uni ij waia ij ii)qi 
with you indeed 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



'oiv'i' ya'a'iqqw'oi'. qatcu"ur)W ni' 
(past) goes to hunt." "Not him I 

u Vaiyauq u 

a ip tya'aijw. 
as he had said. 


in that 


an tptya 

pjni i)wa 
see (neg.)," 


of his own 


'o nu't a ni a'r'uii)qu 

Wlien it tTirned to 

early spring 

a iptYa . 

of him 


wi ya ijqi n A^ptya . 
cut notches. 


maa vt 
tree (obj.) being there- 
from (obj.) 

a'ikaqup tYa' 
said (pi.) 

qa nc'ayanti, 
being provided 
with houses, 

a'ik 'Apiya' 
said (pi.) 


grizzly-bear us 

running away. 


"Not (pi. 


a'ip ty a'icjiputs tr)A, um'^a']] antk i 

said youth this, "that one does 

ptyariyiv"m', a'ip tya'. o'v'^aiyauq- 

formerly-youth said. Then 

minto'n'nintcim* am' 

running (pi.) they 

qwtya'tstai(j)Aputs ii) 

grizzly-bear youth this 


comes to attack 


minto'n'ia p ', 

run away 



J), mu'cu 

mjni'c kip tya'. maqac u'v^'aiyauq u 
turned hither. That one then 

ov'^a'.i' niauma'q n'auv^'i't u'ptya'. 
there sang bear-dance songs. 

nj ni 
of me 

mivac ijni i)uts 
That one then 

(iwiya'tsiinauma'"ts ii)' 
grizzly-bear woman this 


in this way 

tl'qa'q'wtp I. 
having arisen. 

uv*a 'i mauma q o ''mip- aR 

there bear-dance it 

wi i m lap tya . 

danced back 

and forth. 

took place; 

po pa q w 
how it 

That my 

mauma'q o 'miuv"t'a\ i' 
of bear-dance singing 

po pa 

of me 

nai)qa q aip tni. 
what I heard. 

Texts of the Kaibah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 371 

texts of the kaibab paiutes and uintah utes 351 

(How THE Bear Dance Originated.) 

Two youths were very good friends to each other. And then both 
of them went out to hunt; there the two of them sat on a knoll. And 
then one said to his friend, "I truly dreamt that I turned into a 
grizzly-bear," said he. "Now I will go into a grizzly-bear's den. 
And you shall not betray me; even if they ask about me, you shall 
not betray me. And then, when it has got to be early spring, you 
shall cut off a branch from a cedar, and, having done so, you shall 
cut notches into it. And then you shall dig into the ground, and 
thereupon I shall be arriving." "All right!" said his friend, "I 
shall do thus as you say," said his friend. Thereupon that friend of 
his took off all of his clothes. "Now look at me as I go into that 
Grizzly-bear den," and, having spoken thus, he went off towards 
the grizzly-bear den. And then he went right into it. 

That friend of his, after sitting in that same place, went off home 
after a while. "To think of my friend going and doing thus!" said 
he, and arrived at the house. And then after a while they commenced 
to miss this young man. And then they asked his friend, " Did you 
see your friend? he is not here. Perhaps you have killed him; with 
you, truly, he went out hunting." "I did not see him," said he. 

And then he did just as his friend had said. When it got to be 
early spring, he cut notches into the branch of a tree. Now the 
people of the camp said, "Oh! a grizzly bear is coming to attack us," 
said they as they ran away. "Do not run away," said this young 
man, " that one is my former young friend," said he. Thereupon 
they who were running away turned back. And then that grizzly- 
bear youth there sang bear-dance songs, while that grizzly bear 
woman danced back and forth. Now there took place the bear-dance, 
and this is how bear-dance songs arose. That is what I have heard. 

4. The Origin of People. 

I'^a tiv^a" mauma"*caY"oits- pa tct'i)w'ai^ 

Far off down west old woman with her daughter 

([a nt'-j;aip iya'aini'. t'v''aiyau(| ijntts iiiaqac- 

they two had house. Thereupon then that one 

mauma""caYW.-)its ai)' a'ipt'ya', iv"i"c4'* nii)wu'({)UcaYai'i- 
old woman siie said, "Go ahead! go to look for 



X Southern Paiute and Ute 


i^m r)Utsttr)W 
then him 

t'v^aiyauq • 



maa'ifstqw imi'qwa'aiijWA paiyt'k tva', 

having found with you he shall come 

him, home." 

maqac pa tct'ar) ai)' 

that one her she 

" o X pa " 


pu ca yaixw Diptya 
went to look for. 

pu'ca'yaip "lYaiyaq' 
she looked over it, 

Land (obj. 

it (obj.) 

o wai 

c[na qwavty 
coyote (obj.) 

qatc' ntqwu maip la 

not found (neg.) 


ar)' pfni'kaip cyaiyai)' 

he saw him. 

ma no q oaq- 
all (obj.) of it 

that one (obj.) 


tA'ci'p aqqwai'tx u 
when it went off 
towards evening, 

qant'va'ar)W pi'yaiyaucj)!:. 
at her house her own 


paiyt'k woipYya' 
went and 

t v'^'aiyauqu 

aq' tiv^i'qupt'Yaiyar)', 

she asked her. 

"Not I," 

coyote (obj.) 



ui)'. u 'mai 
him." "Yes," 

a ip tya^ 




"Not (inter.) 



p';ni'k ai'tr)W, 
see him," 

went and arrived 

maijac- piya "i) 
that one her 


n ir) wt'ntsi v";n \x] wa'* 
see (neg.) person?" 

"him only I 

a ipty^^ 


"Go ahead, then, 


pa lyi %vf2iSL\ qw 
go to call him 

that one 


'a ip Yya' patcc 'i) u i]WA. 
said her daughter she. 

Unt'quts- Vxpa m t'*p tya' cjna'rjwaviy 
Then through that direc- coyote (obj.) 

tion journeyed 


qa nt 

Texts of the Kaibah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 







of coyote. 

uv^a p I'tctxw'aip-iYa 

There went and arrived 

t v'^aiyauqw 

a ip ly 

uqwa lac u 
of him 

4 warux WA, 
to him, 

uiiWA piya'ni pa'iy'im', a'ip't'Ya'. qa'tc, 

she my mother calls you," said. "Not," 

qant v^ 
at house 

ni ni 
"Of me 

a'ip lYa' 



line va i)wa , 
shall do (neg.)," 

a ip tya 


n'i ma pcqwa ruv"antan , a ip t'Ya 
"Me you will make me wife," said 

mauma uts- 


a'ik an 
I said, 


i^ni va qwa , 
shall do," 


3%i . 

t v^aiyauqun 
Then I 

a ip lYa- 


"Let me, 




qu^qwt'va q WA 
shall shoot it 

t v^aiyauq- 

si'i'p t^a 'm 

your urine 


a ip tya 

u r)WA qant uv^a- ntuxwA, 
she house to it," 


'iV^i"xdJ uv^'a'nu namt'xa'nintcuxwa'* 
"Go ahead yonder first go and make a 

then, house, 


imi r)w aimpa piyai yam 

with you shall of your 

proceed mother 


t v^aiyauqoqwa 
then it you 

oai ts qur uv^'a q w 

will tamp it 

C(na'i)wa(})i. 'o'x pa' 
coyote. In that 


qant'ntcuqup tYa 

started to make 

a house, 

P5nt'r)w(nip tYa'aiqw 
stood watching for her. 

cmt mptani.' 
my vulva." 

ran along, 

qni mauquptYai iqw. 
finished doing it. 

pjni'^aip tY^'a^DW 
saw her 

V mai, a iptYa 

"Yes," said 

qni'ijuts u'v^a nti" 
then being there 

I'v^'aiyauq u 

pa na qqwaxo oqw. 
as she came down. 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 

354 SAPIR 

t'v''aiyauq u a vt't tya nt'p tYa 

ynt ts 

Then practiced lying 


ar)ac- ma m a"uts 

she woman 

uv''a'ut)Wi kant'ntcuqwaina(j)V,'** 
therein his own house he 

had made. 

u'tu'curiwi'tp cYaiai] 
caused him to fall 


ar)a lac 

cma ijwavty 
coyote (obj.) 

aij . 

t v'^aiyauq- 


etna r)wav 


A pu 1 p'tya 



(where) he 
was sleeping. 



t:)'tsi'a I)' 

His head 


SI 1 p'tya 




ma nia"uts 





on him 

qa nt ^a- 

left him 

ava ntuywac u 
at the same place 

mar)ac t" v^aiyauqi' 

That one then 


CO vote 

cuwa p ttcut' "tp tyaiarjA. 
caused him to wake up. 

a I) 

'aa'ikw', a'ip lya, 
"Oh!" said, 


come here." Then 

aa it'cai)w aya xopta ij' 
"Where lias in what 
she direction she? 


saw it 

cuwa'p ttcup lya'. 

i\a'n'ia i]'axaint 

Siirely she here 



what she had 


ma n t m yap tya . 

did thus to while movin< 


being therein 


i'v"aiyau(j- unt'rjumixts- 

Then after doing so 

WA'tcu'i)Uptya'aii)w i]Mt'i}uts- 

caught up with her, then 

ma ri 'uA'^ptya'aiiiw 
piu'siied lier, 

tca'a'ip tya'aii) unt'ijuts-, 

cauglit liohl of lier, then, 

iv*t q wani 
"Let me it 

t.)na va 'q\v 
shall stab it 

SI 1 p t-a am, 
your urine," 

a ip tya 

Texts of the Kaibab Poiutes and Uintah Utes 




cma r)wa<pi. 

a ip ty.a aiijw, 
said to him; 




a iptya 

mama 'uts- 


"go to make a 



A pt iva r)wa ' 
^hall sleep." 

V mai , 

° o xpa 


yonder way 

NU^qwi rjqwoip lYaaicu 
again ran along, 

a ip tya 


u- v^'anti qa nt ntcupiyaaic u. ijnt'ts 
being there again made a camp. Then 


A pt iqwoipiya 

went in order to 



after having finished 

the camp. 

o- p ac- 

in that 

same way 

That one 

o p ac- 
in tiiat 
same way 

a nt ijuptyaiar) 
did to him. 



am qupiYa 

mama uts 

in that 

anr ^a piya lyav u r)WA 
doing her own she 

mother (obj.) 

qa nc 



same way 

uv^'a' pi'pt'tcixw'oip tYa'. 
there went and arrived. 

etna i)wav 


That one 


ai) aqa vtnaqqwac- ava qant 
he again behind there house 
her (obj.) 


went and 


'i v^aiyauqu 

mama- caywoi^c 
old woman 


tv"'t" i'tc' qwau' ttn a-'xwa'*. 

go (in) this off go to hunt." 

ahead (direction) 

a ip lya , 


a ip tya 

cina'r)wa({)i 'o'xpa'* cina'r)wa(J)i tin a-'xw'aip tya'. 
coyote, through coyote went to hunt, 

yonder way 

u-'v^a ntux-WA tiyi'ai' pA^qa'p-tya' paiyt'k ip'ty ijnt'ijuts- 
At yonder place deer killed, came back then 

(obj.) home; 


X Southern Paiute and Vte 



mamu'c u'q w na vi'arjw otm'; ti'^qa'p tYaaiyaqam' tu'qo'avt 
those it mother and they they two ate it meat 

daughter (obj.) 

'ai'. ■e'v''aiyauq II mar)ae- mam a"ufc aq' tiyi'ai oo 'ai' 
it Thereupon that one woman she deer's bones 


naru qWA 

her vulva 

yijua'pYya''- ^nt'ts- qaa'iYuptya'aikw mari'c- 
put. Then ground them up that 

aR. t'v^aiyauq u cina'rjwac})! tina 'xw'aip tYaaic u 
it. Then coyote again went to hunt; 

tiv^i'tc atumpu'tcu'tcuYwaptYa' mama"utsc aijA taqwa '- 
very well knew woman (obj.) she that had 

it toothed 


mari'ac- ctm'mptai) 'ai'. ijnt'quts u'v^'a nti" 

that (obj.) her vulva it (obj.) Then being there 


na-Ya x umaiy 


buck (obj.) 

no'°qwoip lYaiar)' 

went and carried 

him on back 


pA^qa r)uptYa 

qa nt'vantuxwA. 
to house. 

That one 


Then he 

t v^aiyauqu 


na ru q wa 


na xa ly 


qu ra lya q 
of his neck 

tsi'ni'k iptYa. 

qmriuqwa- r) 

When she 

did so 

of that 


cint mpta 1} 
of her vulva 


when it became 


manu ntA 


started to do 


broke off. 

''i n iva tsian 

"Going to do in 

this way I 

00- ai 

its teeth 



Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Vtes 




fi'qwum antniints kain t' . 

while being wont to do 

thus hurriedly." 

ti'nti^qap iy 
Ate finely 

from her fat. 

\ v'^^aiyauq- 



a- n ia '-/aiva nti 

thus being about to 

have as name, 

a iptya 


being from 
her (obj.) 



being about to 

have teeth." 

I v'^aiyauq w 

a ip tya 

maqa cu 
that one 

ma ma 'caywoitc 
old woman 

■cv^t"ca'* t'iv'^'i'p-tai'yam o'u'ra' paiyc'k wa'* 

"Go ahead! your land (obj.) towards it go and return, 


it (obj.; 

qi^na vt 
sack (obj.) 

no- m lyava . 

shall carry on 

back while going. 

qatcu'a q 
Not it 

ai) , 


it (obj.) 

u po V a ijwaiyaq- 
shall untie it, 

V mai 

"'u- v^ai 
At that 


a ip tya 

a ip tya, 

a ipiya 

being there- 
in (obj.) 


ampa lyan c 

noise going 




yonder way 

'ani'aq'o aik-' qatcu'aq- 
"What she said, 'Not it 

a lYUcampA. 
even if says." 

went and 

shall untie,' 


t v'^aiyauq u 

etna r)wavt q w 
coyote it 

quna vi 
sack (obj.) 

untied it. 

ma va'i'toyon t 
At yonder distance 

qwitca xarip tya. 
sat and defecated. 


a ip tya 



wa q- 

u'ra' qu 'navt" po'yaqqip tya' tt'qwtntya 'q w ma ntcu'n'ptya- 
toward sack came running, quickly it shut it (inv.). 

it (obj.) 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



'aik w. na n i'nai)\v itux WA 

In different 

ma no'q upatctntr)wt'ntstr)wa' 
all kinds of persons (obj.) 

povD ayaip tya 
trails arose 

ininu ai)oq wainA. 

traveling here 

and there. 

po ]) a ni 



Being left 
over (obj.) 

quna'vi' kwi'tn'a va' ntriwn'RUptya'aik \v. i]ni'!3uni"tx qai)' 
sack (obj.) at bottom made people thereof. After he did so 

ma up at i 




nana"aip iya' 
fires burned. 

ur)\va'uaax tuywantr 

being round about 

him (obj.) 


qaqqa ni 

houses here 

and there 


op at I 


Way down to the west dwelt an old woman and her daughter. 
Now then that old woman said, "Go ahead! go look for a person and 
then, having found him, let him come home with you. " And then 
that daughter of hers went off to seek in yonder direction; through 
all the lands she sought, but she found no person. Only that Coyote 
did she see. Then, when it commenced to be evening, she went off 
home; she arrived at her mother's house. And then that mother of 
hers asked her, "Did you not see a person?" "I did not," said the 
girl; "only that Coyote did I see," said her daughter. "Go ahead 
then! go after Coyote." "All right," said her daughter. 

And then she travelled yonder towards Coyote's house. There 
she arrived, in his, Coyote's, house. Thereupon she said to him, "My 
mother calls for you," said she. "No," said Coyote, "I shall not do 
so," said he. "You will take me to wife," said the girl. "I sa'd 
I shall not do so," said Coyote. And then Coyote said, " Let me, then, 
in urinam tuam immittere,^* and then I shall go with you there to 
your mother's house," said Coyote. 

"Go ahead, then! first go and make a camp over there, and then 
vulvam meam fodes."*'* "All right," said Coyote. In yonder 
direction he ran along, and then there he began to make a wickiup; 
he finished making it. And then he stood watching for her, and 
saw her coming down. Then he tried lying down in the camp he 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 379 


had made. Now that woman made Coyote sleep, and then that 
Coyote slept. Then the woman came up to him. Apud Canis caput 
urinam ea fecit, and left him sleeping at that same place. Having 
got to be far away, she caused him to wake up. Tiien that Coyote 
awoke. "Oh!" said he, "where has she gone to? Surely she was 
coming here." Deinde urinam ejus conspexit; in it he did thus in 

And then, after he had done so, he pursued her and caught up 
with her. Then he caught hold of her. And then, "Feriam urinam 
tuam,"'*said Coyote. "No," said the girl. "Go and make a camp," 
said she to him; "do not sleep this time." " All right," said Coyote. 
Yonder again he ran along, and then in that place he made a wickiup 
again. Then it happened to him just as before, he went to sleep after 
he had made the camp. That girl did to him just as before. Now by 
acting (several times) in this same way she arrived at her mother's 
house. Coyote arrived at the house right after her still. 

And then that old woman said, "Coyote, go ahead! go off to hunt 
in this direction." "All right," said Coyote, and off yonder Coyote 
went to hunt; at that place Coyote killed a deer. He came back 
home, and then the mother and daughter ate the meat. Deinde ilia 
virgo ossa cervi sub se posuit et ilia vulva ejus ea moluit. And then 
Coyote again went off to hunt. Very well he knew virginem vulvam 
habere dentatam. Then at that place he killed a mountain-sheep 
buck and brought him on his back to the house. And then that girl 
stuck the mountain-sheep's neck bone under herself. When she had 
done so, illi dentes ejus vulvae relaxati omnes facti sunt. Then, 
when it got to be night, he started to do so in motion.'^ "In this 
way I always want to do, always doing so hurriedly," (said Coyote). 
He ate well of her fat.^^ And then Coyote said, "Hoc 'vulva' ap- 
pellabitur neque dentes habebit." 

Then that old woman said, "Go ahead! go and return to your 
land. Take this sack along; do not untie it, even if sounds are heard 
inside of it." "All right," said Coyote, and proceeded to return in 
yonder direction. When at that place, he said, " What did she mean 
saying, 'Do not untie it"?" said Coyote. And then Coyote untied 
the sack, and some distance from it consedit et defaecavit. "Oh!" 
said Coyote. He came running towards the sack and quickly shut it. 
In different directions trails arose, through which all kinds of persons 
travelled in different directions. Of what was left over at the bottom 
of the sack he made people. .After he had done so, all around that 
place, among houses scattered round about him, fires were burning. 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



5. Sparrow Hawk and Gray Hawk contend for a Woman. 

Vi\vr (X va 

being from 
among them 


qa mt xant^aipiYai'tuai'. 
people had jack-rabbit camj). 




cu- yuc 

ai)a u 

his own wife 



u \'"aiyauq u 

pA^'qa'p tYa'. 

toyo'q 'piya' 
ran off 


qa ivay iruq WAtux wa. maqac- caywa'xucav 
mountain to under it. That one gray hawk 

niv^a'xanti a'niA piya'iyav 

snow-having thereon his own 

(obj.) mother (obj.) 

qam yaiptya 
had house 

m'^a va 


ai)a i]wa ^. 
with her. 

cay wot xcav 
gray hawk 

That one 

u v^'aiyauqu 


mar)a lac- 

that one 


ijnt r)uts 

qa ivai aiA 

mountain it 

woman (obj.) 

to his own liouse. 

t:)yo't ira^woava ntuxwaq ■ 
just at its middle 

ar) . 

paiyt'k woip'tya' 
Turned back home 

went in yonder 

u'v'^'antuywa r)' 
vonder her 

maa ip tyaiai) 
found her 

mar)a i)wa " 
with that one 

mamu c- 

u v^'aiyauq- 

qa m't'xa ni'-^anttm^^ 
having (pi.) jack- 
rabbit camp 

cuwa'nytk iptya'aiijw 
commenced to miss her 

mama 'utsi 
woman (obj.) 

ai} . 


ijm'rjut '*' 

mar)a lac 

that one 


th(i)'p aiya'mpatsi''* 

white-breasted one 



MU''kwi'x qap tyaiyai]'. 
called (pi.) on him. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




That one 

t v^aiyauqu 

fiv'^i'p-t ktr)wa'*vantimanar)qwa q' 

earth (obj.) starting from its edge 

pu'ca Yaip iyaiyaq- 
looked around it, 

qa'ivaxarir aR. 

mountain peak it. 

qa mi'xani'ayantim^i*. 
having (obj. pi.) jack- 
rabbit camp. 

mari camp 
only that 

uv^ai piya'i'ptya' 

then was left over 

When it went off 
towards evening 

"Not her I 

pi'tctxw'aip lya' 
went and arrived 

mari c amp piya .1 

"only that is left 

thw'p aiyampats-. 
white-breasted one. 




maa'ip iyaiyari' 
found her 


pjnt r)wa 


aip'tya , 

a ip tya 


When it was 


thereon her 

pu'ca'yaixw'aip tya'aik w 
went to look for it 

woman (obj.) 


say wa'xucaviya-i) • 
gray hawk (obj.) her 

OCT) pir)wa xaqu. 

he that had as wife. 

paiyt rjupty 



o p ac- 

in the 

same way 

qami'xantvantux WA. aya'n^'^kava tstr)wa- 
to jack-rabbit camp. "In what way being 
about to do (pi.) 

r)w a'ikai', 

to say (pi.)?" 

piya'xaqqirj'wa'it inij iiqwa'cjia 
to be overcome by at him 

others (obj.) 
uqw, ay.a'n^'kava 'ijwai) 

she. How will you do (pi.) 

to him 

thw'p aiyampatc ar)'. 
white-breasted one he. 

a'iptya'. sax^'o'xucavtya 13 u'qWA qa tcu 
said. "Gray hawk (obj.) he not 


qa ri 1 


ur)wa c 

mam a 'uts 

"Let us him 

a ipiy 

bird hawk 

a riac- 



X Southern Paiute and Ute 



.ML^qwi'xqava i)W. 'v 'inai, 'a'ik'ptYa' MU'^qwi'^^avai'kap tYa'- 

sliali call (pi.) "Yes," said (pi.), returned (pi.) from 

on him." calling on him 

aii)W niarja'iac \vttsii'ui)waratsi ai)W. ijwa'ruyw aik'ptya, 
that one bird hawk (obj.) he. To him said (pi.), 


'tv"t"'i3W mama"nts ur)W iir)wt},'iii)\vantux\v^ saywo'xucavty 
"Go ahead woman she away from him gray hawk 




go and lead away. 

mil ti]WA 
von her 

y ant mi 

ptijwa xaiva , 

will have as 




ijni'vaiytqumixtsii" 'qwa' 'oai' 

You, after returning from (past), 
doing so to her 

a'ik 'pnya' mtimii'c- 
said (pi.) those 

qami xant - 

having (pi.) 



That one 

t v"aiyaiiq- 

bird hawk 


m '*ava 

y\'''i va qa ri p'tya 
at sat 


qa'uAcuv"' aipiya', axa'n^^kava tst- 

still his own said, "In what way being 

singing about to do (pi.) 

i)wai]w a'i'kai ui}wa'iac- 
to him say (pi.) him 


saywo xucaviy 
:ray hawk (obj.) 


qa tcu 

piya'xaijqi'i)'wait tinf 

to be o^■ercome by 

others (obj.) 

tiywi- nan 

having great 


iiwai . 

mi'mi'ntcu'a I] 

You (pi.) 

(inter.) him 

u'i)wai' pA^'pa'q ava r)W, a'ik arip t'ya' 
him will kill iiim?" said sittinij 

qari xa . 

ma ri c cu 
That merely 

does so sittinjr 


ntijwt ar) 
his body 

yi^i va 


Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




qa- q ari^a 

sitting and 


his brother 

woman (obj.) 

'This one 


Go ahead! 

her me 

"Not her I 

mari c u muxu ai] aR mari A qa ivaxwttcuvari' 
that his soul it that mountain peak 

(obj.) (obj.) 

at) ar)a'(j)a pc'tcixw'aiptya'. ijm'ts 

he to liim went and arrived. Then 


aro " 


tsa'a'ivttctxw'aip'iya 'ijnttc 
went and took hold of then 



on arrivmg, 


pirjwa mmaxqai pm . 
wife who has been given 
to me (by many). 

na- ntai] waiYUcampar)' 

without saying anything 





shall (neg.) to you her 


a iptya 

saywo xucav 
gray hawk 

nj ni 


niru X w. 
to me 


she is 


pirjwa rvrjwaiptni, 
having been picked 
up as wife by me," 

ma'ian 'aik^ "m'^^a'iariwaiyu'c ampA ttijwt'niya r)' ma'up ar)'. 
that I say, though saying (neg.) quickly her let her go! 


nji'ni ijwaru"* piqwa'mamax qai'pin' ma'ian 'aik-^. 

Mine she is wife who has been that I say." 

given to me (by many), 

n'i'niyaxain t ijwaru"' pii)wa'ruui)waip tni axa'nt^aiarian 
"Mine, for my she is having been picked up how doing 


qnt'ts- x\\' 
then I 

tirjwi'ntya I]' 
quickly her 

as wife by me, 

her I 

imi'ntcuywa'vantai)'.*^ qa'tc "m*a'itr)waiyucamp'*' 
shall her to you "Not though saying 

(give)?" (neg.) that, 

ma'upa-i]' pA'^qii'ump^'iim^' uru'ac , a'ip tya' 
let her go, I shall kill you otherwise," said 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



bird hawk. 

nia'up avaqwaintya T)'. 
shall let her go (neg.). 


qatcu ai) 
not her 

a ip tya 

That one 

gray hawk 

bird hawk 

"mpa'i'campant' 'oai' 
I care not if 
you me 

tca'a'ik a.iyoai] 
holding her 

Unt 5ja " 
so doing 

pA^q^'umpa ni, 
will kill me," 

aqa vumariqoaij 
by her arm. 


s tijqwa'nuij 'qwat i 
other (obj.) 

aqa vta ij 

her arm 


ar)a vumaqqoar) 
by her arm 

tca'a'ika.ip tYa'. 



a ip tya 

saywa xucacj)!. 
gray hawk. 

That one 

naqa'i'ai^ ami 

when you are 




a'ip tya', 


would become 


na rja'i'ai^ am 

when I am 


a xa'n'Ni 


tiiv"^ip V 



imi aq- 


(obj.) it 

would become 

bird hawk 

n\ ma q 
"I (obj.) it 




na rja'i'aik am 
when I am angry. 


in that 


i!]a "*. 


in that 







\\\ niaq- 
"I (obj.) it 

qa- qaivax<^nti 
those that are 

would go off in dust, 

lini'qut' yuyu'ar'urjqu', 
then all would become 


ma ip ty 
that said 


caxwa xucatpi. 
gray hawk. 

t v^aiyauq • 

ym ts 

a iptya 

caxwa xucav 
gray hawk 


piya lav 
his own 

Texts of the Kaibab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




aqa ruxwA, 
to her, 

n\ m 


pA^qa r)Ut:uani 
they kill me, 

ntr)W[ aiyani. 
my body (obj.)." 

to'to'p inap tya'. 
pulled out. 

sa a van! 

shall boil 


that one 

ma no q uaq am 

All (obj.) it they 


ma ma 'utsi' 
woman (obj.) 

ma n q u ntijwt aiyani. t v"aiyauqu su 'quo- 
all (obj.) my body (obj.)." Then one 

her arm 


ai]' ntijwi'aiya I)' nava'i'piyai'qa'am', ijnt'r)umixtsiA''qa'am' 
she her body (obj.) they 2 divided it. They 2 after having 

done it 

maqae- witsi'urjwarats aq' pA'qa'rjuptyaiyar)' saxwa'xucavty 
that one bird hawk he killed him gray hawk (obj.) 



man o'q uaq- i^nt'quts- ncqwi'aiya r)' 
All (obj.) it then her body 


ntqwi'aaxaik aina-r)' co 'par'uiqumt ts 

that she had had after having gathered 

as body 

naya'p a-ri^^uip'tya'. 
caused to appear. 


ma m-a"utsi 
woman (obj.) 

as had been 
before her 

That one 

sa'a'p tyaiyai)' 
boiled him. 

t'j xu'mpai' 
sky (obj.) 


qa p tya 


piya I) 
his mother 



paiya m anaqqw 

coming from 


bucket (obj.) 

land (obj.) 

saywa xucavi 
gray hawk (obj.) 

D no't A'ctaqqu 

when it dawned 


qo x Apcyam I 
was noise as of 
flapping wings, 

wixa'*va nti' 

being at edge 



being on 

that (obj.) 


mava"an 'ai", nj'" pA^qa'x'oiva 'r)\v 

on that it "I shall go and kill 

(obj.), him 


X Southern Paiiite and Ute 



bird hawk (ohj.) 



a ip lY^ 

That one 

t v^'aiyauqiJ 

piya 1} 
his mother 


a ip lya 

qnna i)aiac uru 

"Stranger (obj.) 

(inter.) you 

being strange 
to you (obj.) 

ijwa'c utcani 
he (past) me 

pA^qa'xw'oitctxa ^X'*^ • qa'tcu 

claiming to go and *'No, 


nj ni 

pA^qa q w a ir)uni. 
kill me off." 


that I say; 

ijni quts- 

qa nu xant ai 

jack-rabbit it 

camp (obj.) (obj.) 

qnt'vitci', a'ik ^Aptya' 

"'u rairn'piiYa.'. 
went towards it. 

comes to 

marja'c ampA 

Only that 



his own 


said (pi.) 

'a'ik \v saYWo'xucavttcai) 
"Oh! gray hawk us 

running off. 

qa mt'xani'xantim' 
those having jack- 
rabbit camp 

witsi urjwarats 
bird hawk 


at) a r)wa ' 
with her, 

ai) na va c u 
he without 


That one 

ma no aruptyaiyai) 

jumped at him in 

order to hold down, 

i'yat i 
in vain 

ma no arup ly^^ • 

jumped at him in 

order to hold down. 

qa- *vtp tya 
lay and sang 

gray hawk 


After doing 


mar) a lac u 

that one (obj.) 

ma ma 'utsi 
woman (obj.) 

nai)wa i *cuai]a am; 
Both they 2 her 

mar)a cv 
that one 

saywa xucav 
gray hawk 

nari'tsai)'wap tYaiyaij'ani'. 
they 2 tried to jerk her 
away from each other. 

qA'sa'vuma ijac])!: 

with his own 

wing he 

ai]' tca'a'ipiYaiyai)'. 

she took hold of her. 


a I] 

kwi'pa'p lY^' 

to'tsi a i)A 
his head (obj.) 

wPpt't 'kiiji'ptYa'. 

being over 
him (obj.) 


Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 387 


pavi't n cua'(l)A'^qai3untsam''. tVaiyauq r piya 'in- 

my elder 30U have nearly Then their 

brother, killed me." mother 

am' nani'n 'arjwituywa m' tivVnaxar)UptYa'. m'^jmt'ntcu' 

they in different directions led away. "You (pi.) 

them (inter.) 

antk^ na yi'm ar)iH)uc u, a'ip iya'aim' wa 'm a 'caywD'Hsinw 
do so strangers to each they 2 said two old women 

other you?" 

tuwa'tsiijwa'a'mauc}) tca'a'ik a.i'. 

on their own sons while holding on. 

qwaia'qqwA'patciatca'x qarjumi to'my 'uijun i' 

On the other side (past) you (pi.) it make rumbling noise 

nana'^q'^Aqaitcua qai)w(. 
you (pi.) (inter.) hear it? 


At that place they had a camp for the hunting of jack-rabbits. 
Now a certain one among them gave his wife a beating, and then that 
young woman ran off towards the mountain. There Gray Hawk 
was dwelling on a snow-covered peak, and with him was his mother. 
And then that Gray Hawk went off in yonder direction and there, 
right in the middle of the mountain, he found the woman. He re- 
turned with her to his house. 

Then those who had a camp for the hunting of jack-rabbits began 
to miss the woman, and they called upon the white-breasted one^" (to 
find her). Then that one, starting from the edge of the land, looked 
all over it; only that mountain peak there was left. When evening 
approached, (he returned and) arrived where were those having a 
camp for the hunting of jack-rabbits. "I have not seen her," he 
said; "only that snow-covered peak is left," said the white-breasted 
one. In the morning he went off to look over the snow-covered peak 
and on it he found the woman whom Gray Hawk was having as his 
wife. He started back home over his former way towards the camp 
for the hunting of jack-rabbits. "What do you all say that you will 
do to him?" said he. "With Gray Hawk, him who is not easily to 
be overcome, dwells that w'oman. What, then, will you all do to 

388 X Southern Paint e ami Ute 

368 SAPiR 

him'::'" said that wliite-breasted one. (Then someone said,) "Let us 
call upon Sparrow Hawk!" "All right," said they, and called upon 
that Sparrow Hawk. To him they said, "Go ahead! lead the woman 
away from Gray Hawk. After you have done so to her, you shall 
have her as your wife," said they who had a camp for the hunting 
of jack-rabbits. 

Then there in the doorway Sparrow Hawk was sitting and kept 
singing, " What say you all that you will do to that Gray Hawk, him 
who is not easily to be overcome, who has great power? Will you 
slay him?" said he, as he sat there in the doorway. Only that body 
of his is doing so, sitting and singing, but his soul went off and arrived 
at that mountain peak where his elder brother was. Then, upon 
arriving, he took hold of the woman and said, " She here is mine, having 
been given to me for a wife. Do you, then, without saying anything, 
give her up to me!" "I shall not give her to you; she is mine, having 
been taken up by me for a wife," said Gray Hawk. " Do not say that, 
say I, but quickly let her go! She is mine, having been given to me for 
a wife, that is what I say." "But she is mine, having been taken by 
me for a wife. Why, then, shall I give her up to you?" "Without 
saying that, quickly let go! Otherwise I shall slay you," said Sparrow 
Hawk. "All right, by no means shall I let her go. I do not care if 
you kill me," said Gray Hawk, as he held her by her arm. That 
Sparrow Hawk was holding her by her other arm. 

"All right," said Gray Hawk. "If you are angered, in what way 
would the land appear, say you?" And then that Sparrow Hawk 
said, "W^hen I am angered, the land would become filled with fog. 
And as for you?" "W^hen I am angered, the mountains would all go 
up in dust, then all would be a level space," said that Gray Hawk. 
And then Gray Hawk said to his mother, " Should I be killed, you shall 
boil all of my body." And then he wrenched off one of (the young 
woman's) arms. And between them both they divided her body, 
(each pulling her to himself). After they had done so, that Sparrow 
Hawk killed Gray Hawk, and after he had gathered together all 
parts of the woman's body, all that had formed her body, he caused 
her to appear as she had been before. 

Then that mother of Gray Hawk boiled him. Then, when it 
dawned upon the earth, from the sky was heard a noise as of flapping 
wings, and on the rim of the bucket (wherein he had been boiled) he 
lit; thereon he sang, "I shall go and slay Sparrow Hawk," said he. 
And then that mother of his said, " Do you speak of a stranger, of one 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




who is no kin of yours, since you talk of going to kill?" "No, that is 
what I say; (but) that one killed me." Then towards the camp for 
the hunting of jack-rabbits he proceeded. "Oh! Gray Hawk comes 
to attack (us)," said those having a camp for the hunting of jack- 
rabbits, as they ran away; but that Sparrow Hawk lay with his wife, 
as though nothing were happening, and sang. That Gray Hawk 
swooped down upon him to hold him down, swooped down in vain. 
After doing so, he caught hold of that woman; both of them tried to 
tear her away from each other. And then that Gray Hawk struck 
above him with his wing, but merely grazed his head. "Nearly, my 
elder brother, did you kill me," (said Sparrow Hawk). And then their 
mothers led them away in different directions. " Do you act as though 
you were strangers to each other?" said the two old women, as they 
held on to their sons. 

Did any of you hear something make a noise on the other side?^' 

6. Coyote sets the Parturition Customs. 

etna qwaviyayw ar)A m'^a va qant ^a piqwq,- 1) ar) 
Coyote, it is he there dwell, his wife she 

said (past), 

aqa ru/w 
to him 

a ip tya 


aik*^ lima'nti'. 
say being there- 
from (obj.)." 


went off in 
vonder direction 

'a''c ttcuv'^'atnn 
"Go to get squaw- being about to make 
bush twigs for me gathering-basket I 

V mai, 

a ip lya 

cma r)wa4)i. 

cii v'^'^tmpt aiyauv u ra . 

his own squaw-bush towards it. 

qnt quts 


mio ni 
far distant 

a ip tya 

lini'n'nip tya' 

was doing 



nariqa'p tya' qa 'p i'. 'a'ik w, 

heard singing (obj.). "Oh!" 

pua ru a lyuruDnt^jamt 
"Seems I am getting 
supernatural power, 

cu waru am 


(inter.) I 

nono c 1 

nan v^'i 

pua xant 






X Southern Pahite and Ute 



t v"'aiyauqu 


naqqa'tsaqwjfnt'p tYa' qatcu"uq ' naqqa'p tya". 

stood and listened, 

paya'iny'qwi'p iya 
started off, 

t'.ra'ckwop 'ya'ic u. 
af,'ain stopped. 

'a't inaijq^ptYaik- 
heard it well 

ant'k a ''^- 
are doing 

ijnc i)ut- 


not it heard. 

qni'ijut- naqqa'ptYai'cuqw 
then again heard it, 

narjqa't'saqqntp iyaic u"qw 
again stood and listened to it. 

qa q pi . 

singing of 

many (obj.). 

kwi 'mu "ranttkamt'aYa',^^ 

journeying in order to eat 


qa'm'nuaya tuYunipapaiya'*ruq' nontsi'kanuaya' 
singing along beneath sky-vault flying along 


a'ik Apiya' 
said (pi.) 

ma mu c- 

Dva n arjqaijw 

am . 

waa n cya v[i]\v 
Two chiefs 


w;nt m taptya 
stood while 

ecna qwav 

v^'aiyauq w a iptya , 
Then said. 

am nam naqwoyaya - 

they at both ends of it 

ai}' pjnt'k aip'tya'aim'. 
he saw them. 

qant't iri'ai' 

nj » ma no q woq 
"I all (obj.) them camp-places 


pa 'p a yanti" 


(pi. obj.) 

knoll-having (pi. obj.) 

qa 'qaiva ntstyanti' 


(pl. obj.) 

m{m"t'antsc yanti' 
(pl. obj.) 

pa va 'n'noantsiyanti' 
valley-having (pl. obj.) 

ntrjwi ai yaq w 
their people 


know them. 

iv^^t an 

Go ahead 

(pl.) me 

man qu 
all (obj.) 



na up an mam a- ni nj ijiim ijni i)uts niQJ mpa r)um', 

like self make (pl. 
me me. 

I you then shall lead you," 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




a'ip lYa' 








"^Vhat he 




a'ik 'ptya' nari'v''ii)uq wa^a'. mano'qoya q " pu'tcu'tcuywar 
said (pi.) while asking each "All (obj.) them, knowing 

a lyaq 
that he 

That one 




(he) says, 

tiv^i'pT pu'u'rainarj*^ 
lands (obj.) whither our 

I v*aiyauq u 

nia vti) warn- 
their chief 


qm nA. 

a'ip lya', 

""p^'a'iai) a'iva m^'a'i)' cina'qwav aq' qa'tcu 'a'iyuqwai't '(m' 
"Let him shall that coyote he, not being good 



he will cause us to be found out." 


etna qwav 


ijmu Rqwax- NU'^qwi m mtap tya 
moving under ran along, 


a ip tya 

maa'it irjk'fix qw'aiva. 

will perhaps cause to 

be caught. 

shall give him feathers," 

nia- vtr) wanii, 
their chief, 

Let us him 


shouted while 


"so doing he us 

na 'p antuywa 1) 
together him 

a ip tya 

nta "vti) wa m 
their chief. 


ijnt r)ut 


na 'p antux WA 

a r)a 'vantux w 
on to him 

yuwa'k ipiya' 
flew down (pi.) 

etna i)wavt . 
coyote (obj.). 

dodged several times. 

wi ct amamax ptyaiyai) 
Gave (pi.) him feathers 

ctna'r)wavt a'ik 'ptya', tv"i"ca'* nontsi'q u 
coyote (obj.) said (pi.), "(io ahead! fly oft" 

mari avt'tcttci' a'o'ra' ma nra'i ijnt'ijuts paiyt'i)umpa'. 
that little ridge towards from on then shall return." 

(obj.) (obj.) it, that 


X Southern Paiiite and Ute 



V 'mai, a'ip iya' ctna'qwaxj)! 
"Yes," said coyote, 

n? ntsi quptya 
flew off, 

qwaia qqwop 

their chief. 



"About to be 

doing thus 

am an 
"That I 

he is 



ai]' qatcu'ragwA tiv^'i'tsixava q'wa'ittraqwA. 
he, not us being about to obey (neg.) us." 

q?- niptya 
came back 


a vi'tcttcT mana'qqwpai'yiq w 

httle ridge (obj.) from its other side. 


that one 

nta- V 



n? ntsi'n' I va • r) wa' 

shall be flying around 

n'im'^i'oax tux w A 
around us, 

wa a r)tva qwa 
shall shout. 


qa- vaqwa 
shall sing 

pa'a'n i' 


little ridge 


a'ip tya' 



'a mu'4>A 
at them 

a'ip iya', 



a iptya 

ma'n un t 


etna qwav 

ccna qwacpi. 


ya- c trjupiya 
started to fly 

flew (pi.) 

tuyu mpai 
sky (obj.) 




their own 

around them 


aura . 
towards it. 




nontsi'vurup tya'. 

flew hither 
and thither. 

I v'^aiyauq w 

ova q ai3 """pa c 

shall again pull 

out (pi.). 

a ipiya 

nta- vir) wa m , 
their chief. 


he will cause us to be 

found out 

wi ct aia qararjWA 

"His feathers 

(obj.) we 

uni ac- 
that (obj.; 

am ^a . 

Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




o'v'^aiyauq oar)' 
Then him 


his feathers 


cu'r'urup lyainc' 

made noise of 




sa'a'm amax qaini, 

have given (pi.) 

me mush," 

tcatca'i'p tYaiam' 
they took hold of 

tuYu'mpapaiya'Ha ntux w 
at sky-vault, 

ova qar)up tya 
took off (pi.). 

cina r)wav 


tiv*i'puv'^'a nti kwi'pa'p tya' 
being on ground fell, 


pina'qqwA cuwa'p itctp"iya'. 

soon came to. 


tA'pa'c pty 
lay senseless, 

sa a pi 
Mush (obj.) 

a'ikw, a'ip-iya', tiy'i'vutsir)wi4nt'ani 

"Oh!" said, "my friends, it seems, 

a'ip ixa' ti'qa'xaik w. 
said while eating it. 



ti'qa'm au'p utsiqw 

having finished 

eating it 

felt like 

tea q aip iyaint',^* maa'inipiy iini'quts 

cold thrill going touched then 

through head, 

'aa'ikw, a'ip'iya' clna'qwacj)!, 

"Oh!" said coyote, 

i]nt'ka' ti'qa'xa', a'ip tya' 

was indeed eating?" said, 


nai)a'i'aip tya' ctna'r)wa(j)i, 

Was angry coyote, 

tiv''a'im'mtap-tya' cina'qwacj)! 

Traveled west coyote, 

"Let me 


being at his own 

head (obj.). 


"brains (obj.) 

(inter.) I 

pi'pt't a'ni'tiyax ptya'. 
Tried to vomit. 

nar)wa xpa mpa ami. 

shall follow their 



nar)qa p 'iya auni 
heard them 

avt r)Upaxptya . 
passed night after 
night on journey. 


their singing 

while moN'ing along. 


etna r)wav, 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



a'ik 'ptya, \i'v"a i)' ntrjwi'riraxwop.a' 
said (pi.). "there she right among people 

ui) imi 

she, of 





'a'c tntuina'^mi. 
your liking. 

a VI 



mama ute 

a'ip tYa' 


an ac 


qant p t 

"ava pi'tctxw'aip tYa' 
there went and arrived 

place (obj.) 

mam a"utsr 
woman (obj.), 

i^nt XHic uai] 
so doing her 

pu ca -/aip t yaiai) 
looked for her 

axa'n tva 'ijan 

"How shall I 

her do 

ur)wa"vanttYwa'i)Upi:Ya' saxwt 'ai'aijw uv'^a"an' wcwt'n'i'^qup tya' 
Got on top of her, her stomach on it began to stand 

u v'ai , 

a ip lya 

maa ip lya . 



ym'xcu'uyw wi'i'k uptya' marja'c- hja "pitc 
So doing to fell out that one baby 


axa n ivarian 
"In what way 
shall I do to him 

't'v*aiyauq UI) WA 
Then him 

uv^'ai , a ip lya 

then?" said 




yi'i'k iptya'aiijWA 
swallowed him, 

tiv"t'p uaiau<l>t. 

his own coimtry 


a VI i)upax ptyaic u 

Again passed night 

after night on journey, 

paiyt'k 'ptya 'u'ra 

came back towards 

sa/wt 'a cI)A''qa'ijq'ip'tya'. 
had stomach-ache. 

mam- un tvant'i mam a 'uts- 

"In that being about woman," 

way to do 

a ip tya 

t v*aiyauq 

qumu ntuaRiptya'. 

heated stones on 


ijm ijumits' 

.Vfter doing 



wa'a'p t' 

of cedar 

Texts of the Kaibab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




pA pa- raqqai 
limb (obj.) 

o inA 
on it 

ptn riptYa 
hung on; 

i^ni 5 ur)W 
while he did so 



fell down. 

qu'qwa'ionaYw'a'iqup tya'. 

went to get armful of 



his own having heated 

stones on fire 

t v'^aiyauq- 


m^to'tiYan t' 
when at consider- 
able distance 

caused it to burn; 


on top 

of it 

pa 1 




mama uts- 

avt'p-t'Ya' yu'tuitci' 

lay, being warm 


tsi'quq'wanumpuRp'tYa 14m 

made h air-sera tcher, with 


ivi'ptYa'. ijni'rjuts- 
drank. Then 

nantsii'xqur)'*ptYa'. i'in- lini'vanti 

scratched himself "In this being about 

in hair way to do 

nintu'ai)qir)uts-, a'iptYa' cina'rjwacj)!. 

having given said coyote, 

birth to child," 

Translation. 22 

Coyote, it is said, was living there. His wife said to him, "Go and 
get squaw-bush twigs for me, who am going to make a gathering- 
basket, I say, out of them." "All right," said Coyote, and then he 
journeyed off in yonder direction towards his squaw-bush. He was 
very far away (when) he heard singing. "Oh!" said Coyote, "it 
looks as though I am going to be a medicine-man; perhaps I am 
going to dream.^ Already I am a medicine-man." And then he 
stood and listened, did not hear it. And then he started ofF. Then 
he heard it again, stopped again. Now again he stood and listened 
to it; this time he already heard well the singing of many: "Thus we 
do, traveling in order to eat people," said they, singing along under 
the sky, those geese, as they flew along. The two chiefs stood at 
either end of the line as they travelled along. Coyote saw them, 
and then he said, "Of all the camping places — those with springs, 
those with mountains, those with divides, those with knolls, those 

396 X Southern Paiiite and Ute 

376 SAPiK 

with valleys — all their people I know. Do you, then, make me into 
one of yourselves, and I shall lead you," said Coyote. "What did 
Coyote say?" said they, asking one another. "He says that he knows 
all those lands towards which we are going." That chief of theirs 
then said, "Let that Coyote talk, he is not a good one. He will cause 
us to be found out." 

Coyote ran along under them, shouted as he went along. "Oh," 
said their chief, "in doing so he might cause us to be found out. 
Let each one of us give him feathers," said their chief. And then 
down on to Coyote they flew. Coyote kept dodging. Each one gave 
him feathers; they said to Coyote, "Go ahead! fly off towards that 
little ridge, and from it, then, you will return." "All right," said 
Coyote, and oPl he flew, flew beyond the little ridge. What did I 
say?" said their chief. "That Coyote will always be doing thus, 
he will not obey us." Coyote returned from the other side of the 
little ridge, arrived where they were. Then that chief said, "You 
shall not keep flying around us, you shall not yell, you shall not sing 
out loud." "All right," said Coyote. 

All set off flying towards the sky; westward, then, they flew off 
whither they were bound. Coyote flew back and forth around them. 
Then their chief said, "Let us pull out his feathers. By doing that 
(which he is doing) he will cause us to be found out." And then they 
took hold of him under the sky and pulled out his feathers. Down came 
Coyote, making a whizzing noise; he fell upon the earth and lay 
senseless. Then, after a while, he came to. He saw mush. "Oh!" 
said he, "my friends, it seems, have given me mush," he said, as he ate 

Then, after a while, when he had finished eating it, he felt as though 
a cold thrill went through his head; and then he touched his head. 
"Oh!" said Coyote, "is it my own brains that I have been eating?" 
said he. He tried to vomit. Coyote got angry (and said), "Now I 
will follow in their tracks." Coyote journeyed westward, he camped 
several nights on his way. Then, after a while, he heard them as 
they moved along singing. "Coyote," they said, "there in the midst 
of the people lies the woman whom you like." ".Ml right," said Coyote. 
There at that old camping place he arrived. He looked for the 
woman and, in so doing, found her. "What, then, shall I do to her?" 
said Coyote. He got on top of her, stood stamping on her stomach. 
Just as he did so, that baby fell out. 

"What, now, shall I do with him?" said Coyote. And then he 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




swallowed him, and he turned liack towards his own country. Again 
he camped several nights on his way; he had a stomach-ache. "In 
that way will it always be with a woman," said Coyote. And then 
he heated stones on the fire. After doing so, he hung on to a cedar 
limb; as he did so, the baby dropped down. Then he went off to a 
considerable distance for an armful of wood. He arrived, built a 
fire of it. He la}' on top of the bed made of rocks that he had heated ; 
he drank warm water. Then he made a head-scratcher and scratched 
his head with it. "In this way shall it be with a woman when she 
has given birth to a child," said Coyote. 

7. The Theft of Fire. 

m "^'a'va' qami'xant'ayaip CYai'tuai' 

There people had jack-rabbit camp, 

aro"ap 'lya' ni'avirj'wami. 

was their chief. 

etna r)wav 



Hunted (pi.) for 


On to them 

ijnt i)uts- 


tuyij'o'wtp tya. 

fell down as 

from sky. 

ynt'ijuts- ma n u'n c nara'qwitcump'ptya. imp 

then all gathered together. "What 

a'ik 'piya. 
said (pi.). 

I v^'aiyauq 

sjna r)wav 

a ip '.ya, 


aro ", 


qu 'nani na^'ava'i' miy.:)'t tm anaqqWA na'a'inti ijmant 

like fire seems, from far distant burning being 

place (f^bj.) from it 


tar|wa i 
of us 

tfi r)wa 


ti'qa q anarai)WA 
our eating (pi.) 

aroam t 

are wont 

to be 

(ja tcu 

na'a'ituik anararjWA. ijni'ts- 

our causing (pi.) to burn. Then 

sa- qqaxooq w 
when it is raw 

quna ap ai 

(neg. obj.) 

ti'qa q ami'. 

always eat (pi.). 

ta i)WA 



X Southern Paiute and Ute 




it would be 


having done 

ur uru"ai' 
it is 

't'tctaragWA qu-na'i' ptVa-'ntimanaqqwaq* 
this (obj.) we fire (obj.) from being where it 

ta Tjwa'i'yaqw 
of us it 

find (pi.). 

Good would 

taqwa'i' ti'qa'qanararjWA qWA'st't!uiRaqD- 
of us our eating (pi.) when it is cooked. 


a ipiya 

stna i)wav 

ti'qa'q axuA'^qaraqw 
when we eat (pi.) it 


uru axu su- aiyuxupc, 

would be would very good," 


tu Yumpapaiy a 'm ai yu 
from sky-vault 

m "a va n-ara qom qa- yuc-u 

There as were still gathered 

(pi.) together 

a'ip'tya, iv'^t'aq' wa'n-uyuaq' 

said, "Go ahead, there being 

it it 

Pfnt'kai^w'a'irjU ptma'narjqwaq- UR 
go in order to see wherefrom it it 



tUYii"winaq'. maqa'iac- 

it falling down That one 

from sky." (obj.) 

ai)a'ruxw maa'ivatcaiyatci 
to him chicken-hawk 




being wont to 

fly around," 




a'iptya' maa'vatcaiya tc-. 
said chicken-hawk. 






having so 


'ava"a XI 
over it 



mava'iyun t 
From a 



amu'uraic u 

towards them 



Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




t v^aiyauq 

etna 1 

r)wav a iptya, 
ote said. 

tv'^t ca 1 m 
"Go ahead, you 


fly off 


li'mai, a'ip tYa 
"Yes," said 



nonts^'kup'tya ijni'c- ani'^w'aip iYa' 
flew off, in that went and did, 

same w 



mava'a XI 
over that 

nontsi'yw'aip tYa. 
went and flew. 


From there 


waq I mini cip'tYa waq- 
hither turned around hither 

iimu"ura ymu'cj) pt'tc'ptyaicu 
toward at them again arrived, 

pa yi 

mant n t 





Go ahead 

to him. 

tuyu'ntux WA 

wiwt'c'yaxantim' tu'p^i'pVya' 

having feathers (pi.) were used up, 


aru ' 

piya 1 ptya 
was left. 

wi'ct'a xant 
having feathers 

try to fly," 

etna i)wav 


a ip tya 

V mai, 

a iptya 


ar] . 

nonts'i'q uptya'. 
flew off. 

etna i)wav 

mai)a camp 
only that 



being about 

to fly. 




"Follow (pi.) him 
with your eyes." 

mamu c uar)A 
Those him 

pt't- map • t yaiyai) A 

followed (pi.) him 

with eyes 

tuyu'mpaiya I) 
sky (obj.) he 

mama"ar)tftpt yaiyai)'. 

(pi.) caused him to 

be lost. 

a'a'ura' ti'iyai]' 
towards it up he 

as he flew. 

then him 




waited (pi.) 

for him, 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



pina i)qw 




tin I , 

"Far off 

a iptya , 

pjni'^ aik ai'nami, 
"what you saw," 

a iptY^^ 

IV" 1 n lya " 

"Go ahead 



pjni t uaq a, 
looks some- 


of land 


C'.na qwacpi. 

qii)wa *va nti 
being at edge 

na 'na'aintcini' 
like burning (pi.) 

pa Yi 

ar) . 

am an 
"What I 


tv*'. rar)WA 
"Let us 

qu na i oai 

fire (obj.) it (obj.) 

ya'mtava'aq w ijmu'rjwantux w ijmi'ac u quna'q axantimi'aqw. 
shall go (pi.) away from them them having (pi.) it as 

to fetch it 


I'itc ar3"ami' 
This is wont to be 

qa tcu 

qu na ap a 
(real) fire (neg.) 

ta ijwa 1 
of us 



na'a'it ik anarar|WA, 
which we cause (pi.) 

a'ip CYa 

' cina'ijwav 


V 'mai, 

to burn," 

a'ik 'piya' ma nil 
said (pi.) all. 

n I . 

"Let us, then. 

qu na'i 






ya- m cava aqw. 

shall go (pi.) to fetch it." 

ma n u n "" 

poru'q uptya' 

started out 



ta va'i' yaa'uqwin u'u'ra' 

sun's setting towards it 

cma i)waviyai)ami moi m nuap tya qwa vi ijupax- 
Coyote he them led along, stopped to 


ptya. u v"ai 

(pl.) At that 

while place 


a ip tya 

oina'!)wa(I)i, ■tv'^!:"ca' i'mi 

coyote, "Go ahead! you 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Vtes 




mo't! utcats- 


na a int ur 
burning it 

maija'c u 
that one 

ptni'k ai^wa'*. 
go and see." 

mo't:utcatc ai)' 

humming-bird he 

nontsi'k u qnt'ijuts- 

fly oft", then 

'a'iijumtx (ja'aijw tuyu'ntuxw 
After lie had said so upward 

ijnt i]Utsic ampA 

although having 

so done, 

o'vaiyauq u 

ptm'k aip i'a'aik-w 
saw (neg.) it, 

flew oft". 

arrived back. 

etna ijwav 


a ip tya, 

qa tc u 




tv"t ca 
"Go ahead! 



nontsi q uc u 
fly oft' again 

That one 



tca-/t'paq w 
"It near 


Verv near 

pa yi 


tuyu ntux WA 

tuyu'ntux w n.:)ntst'kuptya' 

upward flew oflF, 

ijnt i)uts- 


pi tc'piya. 


qnt i)uts 

that one 


a ip tya , 


poru q I'ptyaaic u 
again set out (pi.). 

'i v'aiyauq- 


pu u raiyam 
whither they 

uru ■'p tya 

an t n anil, 
their so 

qwa^vt'i)Upax ptyaaic u. 

again stopped to camp 

(pi.) while traveling. 


man c u 
that (inan.) 

That one 

stna r)wav 

o 'n auq WA 
among them 


a ip tya , 


shall go and 


111'"'; inl 
"You (pi.) 

ma nu n t 




ciarjqa ni 
house (obj.) 

m -^.am t 
I also 

nia "\ t unWA 

chief's he 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



qam'vaauqwi pi'tctxwa'aiva". 
in house shall go and 

qatco °qw 
not it 

that one 


ma no q oqw 
all of it 

qnt'rjuts- m'^jmi mama'x piacj)!: 
Then you (pi.) what has been 
given to 
selves (obj.) 

ti'qa'q avai)wa'*, a'ip ixa' 

shall eat (pi. neg.)," said 

cma r)wav 

ar) . 

um*a nti' 


thereof (obj.) 

tai]a'na x'l'k wa4)i 
into own knees it 

shall put (pi.). 


shall have hand-game 

with them; 

ijnt tsttsarjWA 
Then we 



on one night 

qo'co'vurup tani ''I'tcr 

my prepared roll this 

to catch fire (obj.) (obj.) 

pa 'yiani 
my head- 
hair (obj.) 


ptma aq WA 
to which it 

when appearing 

* a p-i qova 
shall lean back 
and forth 

like sig- 

wi'tca'q ain 

having been 


qu na'ian 

my fire 


shall do, 

a mA 

it (obj.) 

you (pi.) 

quna q wu va . 
shall take fire. 

uv'^a a XI 
over it 

t v^aiyauq • 

i 'po tstni'qa'q aiva'. 'v mai, 
will all be ready to "Yes," 

start ofT (for race)." 

ynt r)uts- 




pom q uptyaaic u 
again started off (pi.) 

a'ik Aptya'. 
said (pi.). 



pjnt UYWcptya " 

sat down (pi.) 

and watched 

uv'^a iya *ruq WA 
Next to it 

ta va'i'kap t'. 
(bushes) set fire to 
by several (obj.). 

qnt'k aqumt'ts- mjni's'its ur)wa'tik ar]up tYa uv''a"antux WA 

After having so having gone caused (pi.) to thereon 

done (pi.) back home rain 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




tava'i'kaq a'in a(I)V. 
their own having- 
been set-on-fires. 

went out (pi.). 

poru'q uptYaaieu 

again started off 



went and arrived 


ma no n t 

yni r)uts- 


cma qwav 

na va cu 

just for 


ant'k ani'ja'. 
doing about. 

qani'vaytk ani'^^a' 

visiting around in 



Go ahead (pl.) 

us (excl.) 


an c u 

ma va 

toward it. 

a ip if'a. , 

qu n aR 
fires they 

yu/wt ^aaic u 
again sitting 

ma va 

ijnt i)uts 

"We (excl.) 

fiv't'p la'ianjmwi 
our country (obj.) 



from it 

a ip txa 

that one 

etna qwav 

ijnc quts- naia'qwiqqiqammi, 

then play hand-game (pl.) 

with us," 

aq' nta'viampaxar)wtnixai. 
he standing and talking as 

iVt'am ijntijuts i mi 
"Go ahead then these 

(pl.) they 

qant aqum 
your houses 




qa nt ai)um ana uqwA, 
your houses among them," 

ma no qo 
all (obj.) 

a ivaiyaijwan 
my companions 


That one 

etna r)wav 

nana c u- yuijqwaiyuc- 

being just one to one 


a ip tya 



nta- vtij waiya ni 
their chief's 

u m oiva 
will arrive 


qant va 
at house 

pt tc'ptya'. etna ijwavt ai)' wa'a nipi sa'a ijqiptyait'uaiyiai)' 
arrived. Coyote (obj.) he cedar berries they made mush for 

(obj.) him. 

404 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

384 SAPiR 

cina'ijwac})! ti'nti'qap lya. li'v''aiyauq u naia'i)wtp- aR 
coyote ate well. Thereupon hand-game it 

ti'Ya'i'ptya' sina'ijwav aij a'iMai)uijwai'ai(J)V naia'ijwiijqit' uaq ""A- 
took place, coyote he with his com- were hand-game 


p'tya. t'v^aiyauqu mainu'c- a'ik ^^ApiY'^'j ctna'ijwavin t' 
gambled Thereupon those said (pi.), "Coyote, it 

with. seems, 

qu na'i'niaraijWA ya'x ikaai' taijwa'i)wantux wa. qa'tcu, 

our possessed has come to from us." "No," 

fire (obj.) get 

a'ip iya' cina'ijwac])!, nt'mi nava'c u 'anc'Rani'i' mlya'qa- 
said coyote, "we just for are doing about travel- 

(excl.) fim 

ni '-^a' tiv^t'pc" ma va'a x I ni'mwi qa'tcu quna'i' 

ing around earth over that, we not fire (obj.) 


wari'x'Hwait' tm'. ntm"t'-^ain i' qu 'naq axantim' iiP'tmc'camp 
being (pi.) in need We also having fire (pi.), you only 

of (neg.). 

ynt'rjuts- qa'tcu qunai'ni'k ait: cm'. t'v^aiyauq ' 

then not possessing (pi.) fire (neg.)." Thereupon 

naia'rjwip- aR tiya'i'pcya' ctna'ijwav a'l) a'ivtai)uijwa'i'ai({)i 
hand-game it took place, coyote he with iiis com- 


naia'i)wiijqit: uaq^ptya' tu xwa'Naivr. qnt'ijuts tA'ci'aijqixU 
hand-game gambled at night. Then when dawn 

with came 


ai) o'n ic 


i'ptya a'ik ain a(})V 

qu na'i 


he in that 
same way 

did as he had said. 



aa'p l^qup tya. 

'aa'ik w cj'na 

iijwavin i' 

over it 

bent back and foi 


"Oh! coyote, 

it seems. 

Texts of the Kaihoh Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




qu na laraijvvA 
our fire (obj.) 

qwii vats" 

being about 

to take 

'an i'k» 

ava'a X- 'aa'p i-qui', a'ik ^ptya' 

over it bends back and said (pi.) 


a laij 

it (obj.) 


ma m u'c u 

qu na i 



ni ^antini^^ 
liaving (pi.) 

na va'c un 

"just for 

fun I 


ma m lie- 

am . 


qa tc u, 

a ip tya 


ptqqa man cm yaxa , 

while doing so moving 

very fast," 



i v^aiyauqu 

etna qwavc ai) 

coyote (obj.) he 

i'intk '^qa'i'ptya'. 
were ready. 

mai)a iacu 
Of that one 

to them 


't'v'^aiyauq " 

qntc- an I p tya . 

in that did. 

same way 

quna'i' wa'xava 'q w tct'ni'k'fptYa'. 

fire (obj.) into it it (inv.) stuck. 

ma^va'i'tiyan i' 
far off 


After doing 


q'ip tya.^^ 
moving liead 
from side to side. 

"ma uxpa' 
that wav 

tA'pu'q wiptya' 

nu)u "etux w^- 

in front of 


a ivaiarjwai) 
his com- 

having been 
said to 


his own 


Having done it 


pti]qa muywm m 111]- 
ran very quickly 

aa'ik 'f*^ 

cina'qwac})! quna'i 

coyote, fire (ol)j.) 




qatcu t lya iyini, a ip tya' 

I become not," said 

yaijwt'm'nuaxayaq '. jv"i aq- 

while going along "Go 

carrying it. ahead, it 


X Southern Poiute and Ute 







take and carry it along," 


o ' 

maqa c- 
that one 


quna i 
fire (obj.) 

yaqwt m mtaqupiyaiyaq . 
took and carried it along. 

a iptya 



qaAtcu t tyaiyini 
I become not. 

Being of you it 


a iptya 

yaic u. 

tcoo'ii)k aijA. ctna'ijwavtaci ai]' 
bluejay he. Coyote it he 

ijnc'quts "m^a'vantuywai]' 

Then at that place him 

yar)wi'm'Mi'qu va", 
shall take and 
carry along," 

y ar) w t'm'M iqup t- 
again took and 



pa qapup tyaiyar) 
killed (pi.) him 

etna r)wavt 

up to 


tuywa I)' 

.oai . 



na nt n'nar)Wituywaq' 

towards different 

directions it 

a ive eya 13A. 

his companion 



his body 


Tore (pi.) him 


threw (pi.) 


said (pi.), 

1 mi 

tcoo'ii)ki5^aiva nti. 

being about to be 


tar)a n ax- 
In his 




mama ipcya 
foimd (pi.) 

a 'yaniMA'ci'k wqaina i)'w 
wlu'ch he had hidden 

"m a'ux paami cina'qwavc ai) 
through there coyote (obj.) he 

(| liar)' mama'rinap tyai't'uaiyiami. iim'ijuts 

conipan- they were pursued. Then 

ions (obj.) 

a ivtar)ur)wa - 
with his 

puia r)qWA 
after a while 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




etna qwav 

a iptya 

tv't aq- 

ahead, it 


ai) a'iveyarjwacjjV 

he, his own companions 


ar)a'rux WA 
to him 


when they were 

also used up, 

mar)a lac- 
that one (obj.) 

1 mi 

yi},W't niMi quaq- 

take and carry 

it along 






ar) , 


wfi tc ai)' 
roadrunner he 

y^wt mMi qup'cyaiyaq- nampa lacpc 
took and carried it along ; his own feet 



in two different 


tcA'tca'p ayaitc'ptya' 
tore apart, 

niamu c u 

mama rmarim^t am 
chasing (pi.) they 






mama"ar)t£tp txaiyai)'. ijm'ijutstar)' nanti'navuRuqwop tyaiyai)' 
lost (pi.) him Then him tracked (pi.) him back 

and forth 

in different directions. 

na nt'n'naqwitux WA 
in different directions 



'aru'q-wtux WA, 
under it," 

yu nt vuruxwa . 

while running 


mam u c u 

said (pi.) 

etna i}wavt 
of coyote 

qu'tst'kikaj) tya'. 
built (pi.) a fire. 

aij 'a'ivtai]uai]' qa'ivamanti' 

he his companions being on 

mountain (obj.) 

ptmpt'n'Ni'kaiir)ur)qo p u'cu'yaxwDU o', 
would that would look (pi.)," 

a'ik 'Aptya' cina'rjwavt aij a'ivtaijuar)'. 't'v*aiyauq u 

said (pi.) of coyote he his companions. Thereupon 

tina qqwantiAcuyaxwon o' 
"Would that upwards 

408 ^ Southern Paiute and Ute 

388 SAPIR 

ma mt'i)\vant'i pini'kaiir)UpiYa' qa'ivai u'u'rainti'. 

being of them looked mountain being toward 

(obj.) it (obj.) 

aa'ik \v ma riv'*' aro"* i'mpV ua't aK qa'ivai a nia'nt'i. 
"Oh! at that is what being it mountain being 

thereat (obj.) tliereon? 

aa'ikw na'a'int! ur ant'k^, a'ik^Aptya. 'tv*t'raijw 
Oh, burning it does," said (pi.). "Let us 

ava"antux \VA uqwa't! uik aqumpa', a'ik 'Apiya". tiv^'t'camp 
upon it shall cause (pi.) to said (pi.). Sure enough 


'o"" tu "ui)wap ui'k anti toy^'m a va'anA qA'qa'Riptya. 

so being black-clouded (pi.) right on that settled. 

a'ik w, a'ik 'Aptya' cina'qwavt a'ivaiyaijw, uqwa'ijumpa nt- 
"Oh!" said (pi.) of coyote companions, "It's going to rain 

'aq w^ tai)wa"vantux WA. maijac i]m'i)uts t'v^aiyauq- 

upon us." That one then thereupon 

a'ip'iya' cina'r)wa<t)i, ama'ntiaraqWA a'yarjwaijwantc'qaiva' 
said coyote, "being thereof shall hide (pi.) 

(obj.) we 

quna'i 'aiA, a'iyaicu ctna'r)wac{)i qu na'manfi 

fire (obj.) it while just coyote being of fire 

(obj.)," saying (obj.) 

wi'qa'm'Mi'kaip tya'. ma ri'c u na'a'int aR mana'n i' 
covered over. That burning it all 

t'jywa'"ptya' ma n u'n t a ni u'c a'ivtar)wa n ai)' 

went out, all those his companions he 

patca'qwtnavitcip tya. ijm'riuts- mari'cu qu 'n- aR 

got wet (pi.). Then that fire it 

cua'ruywcp lya'. 
nearly went out. 


a'ip iya' 










out in 

Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 




(jaVivatc' tv^t'aq- I'tc" 

being wont go ahead this 
to sit, it 

qu n 


a 'yaijwantc ka'. 

maqac u qam- 
That one jack- 

qutcii'i)'wa q arip tya. 
sat on his haunches. 

a n 


pan larava 
out in rain®* 

mava an 
on that 

"m"a ntaqiin 
"In that way I 

a intcuan 
it (inter.) I 



a'ip tya' cina'ijwacjji. aAtci'ac})t tu'u'mats- qu'qwi'vap tYain- 

said coyote. His own bow having acted as though 

(and arrow) taken about to 

aR qA'pa'q iptya'. 

it stopped. 

ni ai]WA. 
shoot at 



man c- 

ur)wa r 

ijnt ts- 

mar)a c u 
that one 

qwaii' savt'tcaxtp tyn.®'' 

off hopped ofi". 

qa m- 



uyu marjwtt ux WA 
away from it 

man c u 


aqqa x piya . 

was red. 




ma no'q 





all (obj.) 


a'ip tya, imi'ntcu' 


pa n o'x qwa'i'- 


said, "You (inter.) 



when wet 

yucampA na'a'ivatc'. qa'tc u 


pa n o'x qwaaivu 


ng wont to "Not 


when wet 


na'a'in uwa'ait i 

, a'ik ^piya' mari'cu 

maa 'v 


being wont to 

said (pi.) those 



burn (neg.)," 

mari'c amp 

uv"ai' sai)wa'v au 




Only that 

tiien sagebrush it 


IS left. 

To it 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



a ip tya 

being wont 
to burn?" 

being wont 
to burn," 


ma no q u 
"All (obj.) 

a ip lya 

etna r)wac{)i, 


a ip cya 

"You (inter.) 

aru ' 

pa no X qwai 
when wet 



pa no X qwaaiyucampA 
even when wet 

sa qwav 

a R. 

na'a'it! tp "tya 
caused to burn 

'a ma nti' 

being from 

it (obj.) 

i v^aiyauq u 

sarjwa vc" . 



maa vt 



nni n a X I 
in you 


being about to 

contain fire," 

ar) . 

i]nt r)Uts 


maa v 


quna qwaxaiqu p-tya 
came to contain fire. 


Somewheres on other side 

did you it 

t'j 'mui)u'ni' 

make like rumbling 


mano ni 

nana qq^A- 

you (pi.) 


(pi.) (inter.) it?" 


At that place people had a camp for the hunting of jack-rabbits; 
Coyote was their chief. They hunted for jack-rabbits; and then a 
thing fell down upon them as from the sky. There, then, they all 
gathered together. "What is it?" they said. And then Coyote said, 
"This looks like fire, it is from far away from something burning. 
That which we have been burning as fire is not real fire, and what 
we eat we always eat raw. It would be very good if we find out 
whence this fire has come; it would be very good if what we eat were 
cooked, it would be extremely good if we ate it," said Coyote. As 
they were still gathered together there. Coyote said, "Go ahead! 
go over there in order to see whence came this which has fallen down 

Texts of the Kaibah Paiutes and Uintah Vies 411 


from the sky." To that one, Chicken Hawk, "You are accustomed 
to be flying about," said Coyote. "Yes," said Chicken Hawk. 
And then he flew up into the air. Then, having done so, off over 
the earth he flew; then from a distance back hither to them he returned. 

And then Coyote said, "Go ahead! you Crow, fly up into the air." 
"Yes," said Crow; then off he flew. He went, and it happened to 
him in like manner, over the earth he went and flew; from there he 
also turned round hither, hither towards them, and he also arrived 
where they were. All those provided with feathers were used up, 
then only that Fish was left. Coyote said, "Have you feathers, then, 
so as to fly? Go ahead! try to fly," said Coyote to him. "Yes," said 
the Fish. Then up into the air he flew. Coyote said, "Do you all 
follow him with your eye!" Those watched his flight closely, as 
upward toward the sky he flew, then they lost sight of him. There, 
then, they were waiting for him; then, after a while, he arrived. 
"Hurry up and tell what you saw," said Coyote. "Way off at the 
edge of the land it looks as though fires were burning," said the Fish. 
"What did I say?" said Coyote. "Let us go to fetch that fire from 
those who are having it as fire. This of ours that we cause to burn is 
no real fire," said Coyote. "Yes," said they all. "Let us, then, go to 
fetch that fire." 

And then all started out towards the setting sun. Coyote led 
them along; they stopped to camp over night while on their way. 
At that place Coyote said, "Go ahead! you Humming-bird, fly up 
into the air, and then go and see that which is burning." After he 
had said it, that Humming-bird flew up into the air. Though having 
done so, he did not see the (fire), and returned without result. Then 
that Coyote said, "Go ahead! you Fish, fly up again into the air." 
And then that Fish flew up into the air; then, after a while he came 
back. Then that Fish said, "Now it is near." Then they started 
off again; again they camped over night while on their way. Now that 
camp was very near towards which they were going. And then 
that Coyote said, "All of you will arrive (and be) distributed in each 
house. I for my part shall arrive and go into the chief's house. 
And then you shall not eat all of what has been given to you," said 
that Coyote, "(but) shall put some of it in your knees. Then one 
night we shall have a hand-game with them. I shall seize fire with 
my hair with which this cedar-bark tinder of mine is tied; when 
morning comes, I shall be signalling by leaning back and forth over 
that fire, then you shall all be ready to start off." "All right," said 

412 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

392 SAPiR 

Tlien they started oti' again downward. On the mountain ridge 
next to the (camp) they sat and watched bush-fires that had been 
made (by those that had fire). After they had done .so, having 
returned home, (these) caused it to rain on the bush-fires that they 
had made; then all those fires went out. And then, when they had 
sat there, (Coyote and those with him) set off towards the camp. Now 
there they arrived. Coyote said, "We are visiting around in various 
camps without particular purpose, having come from our land. 
Go ahead! play, then, a hand-game with us," said that Coyote as he 
stood and talked like a chief. "Go ahead! then these fellow-men of 
mine throughout your houses will enter one by one, in each of your 
houses," said Coyote. 

That Coyote arrived at their chief's house. They prepared mush 
out of cedar-berries for Coyote; Coyote ate heartily. Then the 
hand-game took place; they gambled with Coyote and his companions. 
.Vnd then those (who possessed fire) said, "It seems that Coyote has 
come to get our fire from us." "No," said Coyote, "we are engaged 
in traveling around without particular purpose over the land; we are 
not in need of fire. We also possess fire, so that you are not alone 
in having fire." Then the hand-game took place; they gambled 
with Coyote and his companions during the night. Then, when it 
daW'Ued, Coyote did just as he had said, he bent back and forth over 
the fire. "Oh, it looks as though Coyote is about to take our fire, 
seeing that he is bending back and forth over the fire," said those 
camping there. "No," said Coyote, "I do so without purpose, when 
playing very fast," said Coyote. 

And then those companions of Coyote were ready; what that one 
had said to them, just in that manner they acted. .And then Coyote 
stuck his tinder into the fire. Having done so, he jumped far away 
and whooped, .\fter so doing, he very quickly ran through there 
in front of the people, moving his head from side to side. "Oh, I am 
giving out," said Coyote, as he was running and carrying the fire. 
"Go ahead! you Bluejay take it and carry it along," said Coyote. 
So then that Bluejay took the fire and carried it along. "Oh, I am 
giving out. One of you now will take it and carry it along," said 
Bluejay. Coyote again took it and carried it along. Then at that 
place (those who were pursuing) killed Bluejay, Coyote's companion. 
They tore him to pieces and threw his body-parts about in different 
directions. Then they said, "You shall be a bluejay." In his 
knees they found pine-nuts which he had hid there. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 413 


And then through there they pursued Coyote and his companions. 
Then, after a while, when his companions had been used up too, 
Coyote said to that Road-runner, "Go ahead! you take and carry 
along this fire." And then Road-runner took and carried it along; 
he tore apart his feet (so that they left tracks) in different directions; 
those who were in pursuit of them lost track of Road-runner. Then 
they tracked him back and forth in different directions.^* "(He is) 
under this," said they, as they ran hither and thither in different 
directions. Those companions of Coyote built a fire up on the 
mountain. "Would that they would look up this way!" said Coyote's 
companions. And then one of those looked towards the mountain. 
"Oh, what is that there on the mountain? Oh, it is something burn- 
ing," said they. "Let us cause rain to fall on it," said they. Sure 
enough, then, black clouds gathered right over that place. "Oh," 
said Coyote's companions, "it is going to rain upon us." And that 
Coyote then said, "Let us keep some of the fire hidden." As soon 
as Coyote had spoken, he covered some of the fire. All of that fire 
(which was uncovered) went out; all of them, his companions, got 
wet. And then that fire (which was covered) nearly went out. 

And then Coyote said, "You Jack-rabbit, who always sit out in 
the open, go ahead! hide this fire." That Jack-rabbit sat on his 
haunches over that (fire) out there in the rain. "Did I say (it should 
be done) in that way?" said Coyote; having taken up his bow and 
arrows, he acted as though about to shoot him. Then that rain 
stopped; and then the Jack-rabbit hopped off away from the (fire). 
Now that (fire) was very red. 

Then Coyote asked all bushes and said, "Are you accustomed to 
burn even when wet?" "I never burn when wet," said all those 
bushes. Then only that sagebrush was left. To it Coyote said, 
"Are you accustomed to burn when wet?" "Yes, I am accustomed 
to burn even when wet." said the sagebrush. And then Coyote 
built a fire out of the sagebrush. "There shall be fire in all of you 
bushes," said Coyote. So then all bushes got to contain fire. 

Did any of you hear something make a noise on the other side? 

414 X Southern Pcmite and Ute 

394 SAPiR 

8. Iron-Clothes. 

litn^a'va ctna'qwav ai)' qant'xaiqq'tu'ap tYa' qa mt'yaikantmpiYa'* 
clna'i}wav ai)' na'a'c u yaa'iriqw'aimmpcYa' qmia'r)Wituxw tump^t'' 
tma 'i u'u'rainti i'ti'c ampA na'a 'c u yaa'iniipt'Ya'. cina'r)wav ai)' 
pina'rjqWA timpt ttna'i u'u'rainti'i'an i' ti' yaa'ipt'Ya' tavu'ts tva'ivu 
qwtri'k ipt'Ya. iim'i}uts- tiimp^t" ttna'i u'u'ra' ti" ctna'i)wav ar)' 
marl'nA'piYai'iijWA. qni'-^ai'irjWA tiimp^t" ttna '*va ntuxWA wta'm- 
ptvt' toYo'iq WAcIri' maa'ip tYa. 'aa'ik w, a'ip lYa' ctna'i)wa<})i uv'^a-'i 
uma'nti' ti'qa'p'iYa'. pina'qqwA ta va'i' ya'uqwiptmmtyaYoaqA 
paiyt'qw'oip lYa'. in "^a'vaiyiiaq' pA"tca'iaucj)t tA'ta'p oro'p tYa- 
ynt'rjuts- qani'va (})t pi'pi'tcipt'Ya. i'v^aiyauq- o'ip tYa, 'ttci'n" pA'tcan- 
a'R to'to'qwaariqi, a'ip tYa" pirjwa'iav uqwarux wa. ttci'tca'* pA'tcan- 
e'r paY'i'tcairjU wantst't inavuruxuni. linc'tsttcami tyu'p a'* qwa'u' 
yo'n'ntr)U, a'ip tYa' ctna'i}wa({)i piqwa'iav urjwa'rux wa. pir)wa"''qa- 
r)'ar)' pA'tca'iar)' to'to'pA'^qa r)qiptYaiyaq ar)' pA'tca'iar) 'ai'. 

i'v^aiyauq- yntc an t'ptYa' qima'qwitux wa yaa'iqqw'aip t'Ya. 
o'v^'aiyauqu cina'qwav aq' toYo'muquntaqqw'aip tYa' wta'mpivt 
u'u'ra'. uv^a pt'tctxwaaits- ctna'r)wac|)i tl'qa'p tYa um^^a'nti'. qni'- 
jucu'uqw cuwa'Ruptkupt'Ya. iint'quts- paiyt'k w'aip tYaaic u. ijni'- 
c'uqw an t'p tYa' pA'tca'iau<})i tA'pt'rup tYaaikw. ijnt'c a'ip tYa 
qwa'nix WA pir)wa'iac{)t, itci'n' pA'tca'n- a'R to'to'p A'^qaqq, a'ip tYa' 
piqwaiav iiwa'ruxwA. tyu'pafca'mV wantst't inavuqwan' qwa'ii' 
yu'n'ntqu qatcu'ttYai'yiam qnt'ijuts-, a'ip tYa' cina'r)wa{})i. yntc- 
a nt'pt'Ya' ctna'i)wa({)i na'a'c u yaa'iqqw'oip lYa' cu 'MU'^qunta'mtap't- 
Ya' tiimp'^t' ttna'i u'u'ra'. ava pt'tcixw'aip tYa' wta'mpivt'. 
mava'iyuaq' ti'qa'p't'Yaicuaq'^^ marja'cu ctna'r)wa(})i. cu'yucu 
qwtvu'amaq' wta'mptvi' piya'i'pt'Ya'. ctna'r)wav ar) "aru'qwanai]- 
qwp'iYa' wta'mptvi' mantca 'r)qip tYaiyaq' wta'mpta qwtvu 'amaq' 
wta'mptv't' pA'tca'i'kanti'. MA'tca'iar)qiq a-r)' wtt'kuptYa. '4', a'i- 
p'l'Ya' ctna'r]wac{)i qna'p ar)wi wtamptvt t'^a'q iptYa. iini'rjutsiqw 
MA'tsa'iaqqiptYaiyaq' mari'acu wta'mpt'. qnt'r)uqwa n' tiv*t'ptna - 
x-i yt'a'qaptYa. '?, a'iptYa' ctna'r)wa(j)i, ni'^ain t' qatcu Ni'ct'm u- 
ap'tait i, a'i^aic- D-'aYtt-uxwanti ora'p t'Ya' mari'acu wta'mpt'. lint'- 
^aic u moYwa'p T ma r)wi"iinar)qip-tYa. 'a'ik-w, a'ip tYa' ctna'r)wa({)i, 
impt'ani maa'ivan t'. pina'r)q lint'Yaic- tya'p UYo'piA mar)wi"qnar)- 
qip'tYa. a'a'ikvv, a'ip tYa' ctna'r)wa(})i, ini'ntcan nirjwu'runi. lint'- 
r)uts- waa'ivu quna'vt' ti'qa'cuarjUpt'Ya' paiyt'k w'aip tYa' qant'av 
'u'ra'. ijntc- an t'p -tYa' pA'tca'iac{)(; tA'pt'rt'p lYa'aik-w ijnt'c ikw 
a nt'p tYa' mar)ac- pirjwa 'r) ar)' ctna'T)wavt' pA'tca'ia r)' to'qwa'pt'Ya. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Vtes 41 5 

texts of the kaibab paiutes and uintah utes 395 

8. Iron-Clothes. 

There Coyote was camping with people; they were hunting jack- 
rabbits. Coyote always went off to hunt by himself, he would always 
go off in another direction towards the base of a cliff to hunt by him- 
self. After some time Coyote hunted up close towards the cliff- 
bottom. Right here a cotton-tail rabbit started up; and there 
Coyote chased him up towards the base of the cliff. While he was 
thus engaged with him up to the base of the cliff, he found a wiamp- 
berry^* bush that was just ripe. "Oh!" said he, and ate of it there. 
After a while, when the sun was just about to set, he turned home. 
Yonder he pounded his moccasins with a stone.^^ And then he 
came back to his house and said, "Patch these moccasins of mine for 
me," said he to his wife. "These moccasins of mine have become 
worn out while I was chasing around after antelopes. And then 
they ran off in this direction," said Coyote to his wife. His wife 
patched his moccasins for him. 

And then he did the same thing, went off to another place to hunt.^^ 
Then Coyote went on straight ahead towards the wiamp-berry bush. 
Having arrived there, Coyote ate of it; in doing so again, they were 
nearly all gone. Then he turned back home again. He did to his 
moccasins what he had done before, he pounded them with a stone. 
He said the same thing to his wife, "Patch these moccasins for me," 
said he to his wife. "The antelopes that I have been chasing have 
run off in this direction; they are nearly tired out, then," said Coyote. 
Coyote did the same thing, went off to hunt by himself; he went right 
ahead towards the cliff-bottom, and there he arrived at the wiamp- 
berry bush. There that Coyote ate them again (until) one (berry) 
was left on top of the wiamp-berry bush. Coyote climbed the wiamp- 
berry bush and reached for the wiamp-berry that was hanging on top 
of the bush. As he reached for it, it fell down. "H^," said Coyote, 
and climbed down the wiamp-berry bush. When he had done so, 
he reached for that wiamp-berry. As he did this, it went into the 
the earth. "Hq,," said Coyote, "I, for my part, have never let anyone 
go." So saying, he dug around that wiamp-berry and, in doing so, he 
tore some cedar bark out of the ground. "Oh!" said Coyote, "what 
shall I find?" After a while, while still engaged (in digging), he tore 
out of the ground dried deer meat that had been cached. "Oh!" 
said Coyote, "who has regarded me as a person ?"^^ Then he ate up 
two sacks of meat and started off back towards his house. He did 
the same thing, he pounded his moccasins again with a stone. That 

416 X Southern Paiute and Vte 

396 SAPiH 

I 'tcuq- ymc u u '/p iya' cinti'ij\va(*)l tump"'.' t tiia 'i u'u'raiijqw'jip tya 
uv*a pt'tccxw'oip tya' ctna'r)wa(})i. 

"t'v"aiyauqu niaija'c u tuinp"t'n ar.)'i){|\vant ai}A qa 'p tyji'i qatcu'- 
tcani 'a't inonos lapi cina'ijwavian qw a'ik- tya'p iYa'ai)W^^cuwa'q wa- 
ai^u. iv^t iim'rjuts uv"a 'nti'm' pjnt'^ ai^jwa'*, a'ip lYsi' pa tci'i)wa v 
i]mu'rux\VA. ma va'aivu poro'q uptya vi'u'ra lya'p uyu "q waiya({)V. 
A''qa'nai)qwop a inV ti'ti'/aaix u mari'c u ptm"a'x qa'am a'R tu'tu'- 
tcuwizp t qatc uv"a wim'p iya. 'am'an 'aik-, a'ip tya' mai)ac-u 
tump^t'n aro'qqwant ai}". maija'c u cina'ijwav ar)' ma va'aiYU ti'nto- 
YDqwipiya' qant'av 'u'ra' mam a'rinap tyaiai)' qam'ayanti u'u'ra'. 
cina'qwac})! qam'ayanti w'a'xarux wa mu'q untA toyo'q wipiya'. 
mava 'ntuywaq ' qam'ayanti' man o'q o mrjwt'aiya q ' qoyo"ip tayai'- 
t'uaiyiaq'. mam a"cayw^its- m "a'u'pa'^ wi'tst'tstac})t yaT}wt'm'mta- 
p tya. a'ipatcitcu' aro"*, 'a'ikAptya' tiv''t'i]Uqwaxaiyar)A maqa'iac u 
mam a"caywoitsi'. qa 'tc u na'a'ints tsi' aru"*, a'ip tya' mam a"ca- 
ywoits-. maqa'iacu wi'a'tsiar)" pi'tcu'a'mtaq' pina'riyayiai)' 
tca'a'ik ai'ytqw niai)ac n"" na'a'ints tnntA naya'(])A''qaip tya'. 
mam u'c u pa n a'x qw'oip iya' qant'av 'u'ra' tump'^t'n aro'ijqwant 
ar)' pa tct'i)ur)wa'ai(|)t. qnt'r)uts- maqa'iac a'ip atstaq' piya'iya i) 
aqa'c u tump''t'n aro'ijqwant aq' ptijwa'xw'tp'tyaiyar)'. 

m'ava" mam a"cay\voits ar) wi'tst'tstr)wa'ai(*)t qari'ntmptyaaimV. 
toVivt ora'n tmptya' maqa'c wi'tst'ar) ar) a'ip atst'. mai]a'c u 
mama"caywoitc ai) a'intmptya' to'D'ivt /wai^^^ora'xa', 'i'tc witst'tstan' 
w'a'tstvai'tnnt ttci'ca'* c'.na'r)\vavt ani'ana i)W to 'p a n oayant aRi, 
a'imimmptya' to'o'ivt" ora'xaaik w. ijnt'ts mar)a'c a'ip ats aq' 
nana'ptya. ijnt'ijuts pa ya'in'nip tya unt'yaic u nano'cu to'o'ivt 
ora'pu^tcutcoywop tya. ijnt'quts to'o'ivt ora'n'naijw qa'tc uv^'a 'n- 
tux wp'tya' tcarjwt'k intmptya' to'o'ivt'oran'naqw aR. aya'nt^aaik w 
ijni'm i' tcaqw't'k i^a' to'o'ivtoran an or®*^, a'ip tya aqac a'ip ats ai)'. 
a'iv'^'tn 'oa'i' pina's tgax i^pa ni pjni'k aiva uv"a 'nti' to'o'ivtora'n ani, 
a'ip tya aqac a'ip ate an^*"^ naru'x wa. I'v^aiyauq ora'p tya uv"a '- 
nti' yuna'n'naq wo(j)t p'jnt'kaip "tya' pina'ciyaxupa 4)t. ijni'k a q u- 
ai) 'oai' ti'rjwtna vaip tyaint'aq w waa'vas- aq' nantsi'n'xA^qant'i. 
ijnt'quts qwau vma '*ytt ux \v ya'uq wa p tya' to'o'ivt". maqac- 
i'v"aiyau(i r wta'v iim"anti' ma vo'x toq WAptya. ijnt'qiits ora'p tya- 
aic u navt'naqqwop a(i uv"a 'c r ya na'p tya' t)'.)'ivtoran a({)t pina's t- 
ya'xupa'a<})'i: pini'n'ntp tya'. maqa'c ijnt'ts yii"anaq aq' to'o'ivt- 
ora'naqA wa'q I a'xavatcunianaqqw to'o'ivt' ts pt'quptya. qnt'qu- 
tsiaq' ti'qwtntya q ' ma'na 'ytp tya. qni'-^uwaqaq' mint's iptya 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 417 


wife of Coyote did the same thing to them, she patclied his moccasins. 
In the morning Coyote did as he had done before, he went towards 
the chff -bottom. There Coyote arrived. 

Now^° then that Iron-Clothes^' sang, "I did not dream well, dream- 
ing, as I did, that Coyote is eating up my dried meat. Go ahead, 
then, you two, yonder; go and see!" said he to his daughters. From 
there they started off towards their dried meat that had been cached. 
When they got near it, that which they had used as a landmark"- was 
not standing there. "What did I say?" said that Iron-Clothes. 
That Coyote ran away from there as hard as he could towards his 
house, and they pursued him towards the village. Coyote ran straight 
ahead through the village; there all the people of the village they 
killed. An old woman was carrying her great-grandson along in 
that direction. "Is it a boy?" said they, asking that old woman. 
"No, it is a little girl," said the old woman. Parvum penem illius 
(pueri) deorsum inter ejus crures ea tenebat, so that he looked like 
a girl.^^ They, Iron-Clothes and his daughters, went back home 
towards their house. And then that Iron-Clothes took that boy's 
mother as his wife. 

Yonder the old woman and her great-grandson were living. She, 
the boy's great-grandmother, would dig bulrushes, and that old 
woman would say while digging those bulrushes, "Haec (junci radi.x) 
peni mei pronepotis est similis magnitudine, but this one is like 
Coyote's, black and hollow," she would always say when digging 
bulrushes. And then that boy grew up; then he walked around and, 
in so doing, he learned how to dig bulrushes by himself. Now what 
bulrushes he dug up did not stay there (where he placed them); 
the bulrushes that he dug up would disappear. "Why is it that the 
bulrushes that I have dug up always disappear?" said the boy. "Now 
this time I shall look between my legs at my roots which 1 have dug 
up," said the boy to himself. Then he dug, and looked between his 
legs at the spot where he put them. As he did so, one who was jointed 
in two places gathered them up quickly, then off into the bulrushes 
he entered. And then that (boy) made a ball out of mud. Then he 
dug again, again there behind himself he put down his bulrushes 
that he had dug up, and through his legs he kept on looking. Then 
that one, who had carried away his roots that he had dug up, came 
out from among the bulrushes, and, having done so, he quickly 

418 X Southern Paiute and Vte 

398 SAPiR 

ijni'tsiar)' tavi'pcYaiyar)A wta'mavox toq WAqainav o'mA. ijru'rjU- 
qwar) ar)a'cu qa'yo'iriyantsfxa'®' qwara'vayaipaxpiYa a'xava- 
tcux w A to'D'ivt. 'a'a'xava'' qwau' qwara'vayai'ptya'. yu'u'n- aR 
nantst'n'arjqix 1, a'ip tya, ynt't'stmi tim'ar|qitstva'ami,^° a'ip tYa 
aqa'cu. t'v^aiy auq • aqa'c- a'iptYa a'ip ate ai)', uv^'a quo''ny'*ka 
orap-^^ yni'k' 'u'nivatcurii""''qaDra'p- UR. tV^'aiyauqu paiyt'q w'oi- 
p tya' qam'viintuxw «(})"[. 

i 'tcuqw an t'c- ani'p tYa' to'o'ivtoraxtp tya. inava 'aiyuc u 
qwara'vayai'p tYa' maqa'cu yu'o'RA'^qop t'na'q aina r) ai)'. yu'un 
an" nantst'r)'ar)qix I, a'ip tYa a'xavaiyuc u to'o'ivt". 'ynt't'stmi 
tint'ariqiva'^nii, a'ip tYa' maija'c- yu'u'RA''qop t'naqainai} ai]'. niar)a'c* 
i'i't a mpA^qap tYain t a'i^uwai)". a'ix ucuai) u'^qwa'p t ponta'tst- 
Yantiai)' ynu'runtptYaiyaqai)'. iv''''t'n qnt'quts- tint'arjqin', a'ip tYa 
a'ip ate ai)'. ynt'ts- ma'vaaiyuai)' fint'arjqiip tYaiyai)' a'iptYa, 
ttci'aru' 'antm t' toViv uR ttci* 'aru"omt ini'a qwtYa'i'pta'm u'l)' 
tco'pt'k tYai'ptamt eina'qwavty aq' niaa '(j)ika 13' qoyo^'p iyai'. 
ijnt'quts- piya"m u'r)' qwiYwi'x ptai uqwa'iae u tiimp'^t'naro'riqwati^^ 
oi]' pirjwa'xwiiipiqw, a'ip tYa' niarja'c u yo'D'RA^qopt'naq aina i) 
a'r)'. niarja'e- t'v^aiyauqw a'ipate ar)', fiv^'t'ts-^* natja'i'aip tya' 
paiyii'rjuptya' pt'tet^wa'aits- niuntu'nap tya'. 

pina'qqWA mar)a'e- wi'tst'aij arj' pt'teiptya. o'v^'aiyauqw a'ip tya' 
niarja'e wi'tst'ai) ar)', qwtrt'k itsiaq- i't I'qa'q-A." ar)ae- a'ixueam- 
pa I)' pt'riqamuntun'i'kaip tya. axa'nii)qir)uqwaiyunt' ani'ka' mun- 
tu'n'i'kaai'. u'u'qwani'ami tint'aijqiqa'aimi, a'ip tya' maqa'e- wi'- 
tst'ar) ar)'. t'v^'aiyauq' marja'e u ptqqa'muntun'i'kaip tya I't'i'c amp' 
muntu'n'ntavtmtp tya. ijnt'avtyaie a'ip tya, iv'^'t'ni toyo'iqqwtyum- 
pa rjquni tiya'n'ntmpt'mami kwi'pa'ni iint'r)umtx tstni 'a'ictyan 'a'mA 
ti'i)wtn tyan 'a'ni wi'qa'm'mti)umpa', a'ip tya aija'e a'ipate ai)'. 
axa'n t^a'i'nii pA^cia'xa.imi'', a'ip tya' niaijac wi'tst'ai) ar)' wtwt'tea'- 
yirjqixaiyar)'. 'ar)ae a'ipate at) a'ip txain i', kwi'pa'xoopu'euya- 
ywon oani. tiv^'t'c u'" maqa'e- wi'tst'ai) ai)' kwi'pa'p tyaiyai]'. 
lint'rjumt'tstai)'^^ ti'qwtntya i) 'a'ie tma i) wi'qa'm tquptya' tca'm- 
ptnar)qip tyaiyaq- qnt'quts-. aru'q waint waa'iyumunt wi'tst'tst- 
i)wi'ai)' qari'p iya'ainiV, wi'tst'tstqwtni waa'iyur)qtr)'iim'''ani, a'ip iya' 
mar)a'e u mam a"haywDitc" ai)'. 

'i'v^aiyauq u mamu'e- a'ip-tya'aimt etna'i)wavt ai) ai)a'rux wa, 
iv*"i"ea' cina'i)wa(i)i MU^qwt'^jaxwa'" i'i'va 'm 'ynt'quts- nara'q wtn- 

Texts of the Kaibah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 419 


seized them. As he did thus to them, (the boy) turned and hit him 
with the mud-ball that he had made. When he had done so to him, 
that one cried from pain as he went hopping along on one leg into 
the bulrushes; off tliere among them he was crying from pain. "Come 
and joint my leg for me," said he, "and I shall tell you something," 
said that one. Then the boy said, "There indeed lies what was dug 
up; in that way should it always be with what is dug up." And then 
he went back to his house. 

In the morning he did as he had done before, came to dig up bul- 
rushes. From that same place cried with pain he whose leg had 
been broken. "Come and joint my leg for me," said he from among 
the bulrushes again, "and I shall tell you something," said that one 
whose leg had been broken. That (boy) was getting tired of what he 
said. After he had spoken thus, (the boy) made a leg out of a stick 
that had one notch. "Go ahead! now tell me," said the boy. Then 
from there he told him and said, "These are not really bulrushes, 
these are really your dead relatives' brains, who were killed through 
Coyote's fault. Then your mother was taken away and has been 
taken by Iron Clothes as his wife," said that one whose leg had been 
broken. Then that boy became very angry; he started home, and 
having arrived, went to bed and covered himself up. 

After a while that great-grandmother of his arrived. And then 
his great-grandmother said, "Get up and eat this." Despite her 
saying so he kept lying covered up. "What can have happened to 
you that you act thus, my dear, lying covered up? Perhaps some 
one has been telling you something," said his great-grandmother. 
And then that (boy) kept on lying covered up. He always used to 
lie covered up. While still lying thus, he said, "Go ahead and hit 
me with your seed-beater right in the center of my head, and after 
doing so to me, you shall quickly cover me with the gathering basket," 
said the boy. "Why have that done to you? to kill you?" said that 
great-grandmother of his, while going through the motion of hitting 
him. That boy thought, "I wish she would hit me!" and sure enough, 
then, his great-grandmother hit him. After having done so to him, 
she quickly covered him up with her gathering basket and then 
lifted it up from him. Under that her two great-grandsons were 
sitting. "There have come to be two great-grandsons for me," 
said the old woman. 

And then those two said to Coyote, "Go ahead. Coyote, and call 
people together, and then they shall assemble together in this place." 

420 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

400 SAPIR 

tcuinpavii'. 'y 'niai, i\.''\\)V(<i cina'r)wac{)i. ai)a"q- uv''ai 'i ''ijwara'*''- 
(jantm t 'i 'c u'wani cuwa'Mr^qwi^axwa'aivu, a'ip tya' ctna'i)wa({)i. 
uin^a'x L'pa'p tYa' cina'ijwav ai}' MU'^qwt'-^.ani '-^.a' tuinp"c'n aro'i)- 
qwa'nti iii) ui)wa"vantux wa. 'a'iptya' nana'x qantiiinpa'a'vtqwt 
ijmu'rax WA. pina'ijcjWA maija'iac i: tana'cj itst^^ ai}' qam'viintuYwa- 
pcYaiyaij'. ctna'i)wa(})i qatc u naa'n tap ca''^. MU^qwi'-^ani'i^a', a'i- 
p lya' cina'ijwac})!. u'mai, 'a'ip tya' tana'q tts , no 'nt^a* ctna'i)wa({)i. 
'(jt', a'ip 'tya' ctna'ijwac})!, kiya'p iva'ai' ti-/a'iva a'intcuan a'ik-^. 
ijnt't'simi ni' no n'nt'va '"ini yuyu'wait i ini i'i'va' qari'cainpA, a'ip tya' 
cina'i)\va{J)i. ctna'qwav tma'ivatccamp' ti'v^itstn t a'iviitc' nava'c u 
ai^a', a'ip tya' tana'q tts-. ctna'ijwacj)! pays'in'NU^'qwip tya' nai]- 
qa'q ai'ytqvv a'i'nai)\VA ctna'r)wacj) WA^'qi'eir qo 'nip'tya ai)a"ura'. 
iv*"t"nit-^.a''' ni"a'va ntuywa'anii ciwau' no 'ini'quv^a'ami ijni'tst'' 
mava 'aiYU paya'iniMi'qin''a i'nii, a'ip tya' ctna'i)wa(})i. 't'v''aiyauqu 
pi'ka'xunavutstar) 'an a'xtyar)' no 'miqup tya. iri" qatcu'n' qii'ii''ya- 
pani, a'ip tya' ctna'i]wav antt'i]wta 'vumaiyuai)av a'xotstvtxu. nari'- 
\'''ini qatcu"um ant'k- qi'i'va ijwa'ivucampa, a'ip tya' tan a'qtts-. 

nia va' 'u'v^aiyauq u cj 'p ar'uap t' pt'tct^w'aip tya'aim'. iv^t'ya q- 
o'4) mai)a'cui)umi ctna'i)wav ai)' niot'mpar)um', a'ip tya'^^ mamu'- 
c u nava'(})itsii)\v amV. um''a'uxpa' 'o"" ctna'ijwav ai]' mot'ptyaiyam'i: 
"m^a'vaiy a'ip tya' ctna'ijwac])!, iv"t'yai)' na'p antuywa i)' niaija'c- 
a'ivean ai) i;''qwt'y'j m ama'xa i], a'ip tya' ctna'i)\vac{)i. qa'tc i: nari'- 
v''in aro'" n'{"' co'q uc- o'y.wa.ivatc'i, a'ip tya' tA'st'av ai)' ti'rau- 
q wtvtav a tct'ni 'aq uqwacj)! yar)Wt'i)wtnt7.a'. m '*a'u'pa''* ctna'ijwav 
ar)' niot'p tyaiyaq ' ntnwi'aiya q'. 'aa'ikw, a'ip tya' ctna'ijwac})!, 
'ini'ntciyt'vtn*" tu 'p aq a', a'ip tya' ctna'ijwac})!. ni'nt ant'k ain 
a wawa"*^ nayn'cj wipaian un a 'ytt uyw ant'^ja a'wawa',*^ a'ip tya' 
pi'ka"ay ai)'. ctna'i)\vavt'ii)WA pA^qa'ijupiya'aiijw. ijnt't'sti3W 
ti'nia'p tya'aiijW. ynt'quts- miyo'tiyan t' qu'qwi'p tya. ijnt'ijutsiq- 
u'u'ra' N'U^'qwi'ijqw'aip tya' ya 'vaiyti^up'tya'aik w ts qu'tnna'p tya'- 
aii)\v i}nt'i)ut.s ijnt'tc a'iptya', ma'n- 't'ntva'p i'mi pi'ka"ayaxaivan- 
X'i tl'qa'vapi, a'ip tya' cina'i)\va([)i. ma n o"oi) iint'ijuts- tl'cia'cj "- 

t'v''aiyauq u pi'ka"ai' tayu'"t u'cu'i]'wtp tya'aim'. ni "a'u'paq' 
ctna'ijwav ai)' mot'p tyaiyaq' m"a'va' yu'a va' ta yu 'itcup I'p't'ya'. 
qatcu'rui'iq-^2 ''ivii" pa 'aaivatc', a'ik 'p'tya. i'i'i), a'ip tya' cina'i)wa<})i, 
t'i'va q ' wa'a'p a ts ur a- n t'ayaivjitc',®* a'ip tya' ctna'i)vva(})i. ctna'- 
i)wac{)i ni^a'vanfi' niaa'viiruq WAti o'raptya' NA'.so'xo'ma'ntp'tya. 

Texts of the Kaibah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 421 


"All right," said Coyote. "Who, then, is it that is always ready? 
Long ago I almost went to call people together," said Coyote. Coyote 
went off in yonder direction, going about to call people together 
against Iron-Clothes; he spoke to different kinds of animals. Soon 
he came to that Rattlesnake's house. Coyote did not say anything. 
"Traveling around to call people together," said Coyote. "All 
right," said Rattlesnake. "Ca-ry me, then, Coyote." "H^!" said 
Coyote, "did I say that a round-dance was about to take place here? 
So I am to carry around on my hack you who have no legs! You just 
stay here!" said Coyote. "Though Coyote is always saying that, 
he really is wont to say so merely in sport," said Rattlesnake. Coyote 
started +o walk off, but when he heard what he had said. Coyote 
turnr'd back again to him. "Let me, then, carry you along off to 
that place, then from there you will start to walk along," said Coyote. 
And then he started to carry him along in (Rattlesnake's) little 
rawhide bag. "Look out! don't bite me," said Coyote, as (Rattle- 
snake) was darting out his tongue from Coyote's shoulder. "It is 
my wont to act thus, but I shall not bite you," said Rattlesnake. 

There, then, the two of them arrived at the gathering place. "Go 
ahead now! That Coyote will be your leader," said the two brothers. 
And so Coyote led them through that country. At yonder place 
Coyote said, "Do you, all of you, give that companion of mine one 
arrow each," said Coyote. "No! It is my wont to be provided with 
but one arrow," said Red Ant, as he stood and held his unfeathered 
arrow together with his bow. Coyote led the people through that 
country. "Oh!" said Coyote, "what friend of mine has been through 
here?" said he. "It is I who have done so, awawal^'* while engaged 
in proceeding into the combat, awawa!" said Land Turtle. Coyote 
killed him and then roasted him in the ashes. Then he shot to a 
considerable distance and, having done so, he ran along towards the 
spot (his arrow had reached), brought it back with him, and poked 
the Turtle out with its point. Then, having done so, he said, "In 
that way shall it always be done to you, who are destined to be a 
hard-shell turtle. You shall always be eaten," said Coyote. And 
then they all ate him. 

Now the Hard-shell Turtle's (spirit) caused them to be thirsty. 
Coyote was leading the troop to that country; there on the plain they 
were thirsty. "Is there not a spring hereabouts?" said they. "Yes," 
said Coyote, " right around here is the one that is called Cedar Spring," 
said he. Right there under a bush Coyote dug and coveretl himself 

422 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

402 SAPIR 

lint'quts i'v^'aiyauq aija'c- iyo'vitcuatc ar) a'ip tya, tv*t'ni ni'm" 
tvi'xw'airjiinipa'amt. itci'an 'oai' nj'ni ava'rjwmi paiyu'aijqiqtv'am^i- 
ni, a'ip lya' tana'qctc ai)'. tyatuxwa'ain' yuwa'^x^'^t" uv'^a'^x 'init 
qi'i'xi'kai' ta'ain'. piya'in- ai)' m^'a'vantr yua '*va nti' 
ti'xa'p tyS''- ma inii'c- aij'a'vantiixwa'aru' pi'tcu'aim"mic tir/u'i)'- 
wtp tya' tiinipa'iya i)'ain- inari'i)war)q''pr('a. aa'ik w, a'ip tya' ma- 
in a"uts, axa'n ti)um o'v"ai a 'yawantciqaiva', a'ip tya' piya 'm- ai)'. 
uv''a"ai)WA cina'ijwav ui)' taya'pA^qai a'iveaT)\va v \ir) iim't'rjwa'", 
a'ip tya'aim'. v 'I'^i- 'a'ip 'iya' piya'nr am', nii'r)W'tini yo'vitcuA'tst- 
ya'q Dijum'** tiya'n uniptan ava'r)wii)uini yu a'm'miava', a'ip't/a' 
ptya'nr ai)'. 

qnt'tstam' m ^'a'u'pa'am' yua'm'miaptyaiyam' pa'iA'' qari'ri 'a'lira'. 
mava"amt mamu'c u nava'tstr)w am' too'ayax qamptya'aim'. 
maijac- a'ip tya' piya'm- ai)', pf'm'R aim' yo'vttcuA'tstqw am' ma'i- 
kainani. qatcu'ya mV pa '^xavatcux w yanwt'i'yap t, a'ip tya'. 
ma in u'c 'ur)\VA nava'tstijw am' pa '^yavatstywaijwctm' qwii'p tya' 
paru'qwam iya'rjuptya'. mavu'tsktrjq'ptyaiyaqa'am' mamu'c u 
Mu'qu'nt'am' pa'iy'am um^a'nti' tu'u'iiiA'^qwoi'p tya. tya't uxwai)U- 
ptya'aim' yuwa '"vt ava"a xi 'a mt'v^'am' pt'tctxw'aip tya'. ctna'- 
i)wav ar)' cuwa'i'y'a'ipiya' ta yu'y'ai^ja'. 'a'ikw, a'iptya' ctna'- 
r)wa<}>i, ni"' nam {"ivtva' no 'n'ntntctai)', a'ip'tya' cinar|wa(})i. ma- 
n'o'nt ivi'k'Apiya' marja'ccampA tan a'qttc ai)' piya'i'ptya. h^'tn 
nji" ivi'vii', a'ip'tya'. yii'a'i]q'qai'tnava''qa r)an o' m'jmt'nwant 
ivi'^uai)', a'ip'tya' ctna'i)wa(j)i. qatcu'A^qan uwani yu'a'i]q'qai'Uia- 
va'r)wa', a'ip'tya' tana'qtts-. qa'tcu yu'a'r)q'qai'tuava*''qa r)an o' 
a'ian a'ik 'f, a'ip'tya' cina'i]wa(i>i. oa'q "t^iiva^^qa i} uru'ac mai)a'c u 
tana'qttc ai)'. quu 'p aqap tya'aikw. m-''a'ii tijumpaqai)' a'ian 
Ty'ir 'a'ik-', a'ip'tya' ctna'i]wa(|)i. m'^'a'va ntimanaqqWA pa' aR 
NU^'qwt'kup'tya' qana'uir)\vayanttmpar)WitnxWA. i'i'tc'ia q' wa'a'- 
pa tc ur a'ik ainani, a'ip tya' ctna'qwacj)!. a va'ijwi nava'q 'I'qaptya'. 

o'v'^aiyauq u paya'in^'NU'^qwik'p'tya u 'v*a- ctna'qwav a'ip'tya, 
tv'^t'raijWA (ju'qwt't tya'^qava itc'i" tolia't i'mipt^* 'ai'. uv^'a'ntuxw'a- 
q w qo'qwikap t'ya'aik w u^'qwt'yuam- ar am't'r)wantuywac u 
pA'pa'iyt'p't'ya'. ma m u'ccamp o'v^ai' piya'i'pt'ya'aim" tA'st'av 
ai)' tana'qttst aqa'qwa'*. tA'st'av ai)' qu'qwt'p t'yaiyaq- iint'quqwa q' 
tiimp a'R pu'ruqwip't'ya u^qwt'yuar) aR m 'o'var|wtt\iywai)' paiyi'i'- 
i)Uptya'. maqa'c Ti ta naq ttc ar)' qil'p tyaiyaq ' i^nt'ijuqwa ij' 
tiimp a'R tu 'm'umui \va p tyain t'. um''^a'u'pa p oro'm'yap tyaaic u. 
wantst'vuqqo'ar) aij' tump*t'n aro'ijqwant'i um*'a'va' yuwa'^va' 
p'lnt'ijw'tntp tya. 'aa'ik w, a'ik *ptya, axa'n tar) arai)w u'v^ai' pA'pa'- 

Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 423 


with moist earth .^''* Now then that young Mourning Dove'^ said, 
"Let us two go to find water to drink." "You two shall bring water 
for me in this (bag)," said Rattlesnake. The two of them, proceeding 
through this plain, flew over it, putting out their breasts and holding 
up their heads like doves. Their mother was gathering seeds at 
that place on the plain. Down upon her did the two of them fall 
as though from the sky and closed her mouth with their hands. 
"Oh!" said the woman, "how, then, shall I hide you?" said the 
mother. "Over there Coyote together with his companions are 
thirsty," said they. "All right," said their mother, "I shall carry 
you in the form of little mourning doves in my seed-beater." 

And then she carried them through there towards the lake. There 
those two sisters, (daughters of Iron-Clothes,) sat watching. That 
mother of the boys said, "Look at the little doves that I have found. 
Do not take them into the water," said she. The two sisters took 
them right out into the water and dived into the water. The (doves) 
slipped out of the girls' hands; then they went straight and took some 
of the water. They started off through here over the plain and 
arrived where their companions were. Coyote was nearly dead from 
thirst. "Oh," said Coyote, "I shall be the first to drink, who have 
been carrying him around," said Coyote. They all drank, but that 
Rattlesnake was left over. "Let me drink," said he. "Some one 
of you shall hold it for him while he drinks," said Coyote. " No one 
shall hold it for me," said Rattlesnake. "No! let some one hold it 
for him, that's what I say," said Coyote, " that Rattlesnake will 
spill the water." Rattlesnake let the water spill out of his mouth. 
" 'That is what he will do,' that indeed is what I said," said Coyote. 
Starting from that point the water flowed off through a canyon bord- 
ered with willows. Coyote said, "This is the Cedar Spring that I 
spoke of," said Coyote. In it they bathed themselves. 

And then the}' started off on their way; yonder Coyote said, "Let 
us all practice shooting at this white stone." They shot at it there 
and the arrows all came back to them. They alone now were left 
over. Red Ant and Rattlesnake. Red Ant shot at it, and when he 
did so, the rock burst to pieces and his arrow came back into his 
hand. That Rattlesnake bit it, and when he did so, the stone became 
like a round black mass. They went on again through that country. 
The tame antelope (that Iron-Clothes had as guard) was standing 
there on the plain, standing looking in different directions.**" "Oh!" 
said they, "how, then, are we going to kill him?" Circling about him 

424 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

404 SAPIR 

(juva I]', a'ik ^piya". ma'up a' aija'oax tux \va tai)wi'xarup lyaiyar)'. 
inaiia'c u tA'ct'av ar)' qani'a ij A^(ia'nai)qwDp V mia '"yantiimpa' 
qari'p tya'. ctna'ijwav aij' m "a'va ntiix \va moru'navi' tu'tu'p i'na- 
ptya' na'uwa'nie k*® ijnt'ijuts- \va tct'ni'mtap tya' marjwa'vaxa' 
wantsi' an ana"ura'. mai)ac uin"a'va' pi'ka'xuna\nitnnaxiv 
uijwa'i'kai'ptya. ijni'k ayuc r wi'i'k uptya' ti'rava ntux wa. fiv'^ipt 
A'ct'aRuqwa y^^ ai)a'oi'a'i'pi.ya' wantst' aij'. 'u 'v"a' so tsi'k aip tya 
tys'nuc- ijnt'k aip tya. ijm'mi'qup tyaaicu tiv'^'t'pi aru'qwaxi 
ii'v*a sotst'i)rp'tyaaic u. t'v'''aiyauq u toy^t'aqaruq wa sotst'r)Uptya 
ijnt'i)i'tstaq ' mi)\vt'aiya ij' pu'ca'yaiptyaiyaq '. ijnt'^aicuaq' 
piyi'a I)' maip tya' tana'c t:^aiya n' nari'yavantiiyw tyii'n uyiaq " 
ta "vu'v^'ux u. qi'i'p tyaiyaq ijnt'ijuts- pu'a'iyon t' paiyu'i)uptya' 
qa'q ii)Upiya qnt'quts . 

'a'ikw, a'ip tya' cina'qwac})!, u'u'i^wantantca^i) uc u maa'it' uit i' 
tana'q ttc ur}', a'i^a ijwa'i'^kaina ijav u'u'raiijqw'aiptya'. tiv^t'camp 
o'" pi'ka'xunavutsts uai) aR niava ur)wa'i-kaip tya. 'ant'an 'aik , 
a'ip tya' cina'ijwac{)i. uv"a 'ntiiywa q ' tcA'tca'payaitc'ptyaiaq ' 
quna'vta T)'. o 'p ac u paiyii'ijuptya' mava'ntuxwptya' wantst' ar)' 
piiv^'a wtnt'k aip a ntux w. mava' iint'i]uts- mar)a'c u tana'q ttc 
ai)' ti'v"tk icara (1 aip tya. a'a'ikw a'ivaiyan, a'ip tya', quna'vua'ami 
ya 'i)qix\v'aii}unipa', a'ip tya' ctna'i]\va(J)l. inava pt'tctyw'aip tya 
lint'ijutsiaq- t'vTcampan t' to'to'q oap tyaiaq ' cina'qwav ar)' tCA'- 
tca'payatcA^qainac})'!:. 'ar)a'vaiar)qwAti'ac ai)a'iac u tA'ci'avt ar)' 
wants ai)' kwi'pa'p tya". ctna'rjwacjji ya'pitcf/w'aip tyaiyaq' 
C|una'vta 1)'. 'ijnt'ijuts ava'ijwtai]' no m'mtap tyaiarj' wantsi' ai) 
aija'vatcux WA. lna^•a 'iyuai)' tl'qa'q'p'tyaiai)' wants'.'vuijqoai)' 
tiinip^'t'n aro'i)qwanti' . 

'aa'ik w, a'ip't'ya" maija'c tiinip^t'n aro'ijqwant ai)', a'it'cai]W 
qa 'q "}^' wantsi'viii)(iijn ui)' (iatcu"ui)waiii)w i'i'vil' pi'tciaap ate', 
a'ip "tya ai}a'c r. o'v"aiyauq u ma ni u'c u nava'c})itsti)w am a'ip tya- 
aim', tv^t'yaraijWA naijwt'iaRqwarjumpa', a'iptya'aim'. mava 'aiYU 
ctna'ijwav ai]" na 'ntciiin t a ijqa'n'x.\''ptya'aik w to'tst'ac})!. ijnt'k ar)U- 
mi'ts- ya 'c ar)up tya' pa'ai' qari'ri a'u'ra 'ava' imV^'ptya. 'aa'ik w 
patst'ni qatcu'tca ni' paa'iyoi)wa'ap ac r wt'i'atsiqw amV, a'ip tya' 
nam i'yai) ai)'. cina'i)wav ai) 'a m u'Rqwa ''ytt uac un t' piini"nip tya. 
a'ikw, a'ip tya' patsi"u)W, iim"a'i)aya 'axa''^ niru'q waA'tiac u pf'ni'- 
n'ni', a'ip tya' patst'ai) at)'. m"a'i) ani'k a ia'vuruijuqwain am, 
a'ip tya' na ni i'yai) ai)'. inaa'up ac r ya c rqwaii}up iya' ma m u'cu 
wt'i'atsti}w 7.\\\\ inaija'c r piya 'nr ai)' m "a'vaaiYU tr'cu'p tya'. 
maija'c r tiinip"i'n aTo'ijcpvant aij a'ip tya, ayji'n i-^ai ani'k 'f tr'cu '- 

Texts of (he Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 425 


in that way, they rounded him up. Tliat Red Ant was sitting on the 
divide in the direction of the antelope's house. Coyote pulled grease- 
wood right there out of the ground. Then, as he went along, he put 
it in front of himself, creeping on his hands and knees towards the 
antelope. That Rattlesnake was hanging there in his rawhide bag. 
So doing, he dropped down to the ground and proceeded towards 
the antelope under the surface of the earth. Yonder he peeped out; 
he was still far away from him. Again he started to move on under 
the earth; yonder he peeped out again. This time he peeped out 
right under him, and, so doing, he looked around at all parts of his 
body. While he was doing so, he found his heart beating right in 
the open between his hoofs. Then he bit it, and then the antelope 
jumped high up in the air and came back making a raucous noise.^® 
"Oh!" said Coyote, "perhaps it was that Rattlesnake that was 
gotten sight of." So saying, he went to where he had hung him up. 
Sure enough, now, only his rawhide bag was still hanging there. 
"That is what I said," said Coyote. At that place he tore his bag up 
to pieces. He returned to the same place, he came to where the 
antelope had been standing. There, then, that Rattlesnake had his 
mouth filled with dirt. "Oh my companion!" said Coyote, " let me go 
and get your bag for you." There he arrived at the bag, and Coyote 
patched it together somehow or other, after having torn it up. Before 
reaching that Red Ant, the antelope fell down dead. Coyote arrived 
with Rattlesnake's bag and then he carried him along in it to the 
antelope. At that place they all ate the antelope, Iron-Clothes' 
tame antelope. 

"Oh!" said that Iron-Clothes, "my tame antelope made a raucous 
noise. He has not come back here," said he. And then the brothers 
said, "Let us all turn ourselves into sparrows," said they. There 
Coyote painted his head fiercely. After they had done so, they 
flew off towards the lake and there they arrived. "Oh my sister! 
many have the sparrows become in number," said one (of Iron- 
clothes' daughters) to her older sister. Coyote kept looking under 
them, it seemed. "Oh!" said the older sister, "that one, indeed, 
keeps looking under me." " It is that one whom I \\;\.\v wounded,"" 
said her younger sister. Hack through that country flew off those 
sparrows. The mother of the two boys was grinding .seeds at that 
place. Iron-Clothes said, "Why are you engaged in grinding seeds? 
Is it Coyote that causes you to grind seeds?^^ You said, indeed, that 

426 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

406 SAPIR 

xwa'. cina'r)wavtfcua 'm *^ ai)' tu'cu't uiy'im . inii" pA'^qa'qain 
'a'i lY'ir 'aik » m^a'!)' qam i'oap uts aq axa'n intca "ija'* pA'^qa'iioar) 
i'm a'i^ai' aik'. inani'ntcar)an qm'qu maa 'vtar) u'a'xa(j)t 
qari'Yuai) itci' am' tiYa'n tmpiman', a'ip iya' piqwa'^r) ar)'. tVi'aq- 
o"" qnt't i"qai)'\vi, a'ip tYa' marja'c u tump'i'naro'rjqwant'. maija'c- 
o'" pir)wa'*r) ar) ijnt'c uar) ani'ijup'tYa' ti'Ya'n tmp ar uv'^'a'rjWi 
u^qwt'yim' wi'm'kuqwain uv'a'qwi wi'm'k uptYa'- qa 'tc u 'o'orian 
am'kain' ma'i'an 'a'ik ', a'ip lYa' tiinip^'i'n aro'r)(jwant'. iirjwa'cu- 
Ywaint' wantst'vurjqun iiq' qa'q trjU^qwanti qatc ijmji'.imtri'waiti 
nava'c u qa 'q ti)uts i'i'va' pi'tctR rii'^OL. 

mamu'c- i'v'^aiyauq u nava'(|)itstr)w am a'ip tYa'aim', iv''t'arai)WA 
na'a'*r)aRuqw{^,iiinpa". tiVt'c- o'" 'uni'c- a n i'k aijiip iy^ 'a'i^^uam'. 
i^nt'ts- ya'c ui)up tY^' pa'ai' qariVi u'u'ra'. uv*a' }m*["r^w'aip lYa- 
aicu. ijni'c a nt'p CYa' cina'r)wa(})i iim^u'RU^qwa^Y't iiactn t' pi'ni'n'- 
nip iY^. i'v'^'aiyaiiq o 'p ac u ya 'c ui)up tYa uv^a' iim''t"ixw'aip iY^' 
piv'^a'yuv i}ni''kan'. o'v^aiyauqu mamu'c u na va'tstijw am' 
paiyc'q w'oip tYa'aim' qam'vantuxwa *mt(J)t. t'v^'aiyauqu mamu'- 
cu nava'(})itstr)w am a'ip'tY3.'aim', tv^i'yaraijWA na vu"ttcaRU- 
qwqumpa'. fiv^'i'camp o'" pu't'tcatstrjW qa'tcu paa'iYUpiaicu 
qani'ntcuqwa 'x I. 'aa'ik w aYa'n- ani'k- ani'ntctm" i'mV pu'c'tsatstqw 
am', a'ipiYa'aim' ma in u'c u nava'tsir)w am Da'xaq ariyaiyana'm'. 
'a'aik \v m a'r)aya-"xa'* na'ntcuin t' pui)'wi'i)qi oa 'va n'tt'atj ar 
imp't'n'ini 'ntc'. patsi'ai) ar) a'ip't'Ya', m^a'i} ani'k a ia'vurin)i'(pvai- 
nani. o'v^'aiyauqu mamu'cu manu'nt o 'pac u m;nt'c ipiYa'. 

uv^'a'yu'm a'ip tY^^ico'om' mamu'cu nava'(})itstr)w am', ■tv^''i'ra- 
r)WA na'Ya 'tcttcuqwarjumpa'. tiv^'i'camp o'" qa 'tstqw am' qa'tcu 
pa'iyoijup'iaaicu tiimp^i'n aro'qqwanti' qam'va'. ma n a'q o ma '*vt- 
a-i)' qi'tt'itcuquptYa' paY^'^'wiyam' ma-'roarompul: uit iik'piYa' 
tiimp^i'yuar)' tump''t'm a Vtai)' man o'q o q'i'fc'itcuq iiptYa' paYJi'- 
o'wiyam' ma'roarDmput!uit iik'ptYii' tump^t'yuai)' tiimp^i'ma*- 
vtai)' maiio'qo qi'tt'itcuquptYa'. maija'c u piya'nr ar)' pt'ijqa'- 
RUcuptYa' ma ni u'c 'uq w nava'(|)itstr)w am" yu 'a'p tYai'(ia 'm" 
tu'cu'n a !)' piya'iyavt'm'. mam u'c'uq w ti'qa'q 'ptYa' tuxwa'vai' 
cina'r)wavty ai) a'ivaiyaqw. I'v^aiyauqu tA'ci'anti' tiYa'.i^tr)qu 
mar)ac- a'ip tY^' tan a'qitc aij', tVt'ani toY.")'iN'o''qwo'mttstYaip ai- 
yani qwttca'q ant'ar) u'u'ra' tsitst'ijwtcA. ma mu'c'ui)'^ ^"" *'a'u- 
ra'ii)WA qwttca'q an tar)' tsttst'r)WicaptYa'. toYo'iavar|Witii qnt'ts- 
kwi'pa'p tYa' qwitca'q anta 13' mava'qwtai] iint'i)uts oa'xa q aip tYa- 
iyar)'. i'v"aiyauq u tA'ci'ant aR ti'qa'i)'AViptYa' ma ni u'cuaq- 
ynt'^uts' qant'a mV ta ijwt'xarup tYaiyaq '. t'v"aiyauq u maqa'cu 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 427 


you had killed that little jack-rabbit, but how did you kill him, as 
you say?" "It is thus that I did so to him, with this seed-beater of 
mine, as he was sitting right in the brush," said his wife. "Go ahead, 
then, and do it again," said Iron-Clothes. So that wife of his did 
just as she had (pretendedly) done, and the seed-beater struck right 
into the spot where the arrow had struck.^^ "No! it has been done 
by a spy, that is what I say," said Iron-Clothes. "That tame antelope 
of mine too has made a raucous sound. He is not wont to make a 
sound like that for no reason; having made a raucous noise, he is 
wont to return to me."*" 

Then those two brothers said, "Let us all turn ourselves into 
pinon jays." Sure enough, now, they all did just as the two of them 
said. Then they flew off towards the lake and arrived there. Coyote 
acted as before; he kept looking under them, as it seemed. Then they 
flew back again and arrived there whence they had been coming. 
Then the two sisters went back to their own house. Now those two 
brothers said, "Let us all turn ourselves into mice," and in very 
truth they became mice in great numbers under the house. "Oh! 
how did it happen that there came to be these mice?" said the two 
sisters, as they sat and watched them. "Oh! that one, indeed, is 
making a horrible squeaking noise. He has something raised on his 
back." The elder sister said, " That one it is whom I have wounded." 
And then they all turned back again. 

Now, then, the two brothers said, "Let us all turn ourselves into 
rats." Sure enough, then, they got to be rats in great number in 
Iron-Clothes' house. They gnawed all his things to pieces. They 
caused the bow-strings (of Iron-Clothes and his daughters) to hang 
loose, and they gnawed Iron-Clothes' gun all to pieces. That mother 
of the two boys kept on grinding seeds and they carried ofl" what 
their mother ground. Those, Coyote and his companions, ate it 
during the night. Then, when dawn came, that Rattlesnake said, 
" Vos baculo prehendentes ipso in loco quo curvus sim jacite me ad 
domum ejus defaecationis." Illi igitur ad domum (Ferrovestiti) 
defaecationis eum baculo jecerunt et ipsa in domo ejus defaecationis 
cecidit. Then he waited for him therein. And then it became dawn 
and they thereupon circled around the house of (Iron-Clothes and 
his daughters). Deinde ille Ferrovestitus iit ut defaecaret et crebro 
pandiculatus est*' cum ambularet. " Are you waiting there for me, 
Coyote?" said Iron-Clothes. Consedit in foramen defaecationis. 

428 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

408 SAPIR 

tuinp''i'n arj'ijqwunt ai)' qwitca'-/\v'Dip tya' nan a'ro q wipaxptYa. 
uv'^a-'^ian i'' cina'qwav oa'xa qanan'/^ a'ipiYa' tiimp'^'i'narD'i]- 
qwant ai)'. o'pa'q ma q- ava'ijwi (}A'(ia'R'ip'[Ya'. maija'c u v'^'ai' 
ijnt'ijuqwa ij' ta n a'q itc aij' kwi'tu'x pa q oai)' qi'i'p tya'. niaija'- 
c u tiimp^i'n aro'ijqwant ai)' na va'c u qari'ptya' qatcu yu'niu'- 
q wipia'". niai)a'c'ui)WA tan a'qttc aq' ti'r)qunt'ai)\v qi'i'p iyaaic u 
iint'i)Uqwa I) ijnt'r)uts- tunip''i'n aro'ijqwant ai)' na "vt't u m'lijup tya 
qani'av ijnt'ijuts iiv"a'ianai]qwat iac u wi"na'.ii)war'uxp tya'. 

mamiic 't'v''aiyauq i? patcn'i)wa "ij ai) a tci"anni(J) tu'u'niAp'iYa 
waVt'n'i'piyaaim'. ijnt'i]^uqwa m' paya'ij'wiam- aR tor)qwa"piya' 
niaru'xqwaqqi'p tyaiyaqam' paya'ij'wiam uc[). ijn['i)uniti)qucam 
paq am' paya'ii'wta m 'ai' to'qwa'p i'namipiya'it'nai'. niar)a'c u 
tA'ci'av ai) a'ip lya', njnt'axwa'xtiin t p'R^" qwa'ut uywac u ponipo' 
n'ai', a'i^uwai)' nia ni u'c u na va'tstqw am' qwa'ut u^wam 
pompo'n'ap lya'aim'. ijni ''^.wa'am u-^qwi'yu aR kwi'tu'xpam 
tsts tu'na i)qimt3!n t'. mai)a'c u pi'nqa'm'aipiya', nj'nur/woxain t 
WA'qi't uywac u tara'vtn'na ai', a'i^uwan' ma m uc r nava'tsti)w 
am AVA'qi't uywa'am' tara'vm'na'piya'alm'. ijni ''^.wa'am u'^qwt'yu 
aR poo'i'paam' tsitsiqwaxa'imiptyain i'. 

maija'c u tA'ct'av ai)' qa'tcu qu'qwtri'wa'iYicampa qa 'una'cuv 
a'ip'iya'. pina'ijqw o'v^'^aiyauq w a'ip iya', ntijw t'RUqwat iiywaq a- 
va ntarai)\VA a'iyaq' qu'qo'qwikanarjum a'R qa'tcu maa'ntstijwji '*. 
iv*in ijni'ts- nji"' cu'quc- u'qwt'yutsiyaivatc umpi'cAcampA mam-i'- 
v^'atci' qu'qwi'va'. a'iyaic WA^'qi't uywa'am m'lni'c ik ' poo'i'pa t i- 
am' qu'qwi'p lya. ijni'quqwa i)' ma m i'ljwanti t'i'rava ntux \va 
kwi'pa'p iya' co 'q un ai)' qwa'uai)' mtni'c tk' qu'qwc'p tyaicua q'. 
mava'ntuywa m' pA^'qa'quptyaiyam'. u'qwi'yuai) aR qu'qwi'mn)- 
quai) aija'uraaic u paiyii'qum ip tya'. mava 'ntuywa i]' tump''i'n a- 
ro'ijqwanti aij' patct'i)wtnwaq uai)' pA'pa'q '(jwaiijup tyartuaiyiam'. 
nava'(|)itstijw am ' piya'iya m' ya 'vanaxp'tya'. 

9. Chipmunk deceives the Giant. 

m "a'va ya/waam' tava'rtijqwttc at)' piya'i)'\vai(}) qan t'-^.aim ta'm'. 
"a'ik w ])iya'ni uwa't uywat u'aiytno'. ijnt'tstaqan' pava'iva i)', a'ip t- 
ya' tava"ats ai)' piyii'niywacjjV. ([a 'tc U qatcu' n a 'n la'ap '. m "a'l) 
'ani'k'^ (ju'tu'c ui)' pA'-cja'tjciiiiuinpa ij'ain tn', a'ip lya' piya 'i)- ai)'. 
pava'tcajqiva i)an 'a'ian 'a'ik '^. qa'tcu pA^cia'ijqiijumpa i) 'amtn 
'a'ian 'a'ik ', a'ix ucampa ij' pa ^va'tcipi'xa'. ma qa'c u qu'tuc a'l)' 

Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Vies 429 


Cum autem ille id faceret, Crotalus euni momordit per anurn. That 
Iron-Clothes remained seated as thougii nothing had happened, he 
did not even start. That Rattlesnake l)it him again, this time 
further up. When he had done so, then Iron-Clothes drew in his 
breath sharply and groaned with pain, and before he could reach his 
house, he fell dead. 

Now those daughters of his seized their bows and pulled the bow- 
strings, but when they did so, their bowstrings snapped. They 
stretched what was left of their bowstrings, but whenever they did so, 
somebody always broke them by shooting at them. That Red Ant 
said, " I, indeed, for my part, (when in that plight,) did turn around 
and, stooping, clunem crebro tetendi. When he had spoken thus, 
the two sisters turned around and, stooping, clunes crebro tetenderunt. 
Whenever they did so, the arrows were all braced, as it were, per 
anos eorum."' That (Red Ant) kept on saying, "I, for my part, 
(when in that plight,) did face this way and keep putting out my 
breast." When he had spoken thus, the two sisters turned about and 
kept putting out their breasts. Whenever they did so, the arrows 
would all stick, as it were, to their breasts. 

That Red Ant did not shoot, but he did nothing but sing. Then, 
after a while, he said, "We shall all be beaten, for those (arrows) 
which you are shooting have no effect. Let me, then, who am wont 
to have but one little arrow, shoot at them merely for fun." So 
saying, he shot at them through their breasts as they turned around 
to face him. As soon as he did so, one of them fell dead to the ground; 
at the other one he shot again as she turned around the other way. 
There he killed the two of them. Whenever he shot, his arrow would 
come back to him. To that place had they all gone to kill Iron- 
Clothes and his daughters. The two brothers brought their mother 

9. Chipmunk deceives the Giant.*^ 

At that place, it is said, Chipmunk and his mother were wont to 
dwell. "Oh! my mother, somebody is walking in yonder direction. 
So let me call him," said Chipmunk to his mother. "No! do not say 
anything. That one is the Giant. He will kill you, my dear," said 
his mother. "Let me call him, that is what I say." "No! he will 
kill you, my dear, that is what I say;" in spite of her saying so, he 

430 A' Southern Paiiitc and Ute 

410 SAPIR 

tira'c qwats- naijqa'fsaqaip tYa. a'itcaq' tira'cikw, a'iptya aqac- 
a'ip ate ai)'. a'iqumpaAcuni piye'ni, a'ip't'Ya'. qa'tcu mar)a"amm' 
pA^qa'quqwaiqumpa*, a'ip't'Ya' piya'r) arj'. a'ixucuar)' wa'a'r)tr)up'i- 
Ya. "'u'v^aiyauq- aija'cuqu'tuc- a'l)' fina'riqw amu"uraim tkup'i'Ya', 
piya'ni ivVai)' sa'a'qq'iai)' t'ina'qqwaiy'iar)', a'ip't'xa a'ip ate ai)'. 
marja'e- o"" sa'a'r)qip't'Yaiyar)' amu<[) pi'teip't'Ya' mar)a'e u qu'tu'en- 
nari'xwc 'n ap- ai)'. ym'tc a'ip 'I'Ya, axa'n tjjaint' a'ik-' pa'i^jain irn 
a'ipats'. nava'eu'um 'a'ik' p't'nt'kai^in- a'i^a', a'ip't'xa a'ipate 
ar)'. u'v^'aiyauq-D ai)' sa'a'pt ar)a'4> yuna'p't'xa. aqa'e'iiqw 
ivi'p 't'Ya'aikw nava'eunt' qA^qa'ti'ptxa' eua'r)umir)ka'aik w. 

Unt'^jaie- a'ip't'Ya' qu'tu'c a'q', axa'va ntuxwa'* qwitea'mi'. 
iva-'ntu q-wa'u''^ avo'aYantiparjwctuxw. t'v'^t'ramtxa' uv^a'n- 
tuxwqw'aiv'am', a'ip't'xa' qu'tu'c-. uv'^a'ntuxw'am iint'r)uts- 
qwitca'p I'Ya'aim'. marja'c u qu'tu'e- ai)' a'ipatst qwitca'n a r)' 
ti'qa'p 't'xa'aikw. ym'te a'ip't'Ya, axa'ni^jai ani'k^ rn^a'nintcuru'* 
qwitca'n o'. 'tv'^t"q w p'l'ni'ka' nji'nt qwitca'n am, a'ip't'xa' qu'tu'c- 
a'i^aic u qwitea'p'ixa. avu 'axant aR pu'tca'p't'xa. ynt'rjum'i'-'ts 
a'ip't'Ya, 'tv*''t'ram avaqwituYw'am' nama'rjWicava'am'. 'v'ma.i, 
a'ip't'Ya a'ipate ar)'. imi'ani namu'maqwtcava'am', a'ip't'xa 
a'ipate ag'. qa'tcu m"tm imi'A na-m-u'mar)wtc-ava'am', a'ip t'Ya' 
qu'tu'e- ai)'. y'ma.i, a'ip't'Ya a'ipate aq'. qu'tu'c- ai) uxwi'vutstma q' 
tsti]wi'c-Ap't'Yaiyar)' uxwt'vuts aR co'ya'p't'xa. o'v^aiyauq' mta"p't- 
m-'D'ntstma(j)'c' ma r)wt'cp't'Yaiyar)'. ijnt'x ucampa r)' maqacu qa'tcu 
nt'ntci'x p't'a'*. i|nt'Yaicuar)' qu'tu'c- aq' nai]wa"q-um-tnar)WA niD'o'- 
ni-a<}) marjwt'c-Ap't'Yaiyar)'. lini'xueampa-i)' qate- nintet'tc'tp'ta'*. 
cv'i"m uc}) n'j", 'a'ip't'xa aria'c u tava'rtr)qwitc ai]'. n'i'ntac ucuru' 
ava'qwtuYwani mari'r)Wipava-ni inii"hanipan tyain '^ uc- qatcu"umi 
niarii'i]Wipar)wa'*. o'v^aiyauqu qu'tu'c t aq' qwitca'p 'la-ij a'xava- 
teuxwA mari'rjWipap-'t'Ya'. ma-ga'c-u 'a'xavaiYU qw-a'tsaxavuRup't- 
Xaint uv^'a-'ntUYwa r)' pA'^qa'qup't'Yaiyar)'. yrn'riuts- piya'iyav 
uijwa'ruxWA t'int'A'pi'Ya'aikw, pA'qa'quntsa ijani qu'tu'e i ui) 
iya'vaxan'nam imi ui}wa' a'ik ain" pA'^qa'va ntin a'ik ain'nami. 

10. Coyote unsuccessfully imitates Carrion Beetle. 

u^qu'v^ttcate ai)' m ''a'va' qani'ntcup'txa. qni'ts a'ip't'Ya', t'lYi'Vi- 
qwtni ■tv''t'ya-q-' ni'"(j)a cu'p-a-ro'*eu-'it OYwanumae-,a'ip'tYa' mam't'- 
rux-WA fiYi'eqw'f. 'ani'a-r) aik-'f, a'ik'p't'Ya' mamu'cu ti'Yt'arjw 

Texts of the Kaibab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 431 


called to him. That Giant, having come to a standstill, listened. 
"Now he has come to a halt," said that boy. "Let me call out again, 
my mother," said he. "No! that one will kill you, my dear, as he 
passes by," said his mother. In spite of her saying so, he yelled out. 
And then that Giant commenced to go along upwards toward them. 
"My mother, go ahead! make mush for him. He is coming up," 
said the boy. So she made mush for him. That one, provided with 
gigantic strength, arrived where they were. Then he said, " For 
what reason are you making that sound of calling me, you boy/" 
"Just for fun I called out, saying, 'Come and see me!' " said the 
boy. And then he put mush before him. That one drank it; just as 
though it were nothing, he kept on sitting as he finished the (mush 
they kept putting before him). 

So doing, the Giant said, " Quo soles ire ut defaeces?" " Off this way 
into a semi-circular valley." "Let us two, then, go off yonder," said 
the Giant. Deinde ei ibi defaecaverunt. Ille Gigas excrementum pueri 
edit. Deinde inquit, "Quid facis? Non ita est defaecandum. Vide 
quod a me defaecatum," inquit Gigas ; simul atque haec dixit, defaecavit. 
The semicircular valley was filled up. After he had done so, he said, 
"Let us two push each other into it." "All right!" said the boy. 
"Let me push you first," said the boy. "No! let me push you first," 
said the Giant. "All right!" said the boy. The Giant pushed him 
with a little blade of grass, but the grass bent. And then he pushed 
him with his little finger, but in spite of his so doing, that one did 
not budge. The Giant tried again and pushed him with both his 
hands, but in spite of his so doing, (the boy) did not budge. " Let me 
now (try to push) you!" said that Chipmunk. "Neither could you 
push me into it, seeing that even I could not push you." Deinde 
eum impulit in medium Gigantis excrementum. That (Giant) made a 
splashing noise as he moved about in it; right there did (Chipmunk) 
kill him. Then he told his mother about it, "I have killed the Giant 
whom you feared, as you said of him that he would kill me, of whom 
you said that." 

10. Coyote unsuccessfully imit.\tes Carrion Beetle.''* 

Carrion Beetle built a house there. Then he said, "My friends, 
go ahead! gather together at my place for just one night," said he 
to the Deer. "What did he say?" said the Deer. " 'Do you all 

432 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

412 SAPIK 

aint. iiiv''a'yaq" cu'paro'' a'iyai] aik-^, a'ik 'ApiYa. i]nt'r)uts- 
qam'vai}' qwitcvi'nip'ptya 'an a 'x-i qam'a i)' yuywt'p tya. ijni'riuts 
A*qa"'piYa' marja'c- u^qo'vttcatc ar)' yii^i'va avi'piya. qnt'quts- 
tiv''t'tsi 'at i'o'p lya. 'aa'ik \v o 't'saqw a'ik^Aptya. a'up a'" yi^i" 
yo'n'mqumpa ts sampA mano'n i tcai)wt'q a p iya'. ctna'qwav ai) 
t'tcuq- ar)a'vatcuxwAqip lya u'qo'vttcatci ai)'. a'ikw, a'ip iya' 
ctna'i]wa4)i, ant'aijwiitsttca'm'i' ijm'riu qDyo"'tsiam t'i'm{' tiyi'arjwj", 
a'ip 'iya' cina'ijwac})!. qatcu'an ant'arjwa'*, a'ip iya u'^qu'vitcatc'. 
u'mqi ■iv*'i"q wantj^a imi'ntcux WA tim'ava', a'ip iya u^qo'vttcats-. 
nj" nam i'xanintcuiy o'v^aiyauqu waa'q u pa nipi'n tvaqw mori"- 
sa'ai' ma no'qoq- ijnt'r)uts- ti'^qa'i'yiqw. i'v'^aiyauq- units a'ik- 
Umu'ruxw tiyt'aqw?', 'iv''t'yaq' ni'"(})a cu 'p aro'* su'yutuywa- 
numac", a'ik an 'oai'. u'v'^aiyauqu yi^i'va a vt'yi uni'quts o'. v'm^j', 
a'ip'iya' cina'qwacj)!, ni" 'aik-^ pu'tcu'tcuywaxaicanipa'q w. 

u'v'^aiyauq u ctna'r)wav ijni'c- a n I'p iya' tint'ar)qiqain'nar)wa<j)V. 
qnt'ts- yi^i'va avt'p'iya' mam'i'ac- fiyt'aijw'i am: qam'n a^tyam 
A^^qo'^x u. unt'quts- s'ina'ijMav o'p iya. 'aa'ik-w ctna'ijwavilJc 
ur)w o", a'ik Apiya unc'quts- yi^'i' a'upa'* mii]qwa"p'iya. ijnt'ijuts- 
stna'qwaviy aq' tA'pt't'caq 'piyaiar)' YU^qu'tscqwa'campA pA'qA'qu- 
piya' cina'qwav aq'. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Vtes 433 


gather together at my place,' that is what he said," said they. And 
then they gathered together at his house, and they were seated inside 
his house. Then they slept, and that Carrion Beetle lay at the door- 
way. Deinde valde'*^ pepedit. "O, pepedit ille," dixerunt. They 
were about to run away through the doorway, but they all died. 
Coyote came to visit Carrion Beetle in the morning. "Oh!" said 
Coyote, "having said what, did you do thus to them, killing these 
Deer?" said Coyote. "I did not say anything," said Carrion Beetle. 
" All right! Let me, then, tell it to you," said Carrion Beetle. " First 
I build a house, then I boil beans in two buckets, and then I eat all 
of them. Next, then, I say to the Deer, 'Do you all gather together 
at my place for just one night,' say I. Deinde in limine jaceo et 
pedo." "All right!" said Coyote. "I said so,^^ though I knew about 

And then Coyote did just as he had been told by him. Now he lay 
in the doorway, while the Deer were asleep in the house. Deinde 
pepedit Canis. " O, Canis pepedit," dixerunt. Then they ru.shed out 
through the doorway and crushed Coyote by trampling on him. Only 
two fawns had Coyote killed. 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



1 1 . Gray Hawk and Toad Gamble. 

m "a'vaiyaxwa I] saxwa'xucav ai)' piqwa'ijw'ai^) qari'piYa'aim' 
caxwa'xucav a'ip cYa',®^ 

M.M. J.= 108. 

to-go-ga-wi-wi ya -ni pai-ya-ya- ni pai -ya-ya - ni 

94 "~" 



to-go -ga-wi-wi ya-ni pai-ya — ya-ni pai-ya -ya — ni.'"' 

Vv^ttca'n [uqwa'iya'vt'n t]3« u'v^a payc'kwa'i'^^ 

t'v'^ttca'n [u'qwa'iya'vt] qani'vayi'k \vaiva'[vt-'] 

i'ini'xa"a'a'[v'i'nt] mava'a ' qari'[vi']^^ 

pa'iytk t'van- [o 'qwa'iya] taci'panti 'ma '[vt'n i] 

i'v^t'tVa'a'[vt'] qari-'vi't"iva'[vi']9' 

nia'ikan- i'v't'ss u'v«'a 'n- [oqw] aika ' pave'n'ntgwa'i'iva 'ts^""' ^^ 

a'ip-tya' mar)ac cay.wa'xucav ar)'. piijwa'i] aip iya, 
M.Af. J.= 110. -^ 

--N— H 




ta- vi - a - vi - gim pa-sii] -wa-yiin-ta-qa - yti) - im 

pa-v) - a - vi - gim pa-siq-wa-yun-ta-qa - ytn - im^"^ 

a'Yan'iva 'tst' [o'qw] aika a'ntga'a"a 
a'ya'up a"ar)qwa"aivatst" [uqw] a'ik a.^"' 
t'v'^'imxa "a ni"i i'mir)w'aini'[vi] 
va'r)\vtn i[vi"i] i'miijwa'a'inipa 'ani'yl 

qari" ma'ian 'aik ari"'.^"^ 

ayan um^'a'va ])t'tctxw'aip iya' ciiui'ijwavt qaiv.'va m' to'ca'p ai" 
yatstyanttnwa'*. naiya'r)wtr)qit' uapiya' mi}\vta'iya u' ma n o'q 
qwaYwa"piYai't'uai'. caywa'x uca({) qa 'ptya'. 

Texts of the Kaibab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 435 

texts of the kaibab paiutes and uintah utes 415 

11. Gray Hawk and Toad Gamble.*^" 

At that place, it is said, Gray Hawk was living with his wife. 
Gray Hawk said. 

Togogawiwi yani paiyayani paiyayani 

Togogawiwi yani paiyayani paiyayani.^' 

Let me go off" to that place, 

Let me go off to visit, 

But do you stay here. 

I shall return in the evening. 

Do you then remain, 

That is what I say, there, say I, who am about to go away,' 

said that Gray Hawk. His wife said, 

' Taviavigim pasiijwayuntaqayiriim 

Paviavigim pasiijwayuntaqaYiqim.*^ 

Why will you, as you say, be doing thus, 
Whither will you, as you say, be going away? 
Do you, then, me with you, 
Take me with you. 

Stay, that is what I say, stay!" 

Somehow he arrived there at the house of Coyote and the white- 
breasted one.*^ He played the hand game with them and they won 
from him all of his people. Gray Hawk sang, 

436 X Southern Pciiute and Ute 

416 SAPIR 

to'go ga'wiwi ' yani' paiya'yani' paiya 'ya-'nt 
to'go ga'wi wi ' yani ' paiya 'yani' paiya'ya'ni. 
a'it a n 'u'qwa ya '[vi'n t] mr)wi 'Y^ii'ttni '[vi"] 
qwa 'qwa'ir)o 'sa'mpa'a'ni [va'n i a '] nj'ni. 
to'go ga'wiwi' yani ' paiya 'yani ' paiya'ya'nt 
a'itca'ni 'i ' qwa'qwa'ir)Oca'mpan[o 'qwa'i'] 
i 'm['u'qwa ya']n toca 'p aya"aYa'nti 'i '^i'l'm i. 
i'v*t ya'yap [o 'uqwa'iya] nj 'ni nt'ijwca'iya'ni 

mano'q waq '^"^ ma '^vca p' ntrjwi'aquqwa'q oai)' sina'qwav ai]' 
to'ha'paiya tstvanttr)wa'*^°* (jwa'p lyaiyaq-am'. caxwa'x ucac})! 
paiyi'kw'aipiya' tava'iya q wiijqTT. qatcu"q' tint'Apia' piv^a'iyuc}) 
paiyin' ptr)wa'iav ar)a'ruxW'A. I'ti'c amp ijni'n "impiya. c'tcuqw 
a'iptya, tVin i4nt'r)qit)'oyoiva'°^ 'ijn ijni'ts i'va qari'va". qa'tcu ni' 
imi'i)w'o)impa' nj'nia'" to'qwa\a'. qa'tcu ni' naTo"qwava', 
a'ip iya' caywo'x ucav ai)'. caywo'x ucav ai)' qa'p iya', 

to'go ga'wiwi' yani ' paiya'yani' paiya'ya'ni 
to'go ga'wiwi ' yani ' paiya'yani' paiya'ya'nt. 
t'v^'t tca'ni- [qwa'ya 'riqo] ar)wa'vantu'ywaqwa'ir)o'mpa 
ma'iyan [u'qw]aika '[vt'n t] iirjwa'iyac [u 'qwai] pt 'mpi'n-'a- 
vu'gaip u'i)wa ya '."" 

tVcn imi'rjwai'mpa, a'ip lya' piqwa'g ai) qa'xa', 

ta'viavi'gim pa'str)waya'ntaqayt'i}"im 
pa'vtavi'gim pa'siijwayu'ntaqayi 'r)ini 
pa'vtavi'gim pa'str)waya'ntaqayc'r)im 
pa'vtavi'gim pa'stqwayu'ntaqayt'ii."* 

caywa'xucav ai)' piqwa'ia(j)U'tu'c iir)wi'tp tya. ym'^uts- mia"ants 
D'pa'qaitcttct' qa n tqw'ec ura'ruin'noa.i o 'p a'" tu'pa'quptya. ynt' 
tiiyu'mpai"^ a ni'qwa yipqw'aip tya' tiVt'ts- mp ti^qa'riwiptya'. 
tu'pn'n lyu'pnctaywono', a'ip iyain i'. tiv^tc- o"" pir)wa'r) 
ar]' tu'pu'n'i'ptya. ijnt'tstar)' pu'ca'yaip tyaiyai)'. a'it'caqw 
aya'xupai)', a'ip'iyaint'. mari'ant'aqwuc- o'pa'qaitcttci a'upa'" 
tu'pa'k ika'. a'iyaicun t o 'p a'* tu'pa'qi'ptya' nano'cu. na- 
i)Wa'upa'i)qwaiptyai'r)W. "'u'v^'a.i' pa 'ijwaia(})V mantsa'qwtnapiya' 
narjwa'upa 'tuywai]W. saxwa'xucav ai}' timtu'q unto'qupiyain t'. 

to'go ga'wiwi' yani' paiya'yani' paiya'ya'nt. 
a'itcan- a'yan i'r)0 '[v'^'i] 'aitca'n."^ aya'n ir)o'[v'*t"] 
u'i}wac u'niya 'ntcani ' ani'r)uni' pir)wa 'n o'r)',"^ 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 437 


" Togogawiwi yani paiyayani paiyayani 

Togogawiwi yani paiyayani paiyayani. 

Now I am beginning to be deprived of people, 

You have beaten me. 

Togogawiwi yani paiyayani paiyayani. 

Now you have beaten me, 

You, that are white-breasted. 

Alas for my people. 

They have been beaten." 

All of his things and his people did Coyote and the white-breasted 
one win from him. Gray Hawk returned home when the sun was 
setting. He did not tell his wife from where he was returning. He 
was wont to do thus always. In the morning he said, "Let me go 
away to some people, and do you then remain here." "No! I shall 
go with you and you shall stake me." " No! I shall stake myself," said 
Gray Hawk. Gray Hawk sang, 

" Togogawiwi yani paiyayani paiyayani 
Togogawiwi yani paiyayani paiyayani. 
Let me go away to him. 
That is what I say, to him. 
The Toad. " 

"Let me go with you," said his wife, singing, 

" Taviavigim pasiqwayuntaqayirjim, 
Paviavigim, pasir) wayuntaqayii) im, 
Paviavigim, pasiq wayuntaqa Yiq im, 
Paviavigim, pasii) wayuntaqayir) im." 

Gray Hawk caused his wife to go to sleep, and then he slipped out 
through a tiny little opening, the smoke-hole of the house. And he 
went off under the sky till he got very far away. " Would that you 
might wake up!" thought he, and sure enough his wife awoke. Then 
she looked for him. " Where has he gone to?" thought she. " Perhaps 
he has gone through that little opening." Thinking so, she herself 
slipped out through it and followed his track. And she threw some 
of her blood on his track, so that Gray Hawk felt as though there 
were heavy lumps all over his body. 

"Togogawiwi yani paiyayani paiyayani. 

What has become of me? 

Perhaps that wife of mine did so to me," 

438 X Southern Paiute and Vte 

418 SAPIR 

a'ip'tya'. maqac- a'upaqqiptya' pir)wa'i]- ai)'. in*a'va i) yrn'r)uts- 
ti'raiyuava WA"tst'r)UpiYaiyai)'. ijntts- qa-'p't'Ya' maqa'c- pirjwa'r)- 

ta'vtavi-'gim pa'siqwayu'ntaqayc'qin 
ni"ui)w a 'ro'a'yi ma'ntrjumpa'n ti 
u'r)waiac"* pu'mpun'nua'vtf^a'ip- ui)\va'iya- 
u'v^ani ^'^ wa'tctktga'inu qa'ni uqwu'iya ."^ 

man i'ijuinpanti"ij\v aik ', uv^a'"^^ q ar, a'in 'iancyan"^'' "a'ik 'f. 
'yu'p an ti) w'"* a'ik aruani' . "^ 

m ''a'upa'm qm'r)uts- na qwa'aiintk uptya'aim""^^ ava"am pt'tci- 
Xw'aip iya qan t'a m' ptmpt'n'oavtxaip c' ctna'qwavtr)wa'. m "^a'vai 
naia'r)wtp- aR fiya'i'ptya'. tv*t'rai)W nampa'n antstyax qava', 
a'ip tya saywa'xuca(})i. ctna'r)waviaiya(])V to 'qwap tya piqwa'qw'a- 
qu(j). 'qm'quts- qumu'ntiaRU^qwDp iya. nji'maijwV qwaywa 'qutsp' 
pA'pa'q ava n", a'ip'tya caywa'x uca({)i. "mpa'iycr)wtni nan a'c'o qu- 
pim*m' ijnt'qq" qava n' qatcu'qwtn' qwaywa 'ijuijquijw'ain', a'ip tya 
pimp't'n'Daviyaip ai]'. tv^"t'rai)W nj'nt niaa 'xariri' uru'anan' w'a'xa- 
rox WA ijnt'qumpa'. qwaia'riq'patcuywaa'q waqwini^^" pA'pa'qar)um- 
pa n', a'ip tya saywa'xucacj)!. m^a'upa' yu'ncqup tya fi'raiyuax- 
ma 'xariri 'a'ura'. 'ura 'r)wini^^^ qwaia'qq'patcuywa 'q w^'^" pA'pa'- 
qjiympa ni, a'ip tya caywa'x uca(J>i qa 'ya'. 

t'v^'tya'yap t'[u'qwa'iya 'a'vt'ntn'na'] 
n'i'nta"a- [u'qwa'iya- a'vt'n in'na"a'] 
qwa'qu't o 'o"a 'va'mpt 'ani 'i' 
i'v^t ra'rjwa'a ' ni'nt nia 'yari 'riqwa'iya'ni- 
u"axa'ro ywa" a'tvt 'u'nti]u'nipa"a ' 
qwa'iya'r)qwa pa 'tcu'y\va'a'qan[o 'q\vaya"a '] 
nj'nc a ' pa'p aq a 'qo 'm pa 'ni i '.^^^ 

ma 'xarir'iqwaiyai)' 'a'^aruywani ' tuv^a'xaitcaii)uq u qwaia'i)- 
qwpa q ' ptmpt'n'oavtyaip ai)' nari'iyavam' w'jni'/vv'aiptya. 'a'ikw 
ntrjwi'Riqwat u^wava r'uan tyan t^ain t', a'ip tya caywa'x uca(|)i. 
a'ifcaq WA cu 'yuc u piya"r)WA uru'a'nani pirn a'r)wtni qwaywa 'ijum- 
pan ar)wtm in', i'mi ptmpt'n'oavtyaip ' nari'ywinA'ptqw a'ruaivi',^^' 
a'ip tya caywa'x uca<5)i. maijac pirjwa'r) ar)' qumu'ntiaRrqwanti' 
wt/a 'ma'q-w qari'ptya. wa't iiy watca m''^* maya'i)A pimpt'n'Da- 
vuyaip ai)" 'amt'i)w'air)ki', a'ip tya pipwa-'r)' caywa'x ucavt' qa 'ya', 

Texts of the Kaihab Paiiites and Uintah Utes 439 


said he. That wife of his came along in his track, until there in the 
open plain she caught up with him. And then his wife sang, 

" Taviavigim pasir)wayuntaqaYir)ini. 

I shall be doing thus to him, 

To that Toad. 

There at the house have you left me." 

"That you are to do thus to him, do you say, but I did say, 'Stay 
there.' Did I say to you, 'Go along with me through here'?" 

And then the two of them started off on their way together and there 
they arrived at the house of Toad and Coyote. A hand game took place 
there. "Let us have a foot-race," said Coyote. He staked his own 
coyote together with his wife. And then they heated rocks on a fire. 
" Should you all have beaten me, you will kill me," said Gray Hawk. 
" I do not care in how many different kinds of games you engage with 
me, you will not beat me," said Toad. " Let us proceed right through 
my clump of woods which belongs to me. On the other side of it you 
will kill me," said Gray Hawk. Through that open plain they started 
to run towards the clump of woods. "On the other side of it you 
shall all kill me," said Gray Hawk, singing, 

"Behold, it is a pity 

That I 

Should get beaten. 

Let us my clump of woods 

Now proceed right through. 

And on the other side of it 

You shall kill me." 

.Vs they were emerging through his clump of woods, coming out on 
the other side of it. Toad's position was between the two of them, 
(Gray Hawk and Woodpecker), as they raced along. "Oh! it seems 
that I .shall get the worst of it," said Gray Hawk. "Now there is 
one thing left in which you will all beat me. You Toad are one who 
has great power," said Gray Hawk. His wife was sitting on the 
edge of the pit in which stones were being heated. "They have 
come to view through there. Toad is coming along with them," said 
the wife of Gray Hawk, singing. 

440 X Southern Paiute and Vte 

420 SAPIR 

a'i^ca'ria pc'mptn'noa'vugaip- a'i]a 
u'at ugwa "a tst'kan a ci'nar)wavi '. 
i'v^'Tniivi "i] qu'muntia'ruqwant'i' 
nia'varjwtt o 'xwa wt'n aiin i'[vin'nina '], 
ma'iy'an [o'qwa] 'a'ik aa['aVtn'nina '], 
ct'nai)wav i 'm't wi'n aiin a'vaqwit o '-/wa. 
t'v^tni-ga "a ma'var)wit u'Ywan i[vii"il 
W{'naiini"t, ina'iyan ['uqw] a'ika[vi '],'^* 

a'ip tya piijwa 'q qa 'x^^ • 

axa'nt^a' a'ik^ tuqu'c amptai'a'i^^ain t'. i}nt'r)unipaAsampa'm 
oqi' niava'qwituYwa'mi tstqwi'c ava'Acampam' qiiK'qwai'riWA p'tm- 
pi'n'oavuYaip- ur)W pi'pi'tciqa r)A, a'iptya cma'r)wa4)i, ijmu'qw'aiyu- 
jji26 uru"ac o"" pi'tctywa nti. i'v'^aiyauq om' 'a'xavatcuxwa'ami 
tsiqwt'n'aiva'm ava'r)WituxWA. nari'^wmApuij^^uriw 'a'inam'quma-- 
'm ui)W, a'ip tya ctna'r)wa(|)i. tV^tn ava'r)Wituywani tstr)wi'n'na', 

ta'viavi 'gim pa'stgwayu'ntaqaYf'qim 
pa'vtavi 'gim pa'sii]wayu'ntaqaYt 'i). 
ct'narjwavi "i u'wat uywa'tsa m [uq wa'iya] 
ma'iyar)a[vi '] a'm-tr)wa'a'intca r)a"a 
ina'r)ac utv'^i "i] pi'mptn'oa'viiyaip- a r)a 
qa'tcii[vin i "t] yu'rava'a'r|wa'aiti'm'. 
■c'v'^tniga"a ma'variwitu'ywani "t 
tst'qwtc ani"t, ma'iyan [uqw] a'ik a[^■i "i], 
ct'nai)wavi '.'^ 

m ''a'up*^ amn'cu pa 'q ariri' 'u'ra' ya'cpiya. ijna'x- paya'riri' 
wawa'x iptya. maija'cu pimpi'n'Da\'uyaip- ai]' par)Wt'avum''anti' 
paiya'm a'qwa(|) niantcu'xwa qq'ptya. m "'ar 'a'lvtaq UR to'ca'pai- 
yatstai)'. 'an a'ytt uinananqwam' ts tsi'piir)war|'iiqu amii'r)wai- 
cu^^° tspt'i}uptya pt'mpt'n'oavuyaip'. caywa'x ucav a'iptya, 

qa'tcu'a'qa ' yu'r)qwipa'r]wa'it im- a 'ro "a 

pi 'mpt'n'o 'a'vt 'ga'ip- a '4-'iia- 

a'itca ra'r)wa'nu qwa'qu'tu'a 'va 'n t" 

a'itca qwa "a' so'yuco' pi 'ya'nw' ' 

Pl'mara 'r) o'v'i' qwa'i)utu"uva'na' 

u'ni r)ii'tstn o 'ru' pima 'n oru' paqa 'i]o'-^^' 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 441 


"Now Toad 

Has appeared through there, O Coyote. 

Go ahead 1 into the pit with red hot stones 

Do you throw me, 

That is what I say. 

•Coyote, do you throw me into it. 

Go ahead! now into that 

Throw me, that is what I say," 

said his wife, singing. 

"Why do you speak as though dying with haste? After a while I 
shall do that to you, after a while I shall push you into that (pit of 
heated stones) with a stick, when Toad returns with them," said 
Coyote, " for with them, sure enough, he is about to arrive. Then I 
shall throw you right into it with a stick. A mighty person, say you, 
is your husband," said Coyote. "Go aheadi throw me into it with a 
stick," (said Gray Hawk's wife,) singing, 

" Taviavigim pasii)wayuntaqaYii)im 

Paviavigim pasiq wayuntaqa yiq im. 

O Coyote! through there they have 


With them has he (appeared), 

That Toad, 

He who is not to be overcome. 

Go ahead, thenl into that do you 

Push me, that is what I say, 

O Coyote." 

Coming through there they all flew towards the lake and all dived 
into the lake. That Toad fastened on to his breast some of the mud 
from the bottom of the water, and that is why he is white-breasted 
nowadays. When they all emerged from inside of the water, Toad 
also came out with them. Gray Hawk said, 

" He is not one who can be overcome, 

The Toad, 

Now we shall be beaten, 

Now there is one thing left 

In which we shall be beaten. 

Whereby, then, I shall be killed 

442 X Southern Pahitc and Vte 

422 SAPiR 

ti"i va 'n a 'ni ' maqa'iacu ' p ompo 'm o 'a-'^' 
vi'ga'ip c' a'lj ptma 'qan o'ri'[vi '] 
n|'niy o 'r)wa' pi'r)\va'iyaa"ni'4-' 
pt'nia a'ai] o 'ri ' quna"a ya 'v'atco 'ywa ' 
tci'qwic a'ti' va'na ct 'na'r)wavi"ai} o 'r)wa' 
pt'ma'a'a qwa'qwa' paqa 'r)umpa"ana 'r)wa "ai}" 


a ip iya caywa x ucav aq qa ^a. . 

cu'yucu piya'i'p't'Ya tiimp^i'ri'wa ij- au man a 'x i wauwa'x ipiya 
'a'^aruxwam' tiv"i'tcair)Uqwa m' na va'c u pompo'n'oaviyaip ' 
qwaia'qqwpa q w yrnu'qwa'* ts pi'ijuptya. 'aa'ik w, a'ip iva caywa'- 
X ucav ai]'. nirjwi'RUqwat uYwava n lar'uani. a'it'ca(i w 

cu 'yuc- piya"r)W ptma'mm'n ur qwaa 'qunipa n' uru'c- OYo'nta- 
vac up- UR qari'Ri ni'nt 'uru'an am qwaia'qqwpatcuYwa mm' 
pA^q^'umpa na m tn a'ik ' a^a'n tqumpa "ni uv*ai' unipa'in i'' 
nana'*Y^f'u3.tim*an" pitci'i3qi"v*a n', a'ip iy^^ niarja'c- pompo'n'o- 
avuYaip- ai)\ a'it'caqWA cu 'yucu piya"r)w, a'ipt'Ya caywa'x ucav 
ar) qa'Ya'> 

to'go ga'wi wi' yani ' paiya 'yani' paiya 'ya'ni 
to'goga'wiwi ' yani' paiya'yani ' paiya 'ya'nt. 
to'goga'wiwi' yani' paiya 'yani' paiya 'ya'nt, 
qa'tc[uqwa'iyav't'ni"t] yo'qqwi 'ip aqwa" i mi '.'^^ 
to'go ga'wi wi' yani' paiya 'yani- paiya 'ya'nt 
to'go ga'wi wi' yani ' paiya 'yani- paiya 'ya'nt. 

a '"fiqoviaiya-g'^''' saywa'x ucavt an a'x-i tsi 'tsiqwaYa'ip-c'Yain-t' 
qwaia'qqwpa q ' pompo'n'oavi'Yaip- i'm 'aro'amik a' qa'tcu piya'- 
Yaqqiijwail: im' toYo'n^iv'^a'i'fim^an i' toYo'n^iopa' tu'cu'aitcim' 
tOYo'n^op a' to'^oq wttcinic aqa'c amp ynits uru'avt' ntqwi'xa *vat im', 
a'ip cYa caywa'x uca({)i. cu'v^antic u piya'i'pt'Ya pi 'p urj'warixtvi'at) 
aq "aro"an-a-i3'. ma m-u'c- 'ana'x l tsi 'tscqwax^i'p tYain t' ma m-u'- 
cu caYwa'xucac})! pi 'p-uij'warix:vur)wai'(|) na va'c 'um' yiv"i'nta- 
vac pi' oa'xanixw'am' tu'p^a'q ip'iYa. maqa'c u pompo'n'oavuts ai) 
'an a '"xi' tiijwa'vaxan'nip t'Ya a''i)qovtw'[niri'''''* pi 'p 1113 'wants: ai)' 
ora'qainaij' nan a '"xanin i ora'q ant'. a'ifcaqw aya'^^upa 'i)W, 
a'ip-cya caywa'x ucacf)! p'impi'n'oaviYaip t aij' qatcu'aij' ts pi'quijwaqu 
am u'r)wa'^ 

Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 443 


By that Toad, 

Whereby she, 

My wife, 

Whereby she right into the fire 

Will be pushed by Coyote, 

Whereby she will be killed," 

said Gray Hawk, singing. 

One (test) was left. They all entered into his rock and when they 
came out right through it, Toad emerged with them on the other side 
of it as though it were nothing. "Oh!" said Gray Hawk, "it seems 
that I am to be defeated. Now there is but one thing left in which 
you will beat me, that knoll clad with dried-up firs which belongs to 
me and on the other side of which you will kill me," said Gray Hawk, 
singing, as he flew along. " 'You who will kill me,' thus you say, 
and in some way, indeed, shall I do thus to you, no matter if you 
test me with different kinds of tests," said that Toad. "Now there 
is but one (test) left," said Gray Hawk, singing, 

"Togogawiwi yani paiyayani paiyayani 
Togogawiwi yani paiyayani paiyayani 
Togogawiwi yani paiyayani paiyayani, 
Not easily to be overcome are you. 
Togogawiwi yani paiyayani paiyayani, 
Togogawiwi yani paiyayani paiyayani." 

It looked as though they were stuck here and there in the knoll, 
clad with dried-up firs, belonging to Gray Hawk, but Toad came 
out on the other side of it as though it were nothing. "Oh! Toad, 
you have been right along one who is not easily overcome, equal 
to me in all respects, equal to me in knowledge, equal to me in 
ability to run. But who, then, I wonder, shall prove the greater 
man?" said Gray Hawk. Only one more (obstacle) was left belonging 
to his friend. Woodpecker. Those were as though stuck in the (tree 
with holes in it),^" while Gray Hawk and his friend Woodpecker 
proceeded right through the dried-up pine tree as though it were 
nothing at all. That Toad made a bumping noise inside of the dried 
up tree as he tried to find his way out, the tree of Woodpecker that 
was standing there and that he had bored by digging in all directions. 
"Now where is he gone to?" said Gray Hawk, when Toad did not 
come out with them. 

444 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

424 SAPiR 

a'Yani'qo ntsa" [oqwa'iya a'viVninaVm] 

pt'niptn'o'avt'ga'ipt' i'mi'[vt']. 

m'qwiga'vati'm-, a'iy'i" igi'r[uqw] a'ike'. 

a'yan i'ga'i'i' [qw] aik a' u'na'Ye'y^ 

q'^o'ro'xwa'ni "tga'in i 'ya'+' 

i 'mi '[vi '] na 'ri 'xwi'i'na'pc', 

ma'iy i'gi'r [iiqw] a'ika [a-'v'i 'n'mna '+'],^'''® 

a'ip tYa caywa'x ucav a q a 'ya'.*" 

I'v^aiyauq Daci am a'orjqovi' tA'qi'u''qwii)q'ptYaiA''qa'm' mava'n- 
tUYwai)'am' pompo'n'oavatst pA'^qa'rjupiyaiyaria'm' so'qupty 
anik* pA'^qwa'n'aYaiva nti, a'ip tY^. saYwa'xucacj)i. pa'iA" qari'ri' 
u'a'xavaivu yaxa'vant i'mi pA^qwa'n'aYa.iYU. u'v^aiyauqu paiyi'qu- 
pi'Yai'm' qant'aYanti 'a'ura'. mana'cu saywa'x ucavi pirjwa'r) 
cia'p lYa, 

a'itca-qa o'wa't u Ywa'[vanina"a] 
tst'kana'a ci'nar)wav a'varjwctu'xwan 
tst'r)\v[cani"t, ma'iyan [uq w] a'iika'/^' 

a'ip i'y^ maija'c u caywa xucavi piqwa i) qa- ya'. 

ma m u'c u qant'va'm' caywa'x uca(j)i tiYi'vuriwa'aici) pt'tct- 
Xwa'aiptYa'aim' cma'qwavty aq' qumu'ntuaRqwanti 'a'xavatcux WA 
wtwi'n'naip [Yaiyai)' mano'qo pimpi'n'Dantsi' mqwi'aiyai)' qoYo"'- 
p taYai'tuaiyiam' maqa'iac- qm'qats- caYwa'xucavt niqwc'aiya-q 
qo'o'ipiai' niijwi'RUqwDp lYai'cuar)'. um'qumi'tsiai)' caYwa'xucav 
ai)' pir)wa'i]w'ai(}) paiyi'kw'aip-tYa'aim' qani"am uv 'u'ra'. qa'pa- 
Y'lp-'iY*"^ caYwa'x ucac})!, 

to'goga'wiwi' yani ' paiya-'yani ' paiya'ya'm 
to'goga'wi \vi- yani' paiya'yani' paiya 'ya'nt. 
a'itcai) o'i}wacL»' ptmpi'n'oa'vu'Ya'ip- ii'r)wa 
ni 'xa'va't'i'ijum ma'intci' uqwa'vi' 
ma'iga'in- o'qwa ' pitct'rjqiru'n- 'u'qwa' 
nt'r)wana'r)qwa '+' paqa'i}ut i'YJ''[vi'],"* 

a'ip lYa caywa'x uca(})i. pii)wa 'i)- ar)' a'ip tYa, imi'ntcu ar'o'ai) 
i]ni'i)U na no 'o- nji'niantca r)a'* nio'p atux wa i}ni'r)'ur)W ni'ntca i) 
qm'r)U pA^qa'riutst'ijw pcmpt'n'oavtYaipT. imi'ntcuar'o'ai) 'ijni'i)U, 
a'intcu'an a'ik », a'iptYa caYwa'xucacJ)! piqwa'ruxwacj). 

Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 445 


" What has become of you, 

You Toad? 

Greater than anyone else, that, indeed, did you claim to be. 

What are you doing in there. 

As though making a noise of bobbing about, 

You powerful one. 

As, indeed, you claim to be?" 

said Gray Hawk, singing. 

And then the two of them, (Gray Hawk and Woodpecker), hit the 
dried-up tree with their magic power and caused it to go to pieces, and 
there did the two of them kill Toad. " As though you were alone of 
account had you been acting, you who are destined to be a toad," 
said Gray Hawk. " You shall always be crying in the lake when you 
are a toad," and then they went back towards the village. That 
wife of Gray Hawk's was singing, 

" Now he through there 
Has come to view, O Coyote! 
Into the (pit with heated stones) 
Push me, that is what I say," 

said that wife of Gray Hawk's, singing. 

Those two. Gray Hawk and his friend, arrived at the house. Coyote 
they threw right into the pit with heated stones. All of Toad's 
people were killed, but the people of that Gray Hawk that had been 
slain they brought back to life. After they had done so, Gray Hawk 
and his wife returned towards their house. Gray Hawk sang as he went 

"Togogawiwi yanipaiyayani paiyayani 

Togogawiwi yanipaiyayani paiyayani. 

Now that one, Toad, 

The one that said that he was greater than I, 

The one who, thus saying, engaged in contests with me, 

By me has been killed," 

said Gray Hawk. His wife said, " Is it l>y yourself that you have done 
so to him? You have done that to iiim by my aid, it was I who acted 
so as to kill Toad." " 'Did you do that to him?' that is not what I 
said," said Gray Hawk to his wife. 

446 X Southern Paiute and Vte 

426 SAPiR 

ta'viavi'giin pa'stqwayu'iitaqayt 'qim 
pa'vtavi'gim pa'strjwayu'ntaqaYi 'i)i"^ 
pa'vtavi 'gim pa'strjwayu'ntaqayi 'r)i""• 
ni'ntca a'lj igi'ru ijni'rjo' 
pt'mptn'oa'v'tga'ip i u'rjwaya'um 
I)a'ci arjutst '. qa 'ten 'c'miya"p' 
ni'niantsa'r) igir i^'niqu no 'p at j 'x wa.'"*" 

iini'antca i}an lini'ijU imi'u'pa 't uyw aitcuan a'ik '. ni'ntcar) 
i4ni'i)U uqwa'xa *vat im^ixa.i' qa'tcu piya'^aqqiqwait' ini' qatcu"ur)W 
njw'c'nts a/a'va' paya'in'niriwa'^ nj'ni' pA''qii'ui)qu''piYantin'. pi'tcc- 
Xw'aip lYa'aim' qan c'vamu(|). u'v"'aiyauq ' caywa^x ucacj)! qa 'pcYa, 

to go ga wi Nvi- yani paiya- yani paiya- ya ni 
to'goga'wi \vi ' yani ' paiya 'yani' paiya 'ya'ni. 
to'go ga'wi'wi ' yani ' paiya'yani ' paiya'ya'nt 
to'go ga'wi wi ' yani ' paiya'yani ' paiya 'ya'nt. 
to'go ga'wiwi' yani ' paiya 'yani' paiya'ya'nt 
to'goga'wi wi ' yani ' paiya'yani ' paiya 'ya'nt. 

a'ifcaq''*' qwaia'i)qwpatcta'ami to m'nij 'ij un t'. 

12. Rat invitks the Deer and Mountain Sheep to a Round 


qa'£c ai) inn'''a'va' qari'p tya. ijnt'iiuts a'ip tya tiYt'aijwf naya'- 
i)w'5 am t'nix WA, tv''t'ya q' kiya'(| ax i ni'"'([)A, a'ip tya. 'an t'a i) 
'a'ik^ (la 't'c aij', a'ik '^Aptya tiyt'aijwV na -/a'ljw; am t'ljwa'"*. niv''a'i- 
ya q' kiya'q ax I, a'iya ij a'ik 'f, a'ik '^Aptya. 'ai)a'v o'" kiyii'p- aR 
tiya'i'ptya ma nrii'c u kiya'c^ 'piya ai)a'iacM qa 'tsi' waa 'qu 
'am t'r)wantii)wa'" wa'i5jaiyuxwi-^.u3tm" kiya'p t tiya'itct' qa'nt'- 
xa^va.ivu. maija'c- na xa'ruwats aij' nam o '"v"itu'p>ya ma 'a" 

pa- ri -ya-'o- - wi -pa-r)wi-tu-xwa tajj - 'an - tsi - ka - ne, 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Vtes 447 


"Taviavigi'm pasinwayuntaqayirjim 
Paviavigim pasir)wayuntaqayir)irn 
Paviavigim pasii)wayuntaqaYii)im. 
I truly have done so to him, 
The Toad 
Have I killed. 

It is not you (who have done it). 

It is by my aid, indeed, that you have done so to him," 
(said Gray Hawk's wife). 

(Then Gray Hawk said,) " 'I have done so to him through your 
help,' did I say that? I have done so to him, being greater than he, 
being one who can not be overcome. There is no person living any- 
where who would have been able to kill me." The two of them 
arrived at their house and then Gray Hawk sang, 

"Togogawiwi yanipaiyayani paij'ayani 
Togogawiwi yanipaiyayani paiyayani. 
Togogawiwi yanipaiyayani paiyayani 
Togogawiwi yanipaiyayani paiyayani. 
Togogawiwi yanipaiyayani paiyayani 
Togogawiwi yanipaiyayani paiyayani." 

Have any of you heard on the other side from here a sound as of 
a heavy body falling? 

12. Rat invites the Deer and ISIountain Sheep to a Round 


Rat*- was living there. And then he said to the Deer and Mountain- 
Sheep, "Do you all come and have a round dance at my place," 
said he. "What did Rat say?" said the Deer and the Mountain- 
Sheep. " 'Do you all come and have a round dance at my place,' 
that is what he said," said they. .So a round dance took place where 
he lived. Those were all dancing, while that Rat and two from among 
them were sitting down and discussing on the side of the round dance, 
as it was going on. The young Mountain-Sheep was the first to sing, 
and this is how he sang, 

"Moving through the sand wasii, 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



• # ■#- -#- -•- -0- -0- -• • -•- -• -•- -• • 

pa -ri - ya - 'o - \\i - pa -nwi-tu-xwa tai) -'an-tsi-ka - ne.'^^ 

cuwa'roxwoit UYwan uni antux WA cja 'ni'mtap'tY*!- 

niai)ac- iim'ijuts tiyt'aruwats ai) 'aij'a'vinaijqWA uv^'c't u'piya 
ma- ''ii) ov^t't u'piya, 

ta-mar-'ai - pa - rai - pa - rai - pa. 


''i'i)A qa m'mta'p iyao nj't A'ciarim antux WA. maqa'c- c'v^aiyauq' 
qa'ts VxavatcuywaptYa kiya'pT inami'i)wa'* tiyt'ai' na ya'x'q- 
nrai)'waq u. ma a" qa 'm'miap lya narT''yava 'm' wjm'm'mtaxa', 

ni-ni-ya-q|o-q\vai mai-i)o- qwa-qa-ni o-tcu-mi-ka- mim-pa 

— ^--N- 

j— [4 

o-tco-mi- ka-mim o-tco-mi- ka-mim-pa o-tco-mi- ka-miin 



o - tco - mi - ka - mim-pa. ^^"^ 


-=^» — i?s r — : — I — 'V ^ E^ — K— 1 


— t- 

2. ni-ni-ya-qlo-qwai-ya mai-i)o-q\va - qa - ni o-tcu-mi — 

3. ni-ni-ya-q|oqWAi|mai-r)o-q\va-<:|a-ni o-tcu-mi-ka-mim-pa — 

4. ni-ni-ya-qo- qwai mai-r)o-qwa o-tco- mi-ka-mim — 

Texts of the Kaibah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 449 


(He) keeps kicking up his knees." 

Up to nearly the middle of the night he sang as he danced along. 
And then that young Deer sang a song after him, and the song that 
this one sang was as follows, 

"There are summer foot-prints, foot-prints, foot-prints." 

This one sang as he danced along up to the first dawn. And then 
that Rat went right into the round dance, joining hands with the 
Deer and Mountain Ram. This is how he sang as he danced along, 
standing between the two of them, 

" As soon as I say so, 
You two will close your eyes, close your eyes." 

450 X Southern Paint e and Ute 

430 SAPIR 

na ijwa"(j u poo'i'pa't iani''** wti't on op "iYii ijni'r)Utsiam' yai- 
ya'x p'tya. a'ikw, aya'n ti)iitsttcH in 'an i'i)U, a'iptya cia'ts . ijnttc 
a'ip tya, 'tv"i'ya (j ' iiit'iiil pan a'x (pva' ava 'ntuywac- tiv^'i'p iaqai- 
yaijuin'. ijni'ijutstam i'ni n'j"' qu'tst'k iva ni ' ta va'i' ni^^ava'q-' 
qa ri'q uq w. y'lnai, aik 'fptya mamu'c u tiyt'aqw am' na ya'^wt- 
r)wa'". qnt'quts- mava" tiv^^'t'p cava (1)1 [nu'i^w'aipcYa mai)a'c u 
mava'aiyuani' ti^a'n i^'piya 4nt'i)uts piiv*a 'n'aiyuam'ic}) ti'i'a'ni — 
kainA qu'tst'k iptya. a nru'c u tiu'aijw am' na /a'ljuijwa' a'ik a- 
piya, m *an ijn t'vii nt'i, 'a'iya i] iyir 'aik '^j a'itca q ' qan t'vii ntirjw 
aK na yu'tca'^ mai)a'c qa 'ts tya'p tyaiyaq' tu'qo'avi'. 

ijntc a'im iptya. kiya't r/am ip tya I'fi'c amp', mamu'cu, 
axa'n i^ja'aiijw 'a'im i', u'tcu'm'Mi'kam'mtava, a'i^a', a'ik-Apiya 
tiu'ai)w am' na xa'ijwtijwa'*. o'v^aiyauq ' niar)a'c anipa'roywa'ptya- 
aicu. a'ikw, i\*t'arai)W ma ij a'4>A kiya'm lava', a'ik a i)'. tiv*tc 
o"" kiya'p' aR m ''a'vaaivu tiya'i'ptya. maija'c u na xa'ruwatc arj 
ijnt'c u qa 'p tya, 

pa'riya'o 'wtp a 'ijwtt u 'ywa ta 'i)'antst'ka nt ', 


ijni'c a n t'p tya ciia'roxwttiiywa'n um antiix w uv'^t't u'ptya. o'v"ai- 
yauq ' marja'c u tiu'aruwats ai)() v''t't u'p'tyaaic i' ijni'c u (la'ptya, 

taniar'a'ip a ra'ip a ra'ipa'.'^^ 

mai)a'c- o'v^'aiyaiiq ' cja 'ts ai) o 'c{>witup tyaaio r.'"'* mam u'c u 
tiyt'axiim ai)Ui)want'i naya'x umariwa'" na ni'n'naq oxa ija'mi w'snt'- 
rn'mtap tya. ijni'c u qa'm I'qup tya, 

nji'ni ya q- o 'qwai maii)o (jwa '((ani' 
o'tcumi ka 'mimpa otco mi 'kaiiii 'm.'''^ 

naxa'ruwats ai)' wi'ci'ytntap tntm'nuap tya. ton a'iyiaT)ai]umi, a'ii)U- 
ptya qa'tstam- ai)' ton a'va ts ijnt'i]'uq u. qa 'ts ai)' qA^qa'Rptya 
tiimp^t'y uru'q w iya'ijiip't'ya. na ya'x'iim a q- 'a 'ton ap tya. 
ijnt'ijuqwa r)' tiimp aR pu'riiq wiptya. 
'i'vilntuywa'c ainpa 'q \va' iirii'avi'. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 451 


Both of them he stul^hed with a knife through their chests just 
below the neck, and when he had done so to them, he burst into tears. 
"Oh! what couhl have happened to them that they are in this condi- 
tion?" said Rat. And then he said, "Do you all go back to the 
country that is yours, and then I shall burn them when the sun sets 
yonder." "All right," said those Deer and Mountain-Sheep, and 
then they all went off and arrived at their country. That one cut up 
the two (animals that he had killed) at that place. And then he 
burned them on top of (the leaves and branches) on which he had 
butchered them.^ Those Deer and Mountain-Sheep said, " 'That 
is how it will be,' that, indeed, is what he said. So it begins to burn 
at his house. "^ That Rat cut the meat up into thin slices. 

In the same way he always spoke. He always arranged to have a 
round dance take place. Those Deer and Mountain-Sheep said, 
"Why does he always say, 'You must keep your eyes shut as you 
dance along,' speaking thus?" And then that one spoke out loud, 
telling them what to do. "Oh! let us all have a round dance at his 
place," so he said. And, sure enough, there took place the round 
dance. The young Mountain-Sheep sang in the same way, 

" Moving through the sand wash, 
(He) keeps kicking up his knees." 

He did just as the other one had done. He sang up to nearly the 
middle of the night, and then that young Deer sang a song. He sang 
just as the other one had done, 

"There are summer foot-prints, foot-prints, foot-prints." 

And then that Rat sang his song again. Those two, one of the 
Deer Bucks and a Mountain Ram, stood on either side of them as they 
danced along. As before he began to sing as he danced, 

" As soon as I say so. 

You two will close your eyes, close your eyes." 

The young Mountain-Sheep peeped out of nearly closed eyelids while 
he was dancing. " He is about to stab the two of you!" he cried out, 
just as that Rat was going to stab them. Rat ran away and slipped 
under a stone. The Mountain Ram struck at it with his horns, and 
as he did so, the rock was shattered to pieces. 
Perhaps the story goes as far as this.^^ 


X Southern Pciiute and Ute 



13. The Badger People wage War against Wolf and Coyote. 

m''a'va' tiVa'ts- pa vc'ijuqwa'aicj)'!,' qa n t'^xaip tya c|na'i)wavi 
a'ivaiyaijwii' 'am t'r)\va'*. qa'ivai piijwa '*va' tin a'"''qamintnipiYa 
avo 'a xanti*. tiv^a'ta aq ivs'tci ano't A'ciaqqu qa 'p'tya, 

ct-nai)- wa- vi 



no qwa- 



VI- ni- 


mi- va- 

u v''ar)wi yo qaiva v u v^'a- yua ijA 
ma'iya 'n [o 'qw] a'ika , 

a'ik^. um*a'nikaim c aik ', ni'ru' aic})i qwirt'ki'. wa'nuyuntcan 
'i'c u paiyi'ijU "i'm- aik- aija'cuon o'coapitci-^.a', a'ip t'Ya ccna'ijwac})!. 
u'v*aiyaiiq ' cma'ijwav ar)' m ""'a'vaiyun t' na'a'it'tip tya- uni'i)uts- 
mamu'c- a'ivaiyaqwa i) ai)' ma va" su'p a r'oap tya. unt'riuts- 
cina'i)wav :i:i'Yi D'pa'q Mtct' miyD"'tstv'aqw watct'p'iya qo'qwi- 
kap tya'aik- ijm'quts- stna'r)wavt a'ivaiyai)'. qatcu"uqw ynt'kayai'- 
campaq wo'pa'q aitcto'p at ^qu'kwi'k•Ap^a'^ mam uc- u'v^aiyauq ' 
nava'vti)W mr)wu'v'*inar)q\vpatcuYwa'am ava "ntux wptYa'aim' 
cu-'par'aap i'. 'qni'rjUtsi'm o'pa'qaitci a'upat ia'am' qu'qwt'p tYa 
nar)\va"aic u tu'qu'mum uts aq' tiv^a'tsl 'aqa'qwa'* pavt'a^i. 
qm'quts- qa'ivai avo 'aiya q ' tina"piYaiyaq'. mamu'cu tiv'^a'ts 
aq' nava'viqw wtni'xarixw'aip tYa'aim' ma m t'Acuaq' tina'qqw 
niqwt'ariiiYwa'qa'm' ctna'qwavt aq a'ivaiyaquqwa'ai(})V. mava'qwiYU 
avo'a-Yantii' cma'qwax})! a 'mpaiyan i a'ip tYa qa'tcu tiv*a'qa- 
qwaiyuc ampA YU^qu'tstqwaAcamp pA^qa'p lYa. qnt'quts- m^a'va.iyu 
tiimp'^'it in a'va.iYU tiu'axum aqw qwiri'kipi'Ya'aim". lant'qutsi'im' 
pin i'm iquptYaiyaq 'warn' ma m I'acu nava'viqwf wtni'xaririm "{'. 
mamu'cuaq' mava 'ntuxwA pA^'qa'qupt'Yaiyaq'am'. qni'quts* 
pampa'naq "qw'aip iya qan t'vantuYwac}) maqac ctna'qwav aq' 
YU'qu'tstqwf pA^qa'q ain acj) no '"p aiyikw'aip tYa. mamuc u'v^ai' 
tiv*ats am' nava'vtqw ntqwu'v'^inaqqNv'am' pitct'xw'aipiYa. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 453 

texts of the kaibab paiutes and uintah utes 433 

13. The Badger People wage War against Wolf and Coyote. 

There Wolf and his brothers were living with Coyote's companions. 
They were accustomed to hunt at the foot of a mountain in a valley 
bordered by a semi-circular ridge. When daybreak was still far off, 
Wolf sang, 

"O Coyote, go ahead! for him 

Call out as you go about again, 

(Call out for) him there at the mountain, ^^ 

That is what I say," 

said he. " 'You are wont to remain like that,' say you, but I did not 
wake up just now. I have returned from over there long ago, but you 
are but just waking up," said Coyote. And then Coyote built a fire 
off yonder. Then those companions of his were gathered together at 
that place. Now Coyote placed at a little distance from (the fire) a 
bone that had a little hole in it, and Coyote's companions all shot at 
it (as a target). In spite of their all doing this they did not shoot 
through the hole. And then those two brothers, (Wolf and Panther) , 
proceeded after everybody else to the place of assembling, and both 
of them shot through the hole. Panther and his elder brother Wolf. 
Then they hunted at the mountain valley. The two brothers, (Wolf 
and Panther), went to take their place (at certain spots where the 
deer would pass when pursued), while Coyote and his companions 
were rounding up (the deer) up in the mountain. In that mountain 
valley Coyote made a great racket, though he did not kill any big 
game. Two fawns were all he killed. And then there at the base of 
the cliff two deer bucks arose, and when they had done so, they 
started off looking straight ahead up to those two brothers that were 
stationed lying in wait for game. Those two (brothers) killed them 
at that place. And then they all went back in little parties to their 
camp, and that Coyote returned carrying the fawns that he had 
killed, but the two Wolf brothers returned after everybody else. 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



m''a'va' qan I'aYai'ptY^' yua'^yantimpa'. ma m uc u'v'^ai'quina'- 
ijwt'a /n ai]' nia 'H't'r)w a'ip'iya, iv*t'yarar)w ina'ntuywain tava'. 
V 'ina.i, aik Apiya mamu'c u. lim'quts- m'^a'upa' ina'ntuYwami- 
ap 't'Ya in a'va nfi ina'mptntsirjwi'am ora'q'pt'Ya. mar)ac- nt'a \ '.- 
n'wain ai)' piriqa'ni aip tYa, pcr)qa'i}ni-^aii]wa'm' pirjwa'iaraijW ti'qa'- 
q avail' cj 't 'horaijW^^^ qwavi'qumpa' c'v^aiyauq iirarjw pan a'x - 
qw'aiva', a'ip iya. 

inainu'cu pivi'qwaiyam ai}' pA'pa'tsiam a'ip lya, ma r 'aro"ami 
axa n- an i'ntc ua't- aR qa'ivei ama'nti naYu'tci'aitc'. qatcu'r"* 
'aro"am t' nii}wi'ait impa nt ani'ntc'. tv""t'rai)w qnt'ts *'a'nraik ava'. 
n'i" ''i't a inpA^qaiyin c i'ti'c amp ina'mp'ctsr ti'qa'xa". 'v 'ma.i, 
a'ik ^Api'ya na m t 'ntstqwt ai)'. ma'up- ijnt'ijuts- pDro'quptya qa'ivsi 
°'a'ura". qa 'm tap rfa nij^ ", 

2 — f** ^ 

-rf 1 1- 





na- na- 13 we' 

o- v*o- q-wa- ye-\. 

ma va yni'ijuts- sjna'ijwav ai)' qa ri'p lYa. 'e'ik w, 'an i' ar aik^, 
a'ip tya, puwa'r'uaiyir'u'on i^ain c', a'ip iya nar)qa't: caq a.i'. qa'- 
miarixain t aik ' 'aijac- uni'ijuts- ti'qwin t' ctna'r)wavt u^qwt'yum an- 
tia ij' qov^'t'tctaip r tu'u'mAtst'qw a'ip tYa, aya'n iyaiyaq an i'i)um t 
u^qwi'yun- aR qa'pD'qo'miqka", mam t'Acu'q w nana'nqam iaux u 
'a'ina r|'. mamu'cu ma'm'autscr)w am ava" qant' jnK"i'ptYa. 
qatcii'a r)' ctna'ijwav ui)W qa ri'r)wq,'*, a'ipiY8'» pina'qqwai)' pc'tctva- 
AcampA. "tv^'t'a ijnt'r)uts mam a'ntcuai'kaair)Wptmpi'n'i'kaiva'tsi'i)W, 
a'ip tYS- ctna'nw'av ai)'. mam u'c u mava" qaqqan i a'up a'* yu^wi'- 
p t'Ya. pina'qqwA cina'r)wa(|)i pi'tcipt'Ya unttc a'ip iy^, qa tcu'aq- 
a'ivaiyarjwtani s si" 'k an am' qim a'ntc'ktva owa'". qatcu'ya' 
a'ivaiyar)Mta I)' s si"kan am' qima'ntc'kivai)\va', a'ik a ij', a'ip iY^ 
pA'pa'tsia in ai)'. a inu'c- o'p as- m'jn i's iptya. 

'a'ikw, a'ip CYa ctna'i)wav, cv^i'nta'* na nwa"pa ijo'm'. iiuujac 
cij'ictnai)wav ai)' a'ii]Uqwai)' ijmu'Vcnaijqwaxw'aip tYa. m "a'va ni 
WA'tci'nup't'Ya- ma 'ip iya'* cawa'i'piya'", a'i:^w'aip tYa tA'to'mpA'- 
tcamai)qoain' kwi'pa'p aYaiqqw'aiya' a mu'v"ait OY^nfl^'aiya'. 
ma'np ac ijni'i)ut.s- mjni'c iptya ctna'nwavt' qa'nt' anra'.'*' mava' 
i]nti)uts ymii'iYw'aip tYa qantana'.u'q w u'm'mtip tya pA'pa'tsiam- 
ai)' ctna'i)wavt' qan t'va r)' pi'tciptYa. pinapq i}nt'i)Uts ctna'nwavt 
a'ivaiyai)w u'ln'mtip tYa. mamuc i}nt'i)iits tiv^a'ts an' nava'vti)W 
nti)wu'v*tnar)qwam' pi'tctxw'aip tYa. ma va" qan-t'a m' waa'n'ain- 

Texts of the Kciibah Paiutes and U in tub Utes 455 


There" was a village yonder on the plain. Then the chief of their 
husbands, (Badger people), said, "Let us go to hunt badgers." "All 
right," said those (Lark women). ^* And then off yonder they went 
to hunt for badgers, and there they dug up badgers. That chief of 
theirs kept saying, "If we keep on doing thus to the (badgers), which 
are to be eaten by our wives, we shall camp one night more and then 
we will return home," said he. 

The oldest sister among their (Lark) wives said, "Why is it that 
over there on the mountain there is always something burning? 
Is there no person living there who does this? Let us, then, all go 
ahead towards that place. I am getting sick and tired of always 
eating badgers." "All right," said her younger sisters. And so they 
started off in that direction towards the mountain. This is what 
they sang when they were on their way, 

" Bark*^ aprons bounce up and down." 

Now there the Coyote®" was sitting. "Oh! what noise is that?" 
said he. " Am I getting to be a medicine-man?" said he, as he listened. 
It sounded like some one singing while travelling. Then he, having 
quickly taken broken arrows from among Coyote's arrows, said, 
"Why is it that my arrows always happen to break?" and those 
(women), as they were journeying, heard what he said. The women 
arrived there at the house. " Coyote is not at home," said he, " but 
he will arrive shortly. Do you all, then, wait for him if you intend 
to see him," said the Coyote. Those women sat down there through- 
out the houses. After a while Coyote returned, and then he said, 
"Meorum sociorum urina®^ non aliena miscebitur." "Non, inquit, 
ejus sociorum urina aliena miscebitur, id est quod dixit," said the 
oldest sister among the (women). They turned back to the same place. 
"Oh!" said Coyote, "do you hurry up and follow in their tracks." 
When he said so, that other Coyote went off in pursuit of them. 
Yonder he caught up with them. "It was only a way of talking, it 
was meant for welcome words," said he and walked on, hitting them 
on their ankles as he passed alongside of them. Then they turned 
back towards Coyote's house. And then they arrived there and put 
up among the, each by herself. The oldest sister among them 
arrived at Coyote's house. And then, after a while, Coyote's com- 
panions all arrived home one by one, and those two brothers. Wolf 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



tstsir)W qari'p tYa'aim'. ma m uc- a'iptya, impt'aqw an i'karii' 
pen i'k ari'xa' ti'Yt'p tn tk arixaimi''. pina'qqwam' nai)wa"aicu'm' 
mam -i'ac- wa'n 'aints tstrjwa 'amt'qwa'aim avt'p iya'aim'. pina's t- 
^avaaiyuar)'a'mu({) ma ru'x uqwa qqup lYa'*'' mamu'cu mama'"'- 
tsttci'qaq'wipt'Ya'aim', maqa'c u cu'i'cmaqwav ai)' qaqqa'nt a'up a'* 
paxa'impuriixwa a'ivurup tYa, kwi'tun i "' kwi'tuni "' kwi'tuni "'. 
ma nrii'c u a'ivurux ucampa 13' ai)a'Kicu'aikwoavi'pi'a'*. t 'tcuqu 
tiv^a'ts ai)' qa 'p tYa, cma'r)wa(})i {ma'n 'kaim taxar'uan o' nimpi'- 
r)warut saqwap tqwaxa.i', a'ip tYa tiv^a'ts-. m "^a'n i^kaimt aik* 
pi"so"tsiani' 'a'imt' a'iqqixa'. i 'c 'iiwan' wa'n oyuntc' paiyu'i)U 
imi' 'aik- ai)ac on d'c oap itci^a', a'ipt'Ya ctna'ijwav 'ama'ntux w 
cuwa'p itct^a ampa'xana q'. 

ma mu c- inampttstr)w am" ptqqa oraq- p'tya maqac nta^vti) 
wa m- aq' qa'p tYa, 


qa-tco-tca-ni-vin-nt' a- i-t i-no-no-st'-i -ya-'a-pa-vtn-nt' 

st'nai)wavi'ya'n- o'ljw a'ik 'a 

u'r)waya[vt'ni'n a"] 


pi'i}wa-r)wta-'ra-'i)w o'i)wa" 




i'ya'ap a'[vt'ni"]. 

pt'riqa 'i4ni''Ya'ir|wa'm-t'", 

ma'iyan [uqw] a'ika'[vt'n'], 

pi'qwa yara'r) o 'qwa" 

ti't iqava 'na a" 

pi'na i)qwara'i) [o 'q wa'i'] 

pa'n a xaqwa'iva v. 

ct'na Tjwavi' o'r)wa" 


ti'qa rj'wtt u'iqwaip t'Ya", 

ma'intcani no *mD '"si".'^** 

Texts of the Kaihcib Paiutes and Uintah Vtes 457 


(and Panther), arrived after every one else had come. There at their 
houses two little girls were sitting. Those (hunters) said, " What are 
you doing seated there, as though sitting and looking on, looking for 
something to eat?" After a while both of them lay with those two 
girls. They stretched them between their legs, and those two became 
women. That other Coyote, while walking from one house to another, 
kept saying, "Ecce anum meum!"^^ In spite of his going about and 
speaking thus, they all lay down without paying any attention to him. 
In the morning Wolf sang, "Coyote! it is not thus that one should 
act, when having as wife one that has been taken away from another," 
said Wolf. "In that fashion are you wont to speak. Is it to a boy 
that you are always talking, talking to give him advice? I have been 
over there long ago and have returned, but you are just waking up," 
said Coyote as he woke up, aroused by Wolf's words. 

Those Badgers kept on digging and that chief of theirs sang, 

"I was not dreaming well, as Coyote, I say, has taken our wives 
away from us and made them his own. 

"I was not dreaming well. While you have kept on doing so to 
the (badgers), that is what I say, which our wives are destined to 
eat, soon you shall all go back. 

"Coyote has caused our wives to turn away, that is what I have 

458 ^ Southern Paiute and Ute 

438 SAPIR 

t'v^aiyauq' pa na'xqw'aip iya qani'viintuywa ni' qan t'ain iyaint 
uu qa n t'p tn I n aya'(})A''qaip iY^- 'ijnt'i)uts a'ip txa ina'n ta <}), 
'an I'an "aik 'f, c'.na'i3wavi''r)W pirjwa'iaratjw piijwa'RUptyanfi, 
a'in'ntan t^ain 'aik^, a'ip't'Ya. tiiv*'t'tsmai)a'ntu'paApiya. uVaiyauq- 
ijm'ijuts- MU^'qwi'^ap- aR ti'qa'ij'wipiya ctna'qwavi ai) aij'a'vantux w. 
mam ii'c u stna'ijwav aij' nana'vaviijw a'ivear)wav am I'ljwa'* 
ptijcia'ri'nax qam 'ptya. pinaqq u'v^aiyaiiq ' tiv'''a'ts ai) a'ip iya, 
ctna'i)wa(j)i iVu'ai)' pii)wa"m ai}' paiyt'qw'oiva uv^a'ntimanai)- 
qw'av ijni'k 'pi 'u'ra'. cma'qwav a'ip tya, 'i 'c 'uan' na 'va im ti' 
imi 'a'ik ' o no't ovin'ni^a'. ctna'qwav ar) ampa'xanar)' tiv'^a'tsi 
ama'ntiixw cuwa'p itci^ja'. i]ni'i)uts o"" ma m u'c u piqwa'ijwtam- 
ai)' m'lni'c qw^'aipiya tiv^t'p taiyauv uv'^'a 'ntux w. maniu'cu 
pii)wa'i)wtain arj' tuwa'm tap tya poro'm'mtap a ntuywacj). qna'r|wavty 
ar)' piqwa'i)' na mc'ntntu'arjqip tya. 

ma mu'c u ctna'ijwavi ai) 'a'ivear)wt aq' pina'riqw qan I'^jaiyuc u 
ma'up a'* nai]wa'upaam' poro'q upiya. na m i'xwavir)uptai ava'n- 
tux w ntntu'ar)qip iyai'tuai'. ma m u'c u tiv'^a'ts an' na va'vir)W 
tu^qn'm um utsiqwa' a tct'RU'piya'aim'. cjna'qwac})! pjnt'k a.iyuam 
ijni'-^uam qmu'navas- an t'p iya 'atci'RUpiya. a'ivearjwiai)' pimpi'- 
n'''ka.iyuan ijni'-^uar)'. cma'rjwavt atci'ruxuai)' mana'navas- ant'- 
k 'piya 'at ct'EU^qwap iya. qa n i u'v^'aiyauq a n a'i)wi n'nam'Mi 
ti'ti'yair)'piya. ma mu'cu pi'pt's 'otstqw yo 'n'mijup iya "a m o"ura' 
mom o'aiyau(}) pimpi'n'''ka.iyuam', stna'i)wa(J)i inoi'm'mtap"iya wa'- 
n'aip atsiriW'' mgi'ijkitcan "^f am o"ura atci" ts tsa"qa.i' a'ip iya, u-ts- 
u-ts- u-ts-. ma m-u'c- ar)a"pa-r)up iya^^® a'i^ucampa 13'. ma i]ai)w ijnt'- 
quts- na'a'intstts pinti 'r)-up-iya cma'qwav atci' a 'xamantsaijwcna- 
p-iya. mam-u's- a'iveaijwiai)' maqa'navac an t'k Apiya a 'xamaman- 
tcaijwin'NA^qapiya atci'KU'=qwap ■ia({)t. am u'c u \va 'n aip atsu)w 
am i'ljw'am" tiv'^a'tsi' nava'vtijw"}" pjnti 'i)iip iya'aim' njnwu'vt- 
naqqwoni-taxoam'. mava' ijnt'ijuts jmi'ipiya ([an t'ayanti'. 

mam u'c u MU'^qwi xA^qarim- am' ma va' ((an t am [ cu p a roa- 
p iya. ijni'i)\jts wa'ixpiya \\n\'^(X. ijni'k avaApa nti' ma nru'c U 
st'a'ni'moxoniriwintstijw am u''qu'v'^ttcat.stnuj\vintsii)v\iijwa' .u'm- 
paiac- a'ik 'Apiya. ma m-ii'c- oyo' t'sai'yaq tnti)wintstnw am' na - 
yu'(i wipaiac a'ik 'Apiya. 'v'mq.i', a'ik 'Apiya, iv^i"q-waxa' na-- 
yu'q w'tp uru"ava', a'ik 'Apiya. maqa'c u tiv"a'ts ai)' qa'p iya 
tA'ci'anti tiya'ix-u, 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Vies 459 


And then they all went back to their house. Their house looked 
like an old deserted camp. And then the Badger chief said, " What 
did I say? Coyote has taken our wives as his own, that is what I said," 
said he. They became exceedingly angry, and then a war council 
took place against Coyote. Those three brothers, Coyote and his 
companions (Wolf and Panther), kept on hunting, and then after a 
while W^olf said, "Coyote! let your wife return home to the place 
from which they have all come." Coyote said, "Long ago have I 
already been packing up in order to move, while you are but just 
waking up," as Coyote was just waking up, aroused by Wolf's words. 
So then those wives of theirs went back home to their country. 
Each of those wives gave birth to a child while they were travelling 
on their way. Coyote's wife was the first to give birth to a child. 

Coyote and his companions, having lived there for some time, 
started off yonder in their tracks. At the first place that they camped 
at over night, someone had evidently given birth to a child. The 
two brothers. Wolf and Panther, made bows and arrows, and when 
Coyote saw them doing this, he did as they did, he made a bow and 
arrows. W^hen his companions saw what Coyote was doing, making 
a bow and arrows, they did just what he did and made bows and arrows. 
And then they got to be visible from the house. Those children 
started off running towards their fathers as soon as they saw them. 
Coyote led along two boys who were coming in the lead towards them, 
as he held out bows and arrows for each. He said, " A little arrow, a 
little arrow, a little arrow." They passed by him in spite of what he 
said. And then a Httle girl hung on to him. and Coyote threw the 
bows and arrows away into a hiding place. Those companions of 
his did just as he had done, they threw the bows and arrows that 
they had made away into a hiding place. The two boys hung on to 
Wolf and his brother, who were coming behind everyone else. And 
then they arrived there at the village. 

They who had been called together for war were assembled there 
at some distance from the house. Now they were deliberating how 
they were going to act. The Scorpion people and the Carrion Beetle 
people counseled a fist fight. The Crested Bluejay people counseled 
war with bows and arrows. "All right," said they, "let it, then, be 
war," said they. That Wolf was singing when daybreak came, 

460 ^ Southern Pahite and Ute 

440 SAPIR 

sc'nai)wa 'vi ' iv^'c'xwa'no- u'v^'a [vi'J 

na 'yuq wi 'i)qi 'tu wa 'mi ya '[uq wa ya 'J. 

u'm ani 'k a'imiyaxwa 'ro wano ' uqwa ya ' 

ni'inptijwa 'ri 'tsa i)wa 'p i i)wa 'xa yo '. 

i'v^'ixwa 'no ' u v*a '[vi ] na'Yuqwiijci'it j 'mi , 

ma'iyan[o'qw] a'ik a (vi 'ni J ci'nai)wa vi '. 

i'va'n a'ik a aijaco' ni a 'viva 'ts . 

ci'naqwa'vi ' iVcxwa 'no u'v-'^'a [vi '] 

na'yuq wi'yqi 'tu ami'ya , ma'iyan [o 'uq w] a'ik a. 

u'm ani 'ya 'vimi 'ya ywa 'ro ano 'a 

ni'mpti)wa 'ri'tsaT)wa'pi i)wa 'ya yo ', 

ma'iyan [o'qw] a'ika- [vi 'ni ] ci'naijw a \ i '.^^'''' 

'aga'q- uv'^ai' piijwa'nfiYwaqainimptnta'am'. imi' r^ir uijwaro"' 
m '"a'ni*kaivatc'camp avt'vatc' qa'n a'cuv'' a'ivatc', ni'aac]- "'^'oai" 
ptijwa'ntiiYwaq ain imp'tn ta'm iyir ui)WA, a'ip tya ctna'i)\va(|)i. 
mava"co'" na yo'q wip aR ti'qa'ij'wiptya cma'i)\vav aij' ma va" 
naYu'qwti)qit!uap cya a'iveai)wtr)wa'ai({). ctna'qwavt aij' pA^qa'iju- 
puayai'tuaiyiai]' ma n o'q ' cma'ijwavt a'iveaqwj' qoYo"'ptaYai'fuai'. 
mam u'c u tiv^'atsmava'viriw piqwa'iav am' tuwa'tstr)wa'q uv 
uxti'n aiya'm U(}) u^qwa'p t uv^a'i'toxw a vi'tci qn a 'x i yqn a'qupi- 
Yaiyaija'm'. iini'r)\its a'ip iya tiVa'ts aq', iv''i"ca' i'mi naya'qwii)- 
qit u'". iiqwa'c utcaiiju^" cma'qwav ui]W pA'qa'i]Utic ampA. iint'i)U- 
tsi'lm' ma va"am' na yu'qwtriqit' nap cY^'jiiiii' ma n o'qoam'im' 
qofo"'piya,. qnc'riuts- waa'iYUsamp" piya'13'wipiYa saYwaxaya'T'tco- 
Ywayantiqwiqwanti". mamu'c u mava' WA'tcc'qwiyumunc' 
tcaY''p atcux w na^u'q wikap iya nayuq win tni'avii)W. qa tc 
lini'kayai'camp' na yu'qwikap ta'* u^qwt'ynam- aR manu'nt' 
tu'p^i'p lya. ijni'i)uts 'atci'm a({) na yw^i'p A^qap lya tiimp^'i'm' 
naTa'({)ikap "cya. ma ni u'c u tiv^'a'ts ai)' nava'vii)W qa'ivaiya'am 
"'a'urai'mV ntijwj 'it uywa'am' wfnc'm'miap cya. mamu'cu saywa'- 
Xaitcaxwan ir)wci)w am' qa 'p lya'aim', 

:5 — N_^-_N_A_::^— N— N_N-jf=P-N — ^ — N — ^-^ — n — n — ^-^ — 

-4 — I — I — I — I — • — I — -i — H— ^^H — i 1 1 '- — • 1 1 ' — -\ 

-^^#™# — 00 — 0—0 — — ^^^0-^ — • — • — - — — — 0—-^ — 

i-t i-ya-ni ai-ka-vi-nt' ma-n i-mi-'a-xa-'a-vi-nt'^^* 

to'qomo'rui ga'igumpa'nan' — 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 461 


" Coyote, do you, then, there 

Engage in combat with people. 

One should not be acting that way 

When he has as his wife one that he has taken away from another. 

Go ahead! Engage in combat there with people, 

That is what I say, O Coyote! 

V>ui right here, say I, shall I be lying down. 

O Coyote! do you, then, there 

Engage in combat with people. 

That is not how one should be acting, lying down, 

When he has as his wife one that he has taken away from another. 

That is what I say, Coyote!" 

"Who is it, then, on whom you have always been depending? 
You, indeed, have always been acting in that way, however, always 
lying down, always doing nothing but singing. It is I, indeed, upon 
whom you have always been depending," said Coyote. So there was 
a battle at that same place and Coyote fought there together with 
his companions. Coyote was killed, and all of Coyote's companions 
were killed. Those two W^olf brothers put their wives and their 
children into the sticks lying alongside of their quivers, "^^ and then 
Wolf said (to Panther), "Go ahead! engage in battle. That Coyote 
has already been killed." And then the two of them fought there 
and killed them all. Now only two survived of those who were blue- 
hatted.^ Those there, four in number, engaged in close combat, 
being battle chiefs. In spite of their doing so, they could not kill 
each other by shooting. Their arrows were all used up. And then 
they hit each other with their bows and threw rocks at each other. 
The Wolf brothers moved along towards the mountain in front of the 
others. Those blue-hatted people were singing. 

"It is too bad that you are doing so, O Panther! you whom I am 
going to have as a panther-skin blanket, after I have killed you. 

462 X Southern Paiutc and Vte 

442 SAPiR 

a'n i[v't'n'nina'n'nina'nt'] 
pa 'q aijo'tsim [u'q waiya'a]. 
i't lYa'nc a'ika[vi'n t'J 
ma'ntmc"aYa"t[vi'n c'] 
nu '"wt'tUYwa'fv'qni'n'na'l 
qa'iva'ia[vc'n'nina'n t'] 
a'.ura'imcku'tsi[vi'n [']. 
i'mpi'ya'i'i m'^a'va' 
ii'm^ari' ama"a[vc'nt'] 
qa'iva'i aqa'i'a[vi'n c"J 
ma'iya'i' ani'k a[v['n c'J 
m'"wt'tuYwa"a[vi'n i'] 
w"t'ntmi"axa"a[vc'n t']. 
i't i^a'nca'[v'un i'na'] 
ma'ip a'yiu'fv'iini'n a'] 
pa'qai]u'nipana'n't[vt'n i'] 
i'mi'i[vt'n'nina'n ['] 
na'ri'xwi'nap ii'r)'u[v'^a'n i'] 
ma'intcu'[v'yni'n'nani'n a'] 
ti'v*atsi"t[vt'n'nina'n t']. 
i't lYa'n tya"a[vin i'] 
ma'n ik a'iiva"anti'i' 
i'mia'[vini'n'nanin a'] 
to'qoa"anii"i[vi T] 
i'tci' tiv'^t'p t'l'a'a 
a'vaa'n- a vi'^aa'a.^^® 

tiv^'a'ts a q a'piYa/®°ni'niaxaint' saywa'xaitcoxwaxainumpanan" 
pA^qa'qutsi'ni'. I'ti 'a n i an i'kaiva ntim' tiv^t'p c ava"an oo'a'mi 
qo''n^'i'ka,i' pA^qa'q w^'aiijuqwani. mamu'cu sayvva'xaitca- 
Xwan ir)ur)w am' qa'p tYa'aim', I'ti'an t aik^ nji'ncA pA^qa'q w'ai- 
i)uinpa nam nji'ntA tu'qu'p tYaiva n am i'ti'a n i ant'm'nuai' ni'owi'- 
tux w qa'ivei 'a'ura'. impi'xai' ma'ri am', 'u'r'um ijni'ts- maxa'ri- 
v*a nfi'm'. maqa'c u tiVa'ts qa'p tya, tnu'ntcu'" njt'nt' nixa'H'a'- 
t im a'i'/aitcu' aik 'f. i'mi'^^war'uaq- uv'^'ai i'i'tci' tiv''i'p t" mari'riqai- 
yiaq ' nji'ni' ni^a '*va 't irjqaiva tnni'. a'i^ai'm' tiimp^i'p a'nam avc'- 
rjupiya'aim am u '"wa'mi. ma m u'c oyp'tcai'yaq ii)w am a'ip cY''^^- 
'aim', I'ti'a n ta'm ant'k^ tump*i"am ava"an a vi'ijuijqwa'aim' nim*i'- 
yua'm' a'i^aiyamc'm' man o'aruptYaiyam'im'. ijni'ijiitst'm i'yatia- 
'am mano'arup tYa tii'mp ar qnt'rjUqwam' pu'ruqwipcYa. maija'c u 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiules and Uintah Utes 463 


" It is too bad that you are doing so, keeping your places in front 
of me as you move along, having started towards the mountain. 

" What have you there on that mountain, that you are thus keeping 
your position in front of me as you move along? 

"It is too bad that you are in that position as you proceed, you 
whom I shall kill, you the mighty one, as you say, O Wolf! 

"It is too bad that your flesh will be thus lying on this earth." 

Wolf sang, " And I, for my part, shall have a blue hat when I have 
killed you. It is too bad that you shall be thus while your bones 
are lying on the earth after I have killed you." Those blue-hatted 
people sang, " It is too bad that you speak thus, whom I am about to 
kill, whom I am about to possess as panther skin.. It is too bad that 
you are in that plight as you move along before me towards the 
mountain. What have you on that (mountain) that will, then, pro- 
tect you?" That Wolf sang, "Do you say that you are a greater 
one than I? Did you, then, create this earth, seeing that you are to 
be greater than I?"65 go saying, the two of them, (Wolf and Panther), 
lay down on a rock in front of the two (Bluejays). Those Mountain 
Bluejays said, "It is too bad that you two are thus lying down on a 
rock in front of us." So saying, they reached down to hold (Wolf and 

464 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

444 SAPIR 

tiVa'ts ai] a'iptYa, iv''t" ""qwa n im";" nava'vtqwja pA'^qa'qu- 
^uava nipininil. nv^'a'va 'm a'oijq^'avi avt'tci ava"na'm avi'rjupc- 
yai'm am o '"wa'm'. ma rn u'cuani' man o'arup cyaiyam 'um'. 
qm'ijLtsi'm i'yat ia'm' man o'anip tY''^ ijni'r)uqwain a'orjqoav ar 
a vc'tc' pu-'ruq wipiya. iv^i'yaYap I, a'iptYa tiv^^a'ts , a'itciarami 
ni'wu'RiqwatuYwap yn t'miqu'm'. m 'a'va'm ynt'ijuts- pai'k-A- 
puv''an'nani am u 'v*a'm avi'qup'tYaic 'im'. marja'cu qa'p't'Ya 
oxo'ts'iy'aq ', ni'niA tu'^qii'q aitco/oxwaiva n antm' pA''qa'r)Utsir)uni'. 
a'iYaic uaq'am' ma no'arup tYaiyaq'am' i'yat ia'amt ma n o'arup cYa. 
qnt'qutst'm' ntr)wu'a m an pu 'ruq wiptYa. maqa'c u ti'v^ats a'ip lYa, 
aYa'n ir)untca' i'mi ni/a '"va 't im- aintc' pA^qj^'umpantin aintc' 
cu'q upty an t'k- i'm OY-^'tsai'yaq t^aiva nt'i. tiv^c'c a oyp'tsai'va- 
q ait I'qarj'wipi'Ya'aim'. 

mamu cu qani am aura' paiyt ijupt'Ya mava- am qani va 
pi'tcipt'Ya'aim', ^nt'ijuts- ma n o'q oam 'tm' ntr)wi'mar)'up tYaiya- 
m'im'. pina'qqw am-t'i]\vanti cma'i)wavc a'ivaiyar)\v| a tci" kwi'ta"- 
X upa 'ai)' tsi'nc'x ikantr ctna'rjwavc' tA'qwi'mpu''qwir)q'p'tYa'aikw. 
uni'quqwa T)" stna'qwac})! qwiri'kiptYa. qni'tct a'ip tYa, A'pi"'kain'. 
iva 'n 'can t5rain t a'itj)! naYu'qwtqqit' uaiYi. 

14. Eagle as Suitor. 

sivi'ntiv^tp cv*a' qwa nants pi'tcip'tYa. ijnt'nuts qan t' ava"an ai' 
pini'k arip tYaiyaq ' qan t'aYanti". ma 'ma'otsir)w"f qa n i uv^i'mi- 
tuxw ts pi' inti' pjn i'k ai'yuijWA na ruyw a'iqum tmmpt'Ya, 
um^a'rjA maa'inyi'fkant um a'r)axain i'. a'ip t'Ya ma m a"' 
ts pi'ijum iijqurjw qa n t uv^'i'mitux w. pina'qqw qnc'k aru''ca'ui)w^®' 
aqa'ruq WA qan I'aYanti iiv^a 'ntimanai)qw ma nia"uts- ts pi'nup'Ya- 
m*a'i)a q' maa'in in a'ait i, a'ip tYa na ru'x wa. ijnt'quts tiv''a'imi- 
k upiYa paiya 'Hi una'p ai]Wi. ijni'quts 'an a 'x i pi'tciptYa. marja'c u 
moa'r)- aij' ma ma"utsi' nta '*vtr]'wa ni Dro"*p 't'Ya.^^^ maija'c i' 
mam a"ats ai)' ma n o'q oam tuu"ainnnpiYa "a'ivamc" qan I'Yantim i 
aija'c u nia 'H'ti]'wa m- at) a'ip lYa qwa na'ntst anariix \v, imi'an' 
pirjwa'xaiva n' piitci'ani qwii'kari w'a'xaruxw ptni'k ariya'. 
m*a'va.iyaai) o"" qwii't iqwaptYaiyai)' qwana'ntc ai}' qwti'k ari 
w'a'xarux w na H^a'cu pjni'karip tYa (pva n a'ntsi ai] w'l'ci'a r)' 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 465 


Panther) with their hands. When they had done so, they reached in 
vain, and the rock was crushed to pieces. That Wolf said, " Alas 
for us two brothers! It seems that we are to be killed." And on a 
dead log that was lying on the ground the two of them lay down in 
front of the Bluejays. Those reached down to hold them with their 
hands, but, having so done, they reached in vain, and the dead log 
that was lying on the ground was crushed to pieces. "Alas!" said 
Wolf, "that we two are just about to be beaten." And then the 
two of them lay down again on ice in front of the (Bluejays). That 
Mountain Bluejay sang, "O you, who are destined to be a panther- 
hide hat when we have killed you!" So saying, they reached down to 
hold them with their hands, but it was in vain that they reached for 
them. When they had done this, their bodies were shattered to pieces. 
That Wolf said, " What has become of you, you who say that you are 
greater than I, you who say that you are about to kill me? 111- 
advisedly do you act, who are destined to be a mountain bluejay." 
And, sure enough, the two of them turned into mountain bluejays. 
Those, (Wolf and Panther), started back towards their house, and 
there at the house they arrived. And then they caused all of (their 
people who had been slain) to come to life again. After a while 
some one from among Coyote's companions, while walking along, 
tilted up with his foot the bow that was stuck through Coyote's 
anus. When he had done so, Coyote arose. And then he said, "I 
must have been sleeping. Right here was I now engaged in fighting." 

14. Eagle as Suitor.^® 

Eagle arrived in the country of the Sibit®^ Indians. And then he 
sat and watched the village from above the houses. As he saw the 
young women going out of the houses now and then, he would say 
to himself, "That one too has been touched," said he, whenever a 
young woman would come out of the house. After he had sat and 
done this for some time, a young woman came out under him from 
the village yonder. "That one it is who has not been touched," said 
he to himself. And then he started to go down, descending the hill, 
and then he arrived inside the (liouse). That father of the young wo- 
man was their chief. The young woman was wont to refuse all of 
the young men that lived in the village. That chief of theirs said to 
Eagle, " You shall have my daughter as your wife if you sit and look 
right through the smoke." So he locked him up there in the smoke, ^^ 
but Eagle sat and looked right through the smoke as though it were 

466 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

446 SAPiR 

tu'tuar)UpiYa. u'v'^aiyauq' qwi''kari' tstnit'u'na ui)qifp-[Yaiyaq' 
nta'*v ar)'. iv'^iccar) o"" piT]\va'xaiyai}' pa tci'n- ai)', a'ip tYa 
nt'a cjji. qwan a'nts ai}' ma m a"utsi' pir)wa'rar)up tya. 

mar)as i'v^'aiyauq ' c cc'naqwavtya 'q uf uacamp aq' cjna'qwavii)- 
Ijaivatc t 'tcuq- Si'ip'iya., iv'^i'y'aijw 'a'iv*cr)wav!t's ur)WA nan a'c'o- 
qupiniya'ai]w a n i'rjqiq'. iv*i'y'ar)W yaa'it tyariqiq ai}W, a'ip'iya 
maria'cu cina'r)\vav ai}'. m a'upa' o"^ qwan a'nts ar)' yaa'iijq'^ua- 
p lYa mona'tsiYantiai) aq' qami'xAv'oin a q' no 'p aiytkipcya. 
ynt'quts "'u'v'^a' so'par'DaptYa qwan a'ntc ag ava 'ntux wpiya 
co'quc u qam ■{■" yaijwt'm'miap tYa. mar)a'cu ctna'qwav ai) 
a'ip lYa, ptmpi'n'ixka.iyai] a'iv*'tr)wavitc ai)' cu 'que u qam t'({)"A''qa- 
qa". tv'^t'ya I)' qan t ama'ntux w nampa'nantstYa'ijqiq ai)', fiv^tc* 
o"" m "'a'upa'" qan j' *'a'ura' yo 'n'mqup lYa qwan a'nts- niqwt'- 
v^mariqw "'u'mp'^tc- an I'k aipcYainc'. qant'am- A^qa'nai]- 
qwop a m t trti'xaiiju'q w qwan a'nts- na *va'c- 'a m u'^'upa 'q wai- 
qup-iYa qan t'va pctciptYa- maqa'cu cina'r)wa(|)i, Wt'ya i)' nana'- 
i)W{nair)qiqai)'. mava'ntuYwam-V ma n-o'q-oam' nu'a'p tYaiyam' 
qwan a'nts-. ctna'rjwav a'ip-iYaic u, iV't'ai)' na-ru'n'nar)qiq a i)'. 
mava 'ntUYwam' man-o'q-o to'pa'raip cya. ijni'k aYai'cuai)' qwa-- 
n a'ntsi' narja'i'ait! luk-'pt'Yaiyar)'. 

tva 'ntuywaqwan' qa'tc' sijma'.iqwa'*. tiv*i'ts- pa'a't-oyont 
'uraro" t'ltci tixwt'nap- aRi. 

15. Rattlesnake as Story-teller. 

m-a'va' mam-a"uts- qan ['yaip-iiYa waa'q-u tuwa'tsir)wui]'wai(})i. 
mar)a'c u tuwa'tsai) ai)' tixwt 'n at iv'^ttc'piixai'tr)W piya'iyacj). iin-t'ts- 
ptya'q ai} a.'\p'iya, toxD"m uijw a'i^^wa'* tixwt 'n at iv''ttcuxwai'tr)W. 
v'ma.i, a'ip-t'Ya tuwa'tsiqw. tOYo'ni tixwi'n aqqini, a'ip iy^- v'ma.i, 
a'ip I'Ya toxo'ai)'. piya'RU^qwa *x't' iimi ariqa'xwic A to 'xwa "xwtcA, 
a'ip t'Ya. marja'c- a'ip ats- paiyt'kw^'aip tY^ piya'vatcuxwa(}). 

maria'c u piya'r)' tiv^i'quptYaiyai]', ti'Ywi 'n ai)qir'aa-r)a'mi toxD"m 
ur)WA, a'ip-i'Ya. "'u'r)'w aik-* piya'RU^'qwa "x'f i^ni ariqa'xwtcA 
to-'Ya-*YWtc-A, a'iyar) 'aik-^, a'ip-'t'Ya. 'a-n.-o'q-Dxwa q'wan i^ni'k-^, 
a'iijuptYa. ovt" qwii'ts ui)wa'vatcuYwar)qw'aip lYa i]ni'r)uts-. 'an-o'- 
qoxwan-t' qnt'k-', a'iqupiYa. mar)a'c u toya'av ai}' wi'qwi'nta-i)- 
q'piYaiyai]' ti'qa'p-i'Ya'aik- uv'^a 'ntux w ma m a"utsi' st't'p ta-r)'. 

ynic- a'immpiYa tiYWi-'n aqqim tmmptYaiyar) a'ip atsi'. mava'n- 
tuYwaq'am' nava'(t)itsir)W nar|wa"q-uai)a'm pA^'qa'quptYaiyaija'm' 
i]nt'r)uts- pa-vi'tstai) ar) a'ip I'Ya, iv*''c"r)W' piya'ram- ur)WA tA'ta'q wivt- 

Texts of the Kaibah Paiutes and Uintah lltes 467 


nothing at all. Eagle's feathers turned black. ^^ And then the chief 
poked out the smoking fire with a stick. "Do you, then, have my 
daughter for a wife," said the chief, and Eagle married the young 

And then that one, wont to be a coyote, though the others were not 
coyotes, said in the morning, "Do you all try different sorts of tests 
on the newly married one. Do you all make him hunt game," said 
that Coyote. Now Eagle was hunting through there along with the 
rest, but the rabbits that he had killed did his father-in-law carry 
home. And then they were gathered together yonder. Eagle came 
to that place and carried with him but one jack-rabbit. That Coyote 
said, "Do you all look at the newly married fellow, who has killed 
but one jack-rabbit. Do you all have a foot-race with him right up 
to the house. " And so, sure enough, they started off through there 
to run towards the house, and Eagle, merely for fun, pretended to 
fall behind every one else. When they all got near the house. Eagle 
went right past them as though it were nothing at all, and arrived at 
the house. That Coyote (said), "Do you all wrestle with him." 
And Eagle threw all of them down one after another. Again said 
Coyote, "Do you all have a fist-fight with him." And he knocked 
them all down with his fist. After treating Eagle in this fashion, 
they made him angry. 

At this point I do not remember further. This story is a very 
long one. 

15. Rattlesnake as Story-teller. 

A young woman was living there together with her two sons. 
That son of hers asked his mother to tell him a story. There, then, 
his mother said, " Go and tell your grandfather, go and ask him for a 
story." " All right," said the son. " My grandfather, tell me a story," 
said he. "All right," said his grandfather. "Under your mother 
flashes red, flashes purple," said he. That boy returned home to 
his mother. His mother asked him, "Did your grandfather tell you 
a story?" said she. " He said, 'I'nder your mother flashes red, 
flashes purple,' that is what he said," said he. "When did he do so 
to me?"^" she exclaimed. Taking a stick, she then went off" to him. 
When did you do so to me?" she exclaimed. That Rattlesnake^' 
coiled around her. Ibi edit urinam feminae.'''^ 

He kept saying the same thing. He was always telling that story 
to the boy. At that place the two brothers killed both of the (babes 
their mother had given birth to). And then the elder brother said, 

468 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

448 SAPIR 

Xw'aiqw, a'i^fuar)' m''a'va ntuxwa q' tA'ta'q wivipiYaiyaq' pi'aia({)t. 
toxo'aruA'tstqw am' qa'tcu paii"piaicu pina'qqw amu'v''tnar)qw 
ir)a"pits- ts pi'qupiiYa. maija'c- i}ni'i]Uqwan' paiyt'kw'oip'iYa. 
a'it'ciariwa''', a'ip lya pa vi'ai) ai)'. uv"a 'ntuxWACutcaijani cjiin'^i'''- 
(jt'ijWA. iv*i"i]W ya'xw'ai'rjw toxo'avii)w um' qatcu"m iya'vaxava - 
rjwai'm', a'ip lya. maqa'c- a'ixucuai)' m^a'upa''* ya '"/w'aip tya'airiw 
ii)a"pitsi'. toxo'aviqwc am' to'tsi'v'antia m' tira'qwantctp ayMp 17^ 
ya-'vaiytptyaiyar). ijni'riuts- yar)\vc'm'imaxuai)' qwitca'rjupiya. 
qni'rjuqwar)' mava 'n tuyvva i]' ci'mc'^ qtp tyaiyar)'. ijm'r)uts- paiyi'- 
kiptya. maija'c u pavt'tsiar) at) a'ip't'xa, a'i^ciarjwq,' ir)a"pttst uijw 
axa'n iqg'qw. ni'ntca 13 'u'v^antuxvva'rjW wfna'i^kt'qw, a'ipcya. 
'tv'^i"r)waxa'* ya'xw'ai'qw, a'iptya pavi'tsiai]'. marja'c- 'u'^par)' 
ya'yw'oip tyaiyai]' puv^a 'ntuy\var)a({)t cjim'^c''^ qain' uv^V pi'tciptya. 
toyo'avir)\vaxainc uqw t'ira'xuava 'in avi'ptya. maqa'c u paiyi'- 
k w'aip cya o'p ac U. maria'cu pa-vt'tsiai) ar) a'ipiya, a'it'car)w^' 
ii)a"pctst ui]W. uv'^a'ntux wcuaqani cim''t'A'^qit'car)W toxD'avcqwta'm 
ur)w uqwa'oaxituxw'am' paii'rjurjwa'quc-. iv'^i'uqwaxa'*^^' ya'- 
Xw'ai'rjW t^x^'aviqwi um' to'tsi'v'antia'm' tira'qwantctpay-impa', 
a'ip cya. mar)ac- uma'upa'qw ya'xw'aip tya. ym'quts- toyo'avirjw'f 
to'tst'v'antia'm' tira'rjwantctpay^ip cya. uv^'a 'ntuywar) i^nc'quts- 

qatcu"qwan cvaciimfi'.ir)wa'".^^ 

16. Owl's Widow's Experiences with Skunk, Badger, and Hawk. 

moo'p utc ai) um^'a'va' piqwa'qw'aic})"!; qan c'yaip c'ya'aim' tuwa'- 
tscyai'pcya'aim' so 'que u qamu'v^'uctsc a' nca'^yanti'. moo'puts- 
qam c'y'aiminpcya tA'cc'pauxu pitci'm inunpcya. ijui'ijumiqka' 
pi'tccmir)ka 'a'imincmpcya, qamu'v^^'ucts i'mi yu'^^a'xcyam'. mar)a'su 
piya'i)' ti'm''a'mintmpcyaiyam' qamc'r|W{'. I'ti'camp uni'mipcya 
maqa'c u nig^'n apcqw a\) i^ni'^.a' yaa'i5f.a' qam o'aantscr)wf ^®^ 
maya'mip'tyaiyam' na 11 ori'ac- *'a't h)waij\vca'ai3W ti'qa'm ipcya. 
pina'qqw piijwa'i)' yaa'iijqw'aik aqoai)' qan c'ai] ava '*ntux wpcya 
qamc'qw qnc'quts- wi'qa'm'Mi'kantim}' maa'ipcya. a'ikw, ''i'mc- 
ar'uanicram a'xaijwantccijqimi'ka', a'ipcya t'i'qa'xa'aim' mam c'- 
rjwanti'. od'vc" tA''qa'.iyur)Wits(q-w niv''a'RA'ton'Ni'tiava qoaqw 
wa'a"i]W^uip-cya. paiyc'q -w'aip cya' aim' qan-c'va*ntuxwam-U(i). 

Texts of the Kaihah Point es and Uintah Vtes 469 


"Go alieadl go and squeeze our motlier by stepping on her," and 
when he had said this, (the other) there stepped on his mother and 
squeezed her several times. The rattlesnake children (that came out 
of her) were numerous. After a while a human baby came out after 
them. When (the baby) did this, that (younger brother) returned 
home. "What did you do with himy" said his elder brother. "I 
left him there at the same place and came home." "Go ahead! go 
and fetch him, and you shall not be afraid of the rattlesnakes," said 
he. When he had said this, that one went through there to fetch 
him. He stepped on the heads of the rattlesnakes as he walked along, 
and returned with the (baby). And then, as he was carrying him 
along, (infans) defaecavit. When he had done so, he left him at that 
place. And then he came back home. That elder brother of his said, 
"What did you with the baby?" "I threw him down over there 
and came away," said he. "Do you, then, go and fetch him," said 
his elder brother. That one went off in yonder direction to fetch 
him from where he had left him, and there he arrived. Truly (the 
baby) was lying right among the rattlesnakes, (so) that one went 
back home. That elder brother of his said, " What have you done 
with the baby?" " I left him at that same place and came away, as 
the rattlesnakes were in great numbers round about him," "Do 
you go, then, and fetch him, and you shall step on the rattlesnakes' 
heads as you go along," said he. That one went off in yonder direction 
to fetch him. And then he stepped on the rattlesnakes' heads as 
he went along. Then he returned to yonder place with him. 
I do not remember the (story) from this point. 

IG. Owl's Widow's Experiences with Skunk, Badger, and Hawk. 

Hooting Owl was living there with his wife. They had one son 
whose name was Rabbit-eye. Hooting Owl used to hunt rabbits and 
he would arrive home in the evening. Whenever he did so, whenever 
he would return, he used to say, "You, Rabbit-eye, come and take 
them away." That mother of the (boy's) would roast the jack-rab- 
bits in the ashes. The old Hooting Owl was wont always to do thus 
when he was engaged in hunting; he used to give them young jack- 
rabbits, but he always ate the good ones himself. After a while, 
when he had gone out hunting, his wife went to his house, and then 
she found jack-rabbits whicii had been covered up. "Oh I" It seems 
that he has been always hiding these from us," said she, and she ate 
some of them. Having split bones in two by hitting them on a stone, 

470 X Southern Paiutc ami Vte 

4r)() SAPIR 

ma i)a'c u cia'pc' pitci't iqwavaxap tya niv"a'RA'ton'Ni'tir)wava'- 
ptya. qni'x'ui)W po'yu'' Aptyain t :):)'\ aR nampa'ia i] a'a'xarux w. 
ijrn'i)uts tuywa'nu pA'pa'qApiya. qatcu'tcan axa'r'oaqwt'ap acu 
tA'ci'n 'aik ain'. iim'qut'sc r)wani pjnt'k ai'tu'', a'ip c'ya. niai]a'cu 
ptqwa'i)' pf'nt'k ai^w'aipcyaiyari'am'. tspo 'i]qiq\vani, a'iptya 
nioo'p t'ts-. maija'c- qna'^yttuywaq ' tsc'a"'Wttc'pcya nampa'iyaq'. 
iiuiijac c'v^'aiyauq ' moo'pats a'ip iya, ya'a'ik a i]ani qu'tca'pot D''- 
ciwarim t ai)an ui)\v pjm'k aiijq'fmxw'aiva'. (la'tca cina'i)\vavi'ap ai' 
(ja'tcr p^ni'a 'p ai' iji] uru"'^ tiimp^i't u^qwatuywaf uinciiqw'aiva n- 
tiai)ani qa'tc i'na'mpiitst'apai i]i] uiii"'' tiv^t']) uniq WAtux wt'uir)- 
qiq w'aiva ntiaijani. 

pinar)q 'o"" ya'a'ip cya moo'puts-. mamu'c u mava '^ntir/wai)'- 
am' ci'xn t'x qwa'^'piya °'o''' pam' pay^'m'mtap cya. liiii'qutsi'm' 
p.7 nt'aj' qan I'va i}'am' pi'tcixwa'aip tya. ma i)a'c u p? n;" qant'va- 
i)\vaiyuc}) u'cu'q wt^.a p cya pont'avuruxwa'. niaiia'c u piya'r)' 
qan c'on aijqop ' cu'RU'^qwaRuptya. mai]a'c u main a"iit,s a'ip'iya, 
uv'^a'ntuxwcutcari'animi cjim I'ak i tn)qa'mv[aiya'i)W. iv^i'ya qa- 
xa'" ti'rjwm [ axi'mar)wtt uxw qatcu"ui)W pjni'qw'aq ho'i)W^^* 
pgnc'aiyaij' tva'yi'yam'^®^tuyu'ntuywar)'um\a'ip'tyama'ma'*cayw4- 
ts-. pina'qqw yaya'p tya. 'a'ikw, a'ip cyain i" pont'A, aya'n ti)utsti)w' 
a'ik - piya'ni qatcu ma'.im cqw'ait i a'iyaic qn t uv^t'inituywai)up cya 
qan c'acf). *xa'n cijutsc aik- yaxa'xa' piya'ni, a'ip cya p^nj'A. nava'- 
c u'an a'ik^ yaxa'xa', a'ip cya piya'r)'. qa'tcu, tinti'n cai)q'it:ua- 
tsa m en OA, a'ip cya p^n^'A. qatc, a'i'an aik 'f, iva"ai)' mam a"uts- 
qari'q a', qa 'tcu, m ^a'ri' aru'* n'i'ni pu 'pan' y'u'xwanc ''nA, a'ip cya 
piya 'ij'. qa'tcu, mama"utc an c'k ariq a' pai'qqwcoq \vikai\aq ai- 
yaq'. a'iyaic'uqWA piya'iyacj) qwii'p cya pcv^j},'waxaint ur qari'n'a- 
13W tca'^xwc'Dqi'ka'. an c'an aik-, a'ip cya. mam a"utsi' pcv^'a' qari'- 
q ain, a'ian 'iyir 'aik -. u'v^aiyauq iinc'ijuts- marja'c u piya 'i) ar)a'- 
ruxwa'q \VA tinc'A'pc'yai'qw. uv^'a"cuya''' tii](|a'ncvcaiyav ijn a 'x i 
ya'a'ik \va' in i"am- iir)W, a'ip'c'ya. 

'ync'ijuts pone" nana'q oaijupcya qatcn""ci w naijwi^'i'yam' pjni'- 
n a'aip cya. 'u'v"aiyauq ' tiv^^'c'ts- mcyoma'x a NA^qwo'arjup cya. 

Texts of the Kaihab Poiutes and Uintah Utes 471 


she stood them up at the place where he was accustomed to shake his 
feet free of snow. The two of them went back to their house. 

After sunset that (Hooting Owl) made a noise as he arrived, he 
made a noise of shaking off snow from his feet. As he did so, the 
bones sounded as though they went right through his feet, and then 
at night he groaned with pain. "I do not know what has happened 
to me. My feet must have burned from intense cold. And now let 
him come and see me," said he. His wife and (her son) went to see 
him. "Prick it out for me with a point," said Hooting Owl, but she 
pushed its sharp point further into his feet, and then the Hooting 
Owl said, "When I die, you shall let my (boy) go to see him who is 
light gray around his body,^'^ not Coyote, not Skunk — he it is who will 
cause my (boy) to be going under the rocks — , not Badger — he it 
is who will cause my (boy) to go under the ground." 

And so after a while died Hooting Owl. They left him at that 
place as they started away, and they travelled along in yonder 
direction. Then they went and arrived at Skunk's house. That 
Skunk was whistling a tune at his house while making skunk-blankets. 
His mother was sitting outside the house making a basket of squaw- 
bush twigs. The young woman said, "We have left him yonder in 
the cave that is his house, and have come here." "Then do you 
quickly go away from here before Skunk sees you. Do you two start 
to go up from here," said the old woman. After a while she cried. 
"Oh!" thought Skunk, "I wonder what has happened to my mother 
that she does that, who has never acted like that before." And when 
he thought this, he went outside of his house. " What has happened 
to you, my mother, that you are doing this, crying?" said Skunk. 
" I am just crying like this for fun," said his mother. " No! someone 
has told you something," said Skunk. "No! that is what I say, a 
young woman must have been sitting here." "No! it is because of 
the way in which I have been moving around," said his mother. 
"No! it is a young woman that must have been sitting, it is smooth 
and hollow." So saying, he picked up his mother, and the place where 
she for her part had been seated was marked with wrinkles. "What 
did I say!" he said. " 'It is a young woman that has been sitting here,' 
that, indeed, is what I said." And then that mother of his told him 
about it. " In that same place, she says, in his cave house, has your 
relative died," said she. 

And then Skunk set to tracking about in various directions, but 
he did not discover their tracks. And then he looked for tracks, 

472 X Southern Paiute and Vte 

452 SAPiu 

'u'v^amixaint' nai)wa't'tik a.iiu' navt"^tsti)W. "'u"pani ijmijuts- 
nanti'naYwa'aip iyaiyam'. 'u'v"a m" WA'tsi'r)UptYa aya'x upa ijan 
yntk- i4m't'uir)qiYaiyai)an'. qatcu'niaxqa'* qani'ani pj'm'qwa'*, 
a'ip tYamaa'iyon'an i-^.aiyar)'. ijni'n'mxucuar)' mam a"ut.s- taxa'va- 
yavantiac}) po'aviriwi' mantsa'r)winap tYa. 'ye'tuqwa.u''®^ na^a'^w. 
ij'mjj-.i', ttci'n t^a'* p^n t'avuir aR naxa'^n'wtntriqi. pqhj'a moi'm'mt- 
ari' na'xai' qu'qwt'p tya. ijm'ts a'ip tya, I'tc a'ip atsi" qwi 'n oro'omp' 
ttci"ca'* piya'i'yarjW qwt'n Dro'omp itci'xain i' piya'n t'*** qwc'- 
noro'omp' ttci"ca'* nj'ntA qwi 'n oro'omp', a'ip tYa qu'qu'q wt^aiyam' 
na -/a'qw'jA. pjni'k air)uinii]kuar)' mava'Aco'om' wjni'p iYa'aim' na- 
Xa'"r)\v[nixaiyaq am' am u '"raiijqw'aip iy^-^'^'' vjmtc a'iptYa, 
qoXo"itcarn tni, a'ip "tYa u'tcu'mika.i' miiru 'n 'uxwa". iri", i'p i- 
i]waiaruamt' unt'k ' c ct'tcum'mi^a'. p't'qqaqniptYa'aiqw a'ixucam- 
par)\v. pina'riqw moro"i' mai'mpun a i}qip tYa. i}nt'r)Uqwa'r)W 
wi'cs'ramptaxaint' p5n{'avt'tr)W toYo'tst'af ttk aik a', a'ik w, aip tYa 
P5n;'A. ijnt'quts na Ya'Y^yp''^ ain av ijmu'urair)qw'aip tya u^qwt'- 
yuqwaxain t UR po'avtqwf to'to'tcariqiaq ai'ptya. tiv^'t't nnt naqa'i'- 
aiptya p?n}'A nanti'naYwa'aip tYa'aim. ijnt'r)uts mamu'cu 
tsta'mptyuat! ttp tYa'aim' navt'n a x i. p.jni'A nanti'nApiYa'aim' 
tst'a'mptviar) aR ts pa'y^itcap t'Yaiyar)' pijnt'avtarj aR mano'n t 
paYa'it'caip tYa. ijnt'r)ats- nana'i'aip tva o 'p "tYa. qnt'riats- paiyt'- 
q woip tYa op ac qa n t'va ntuywczc}). a'ikwi, a'ip "tya a'ip ats ar)' 
pt'vuntka.iquts , piyani liqwa'riram aR tc'jxwt''ram'. y 'mfj.i, 
aip "iya piya'r)', iv'^t'n ta'axa' an t'm t'^ w^'a'p "taxanfi a'a'ura'. 
ma ri'c- 'a'*tcuYwa'p"tYain tarn', ptya'i) ai] a'ip tYa, qatcu ant'k- 
yqwa'qw'ait i p5n{'a''y ui}waru" o'pur)\v. a'ip ats ar)' na m t'''aip tya 
axa'iqu'tsi'qw o 'p t'. piya 'r) ar)' qnts- an t'rjUpt'Yai'q w nai^wa'aim' 

m-^a'va ina'mputc ai]' qant'^aiptYa tiiwa'tstnwuqw'aic}). i 'tcuq- 
a'ipiYa, qa tcn'tcan 'a't'in on o.staap a tv;i"am"tn- aik ' yua 'va 
avt'^'um' navt"''tstijw"t', a'iYuai) a vt'tsttci lun'^'a'ntiix \v yo 'n'- 
ntqupt'Ya tu\va'tsir)\v"5"ai3'. p'jn t'n'uik aip I'Ya a nr avt'tsttci'. ovi'ni- 
pimpin ara'putstrjw ai) a m u'v^tnaqqw am a pttci'xw'aip tYa. ynt'- 

Texts of the Kaibab Paiiites and Uintah Utes 473 


circling far around. Yonder, indeed, appeared the tracks of mother 
and child. In that direction, then, he went and followed them 
up, and yonder he caught up with tliein. " Wiiere are you taking 
him to like that/ Where are you taking him to, pray, causing him 
to be like that? Did you not see my housey" said he, as he held his 
arms around her. Cum ille ita ei faceret, femina pediculos inter crura 
cepit et abjecit. "Off through here are mountain sheep. "^^ "All 
right! Stand, then, my dear, covered with this skunk-blanket of 
mine." Skunk shot the mountain sheep that was moving along in 
the lead. Then he said, "This is the boy's blanket. And this is 
his mother's blanket, while this is my mother's blanket, and this is 
my own blanket," said he as he kept shooting the mountain sheep. 
As he now and then took a look, the two of them, (mother and child), 
were standing in that same place covered with the blanket. He 
went towards them. Then he said, "I have killed them," said he, 
with his eyes closed and rubbing his chin against them. "Don't! 
Are you wont to do that to your old husband, always pinching him?" 
In spite of his saying that, it kept on happening to him in that way. 
After a while he lifted up the blanket from them, and when he had 
done so, it turned out that his skunk-blanket had been caused to 
cover a bush cactus. "Oh!" said Skunk, and then he went towards 
the mountain sheep that he had killed. His arrows, it turned out, had 
lice on their points, one on each. Skunk was exceedingly angry and 
followed in their tracks. And then the two of them caused to arise 
behind them a plain covered with wild rose bushes. Skunk followed 
them up, but the wild rose bushes scratched him and all of his skunk- 
blanket was scratched up to tatters. Then he was angry; et pepedit. 
And then he turned back home to his house. "Oh!" said the boy, 
when he had looked back, "my mother! \ rain storm is approaching 
us." " All right," said his mother. Do you, then, hurry along towards 
the cedar grove." That storm appeared to be gradually approach- 
ing them, and his mother said, "It is not really raining. Podex 
est viverrae. The boy died first, having taken the wind in at one 
gulp, and his mother had the same experience with it. Both of 
them died. 

There dwelt Badger together with his sons. In the morning he 
said, "I have not been dreaming well, seeing that here in the plain, I 
say, mother and son are lying." When he said that, his boys ran off 
on to the little ridge. They stood on the little ridge and looked. 
The very tiniest l)oy of his family arrivetl on it behind them. Then 

474 X Southern Paiute ami Ute 

454 SAPiR 

r)uts a'ip'tya, uwe+n''^^ yua'^Y^ritumpa a'vttcim in ta'*m' na'ya- 
(})A''qa', a'ip tYa. yo 'n 'tqup iya qan I'va nt'ux w. mai)a'c u mo'a m' 
tiv"i'i}uptYaiyam'. u '+v^, a'ip cya, niaa 'v 'a 'vttcin t naya'vai', 
a'ik Apiya. an t'an 'aik , a'ip tya jna'niputs . tiv"i'pu lini'yuts* 
A"st 'aru^'qwa YtMi'kuptya. ma m uv" ijnt'i)uts- pi'tcr/w'aip iya 
mava 'aivu pu(w)am aipcya.^" a'ip atsi' na m ■i"aiYutuii)up iya. 
ynt'ijuts piya'iya I) ar|a'vinar)qw 'a'ivut'uiqup iya. iint'ijuts jfna'mputs 
a'ip tya, t'onipo'q .)ivtin am'" tiv^i'c t''. niin"t'-^.wa'^ qa'tcu wi'ci 'a - 
nianti'ai)\v tii'tu'v^itcaijwiv', a'ip cya nia nra"uts-. ma ija'c u 
pi'riqamaip iya, tompo'q oivim an' tiv^'c'c i" '. imjVi'a' 'im'i aik' 
t)mp.)'q oiv a'i^a', a'ip "iya wiyi'mocDamantiact) tcano'i)qwar)qits-. 
i'l'i) 'ii) 'i'l)', a'ip iya, ''i'tcia q' tompo'q oiv ur a'in am, iiv^'a 'ai' 
ma n ['ni'intap iya. '.)'v"aiyauq- iint'i)mni ts a'ip iya, tV'i'arian o 'pa i] 
ijm'm'mtat' uiijci'icuaijan tvii'tci t i '. a'mpaian t a'ivucampA ([atcu'ai]' 
pjni't uin aivaA^cja ij' wt'nwaxantimpaijwit'i' qa 'q'fu'acampA kiya'r)- 
qiqat' uac ampA qatcu 'q wa'^m' s o tsi'n aiva'aq warn', a'ip'iya 
jna'niputs . mava 'i ynt'ijuts- paiyi'q w'aip iya maqa'c u. ijni'i)uts- 
ma ni u'c u m "a'u'pa'amtk upiya'aim'. tiv^i'c o'" \vt'i]waxantum- 
par)wtt a'mpaian c a'ip iya. a'ik wi piya'ni ■iv"'i"qwaram' s o tsi'kai- 
va' miya"antstc ampA, a'ip iya a'ip ats ai]'. qats e'iai) iyir 'aik-* 
(|on o 'm'm ui)W, a'ip iya piya 'i)'. a'i^.aic ampaA'^qa'^m ' so tst'k aipt- 
yaiyaci am' wt'ijwaxantr. a'ik wi wa'n untcan qa sotsirjufu''", 
a'ik '^Apiya, pa'ici wananwa'^'^'' pa'iqwanaijwa', a'ik fjuq warn' 
navt"atsii)w'i pa'ip i tiimp"a'upa'am' waya"piya. 

mai)a'c jna'niputs ijnic a'ip iya, qatcu'tcan 'at in ono's tap '. 
mamu'c u tuwa'tsujwiai) i|ni'c an ipupiya. maija'c ovi'mpimpin ara'- 
putstqw ynic a'ip iya, \va '+n' a vi"yini'. niaijac jna'mputs am u'c}) 
pi'tci/wa'aip iyaaic u. mava 'iyuani' poa'm ainq'ip'iyaic nam', ijnic- 
a'ip iya, t^mpo'q oivimani tiv^t'c t''. mam a"uts pu'tcu'tcuywapt- 
ya'aik w a'.in'naijw mava 'ai' man I'm'iiuap iyaaic u. ijnt'ijumi 'ts 
a'ip iya, Cjna'i)\vav 'ui)\v yaa'iva nti. qa'tc iiiiwa'uucuaim'mtava i)wa' 
qan till ana'ijqwop' mama'haywjitc'^^ uijw (jan i'^.aiva nt'i. "'u'r'a q' 
piv"a'"ni- uR pt'tci'xwa'aiva n a'am', a'ip iya jna'niputs . mamu'c u 
m *a'upa ni ik upiya'aim' tiv'^'tc o"" c[na'i)wacj)i m^a'vanti' 
ta va'.inqit nap iya. ^'a'ik w, a'ip iya c[na'i)\va(])i, a 'mpiroa 'qaiva' 
(jan t'vii ntin iiR ma'ni "'autsuiwf kiya'i](iiqan'naiir s j 'ai'pin i 
aivji nt'i, a'ip iya cma'i)wac})i. m am uc o"" m a'li'pa ni tk upiyaic 'um' 
ctna'i}wavi'am- aij' qan t" a'up ap iya'aim'. mam a"c aywoitsiam" 
cjan I'va' pttci'-/\va'aip iya. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Vtes 475 


he said, "Way over yonder on the plain it looks as though there are 
two lying," said he. They ran off towards the house, and that father 
of theirs asked them. " Way over there there seems to be some- 
thing lying," said they. " What did I say?" said Badger. And 
then he started to travel under the surface of the earth. Then he came 
up to them and doctored them there. He first caused the boy to get 
well, and then after him he made his mother well. And then Badger 
said, "Pay me with feathers." "We two did not pluck out any of the 
feathers," said the woman. That one kept on saying, "Pay me with 
feathers." "What do you mean when you say feathers?" said she, 
as she pulled out some of her pubic hair. "Yes, yes, yesl" said he. 
"These are the feathers that I speak of." Then he did so while 
moving.''^ And then he said, "Go ahead! let him, my dear, travel 
in yonder direction away up from here. Even though there is a noise 
going on, you shall not let him look at it. Even though people are 
singing in the canyon, even though people are laughing, you two shall 
not peep at it," said Badger. And then he went back from there. 
Then they started off in that direction. Sure enough, there was a 
noise going on in the canyon. "O my mother 1 let us take a peep 
at it, only a little bit," said the boy. "Nol That, indeed, is what 
your great-grandfather said," said his mother. Although they said 
that, they did peep at the canyon. "Oh! over there someone has 
taken a peep," said (those evil spirits). "Blood! blood!" As soon 
as they said this, blood flowed out of the mouths of mother and son. 
The Badger said just as before, "I have not been dreaming well," 
and those sons of his did the same. The very tiniest one of all said 
the same thing, and over yonder they two are lying. Badger again 
went off and came to where they were. And again he doctored them. 
He said the same thing, "Pay me with feathers." The young woman 
understood what he meant, and again he did thus while moving. 
When he had done so, he said, "Coyote will be hunting, but you 
shall not pay any attention to him as you go along. On the other 
side of (Coyote's) camp an old woman will be dwelling, and that is 
where you are to arrive," said Badger. They started off on their way 
through there. Sure enough, Coyote was helping at that place to 
burn brush (in order to scare up rabbits). "Oh!" said Coyote. 
"Where my house is will be easily recognized by the noise, by the 
sound of women laughing as though they were happy," said Coyote. 
So the two of them started off again in that direction, but they passed 
by Coyote's house. They arrived at the house of the old woman, 
(who was Hawk's mother). 

476 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

456 SAPIR 

pina'riqWA ctna'i)\va({)i pi'tci'xwa'aip lya ijnctc a'ip tY'*^' niaiu a"*s a- 
Ywoits i^ir ui]W c rpu'v^'aintntstYaim t', a'iptya. qani'aq' 
mam a"acaY\v.)itsi ava'ntuYwai]ktxa ijmtc a'ip tYJit impt" iint'k- 
'i'vii ntr p(n c'k ariy.a' ''i'vii" pttc'i'v'a a'intcu'an "aik^, a'ip iya. 
pina'riqw maria'c- a'ip ats- qam-(' ovi'nfuaqwoiptqwf piyo'xom'- 
miaxa iini'r)uts- pitci'p iy^- aija'iac- a'ip atst aqa'vatci' naria'mptn'- 
nimmptYa.^^^ maija'c uar)" qam '}' ai)' ti'ma'piYa. pina'qqwa r)' 
tsqwi'n'nap lYa. ij m' 13' ai)' qwi 'k ari u'a'xarux w qa nrj'riw?' 
tu'u'm otts tca'i]wi(i a ptya marja'c- a'ip ats ar)'. maqa'c u mama'- 
'uts, a'it'cai}w aya'upa 'i}W, a'ip lYain t'. i 'tcuq u mam a"*saYwoits 
u''qwa'no"xw'ai£ uip lYaiyar)' tiimp^'t" tin a'H-a nti' mar)a'c u 
m a'va nti L"qwa'p tYa. i^nt'ijuts- qan I'ai)' q'i'ca'vt maa'iptYa. 
i}m'r)uts qam'va ntux w paiyi'k iptYa- tuYwa'n' maria'c u mama'- 
'uts- man 'arup lYaiyar)' qi'ca'vi'. ^'a'ikw, aip tYa cma'i)wa4)i, 
'a'iveyeyan". qu'qu'q wi^a t i' tiimp^t'paiai 'ura*. i 'tcuqu ctna'- 
i)wac{)i tinti'Ya i)qiptYaiyai)'. ctna'r)wav atci'ar)' qu'qu'q wipcya. 
o'v'aiyauq r cma'ijwav a tci'ac}) wjni'fuip tYa qi'ca'v'tq w qu'qwt'p i- 
Ya'aik w. i|ni'ni'q\va i]' tcA'tca'p urux wip'iYain c'. qnt'quts- 
qaxa'iva^xant u^qu'mputcttcaixw'aip CYa. maqa'c u piya'i) a'ip lYa, 
cma'qwavitcai] mjWA naqa'i'aif uqqiariani. unite a'ip lYa, qo '4-nt- 
Xtnt' qo '+nt5f.m i'.'" 

17. Coyote and Porcupine. 

cina'r)wa(J)i m ""a'va' qan i'5f.aimi"ptYa piqwa'r) at]' cii'x A"tiv''t- 
tcupiYaiyai)'. unite o"" ciina'i)wa<J)i m'^'a'upa'" si'Yaxw'aip lYa 
'u'v^antr cii'x pi'Ya yiqi'mputs m '^a'u'pa'* paxtqwa '*rux wpiYa 
qu'tcu'm' pa q waiii'ntux w nu'i'k aip lYa. yjrii'mputs umu'ruyw 
a'ip'i'Ya, paa'n a " no 'Ywmi. ina"*. qa'tcu cu'yar)'. ir)a•"^ qa 'teu 
cu'yai)'. a'i^juar)' ma no'n i' tu'p'^i'p lYa. uni'ijuts- cu'yuc u 
piya'i'pt'Ya. ii]a '"'. i'i'i}', a'ip lYa yiqi'mputs-. maria'cj) qu'tcu'mpiy 
ai)' pi'tcipi'Ya. ijni'ts , axa'va'ami no'va'mi, a'ip lya qu'teu'mpi', 
ivii" o'ava 'nam, a'ip lYa. qa 'tcu, tir)wi"ivani nana'ijwt'on oik ami. 
axa'v* uv'*ai', iva '*' a'p an a^va ni. qa 'tcu, tcotco'montix ika'ini 
wi'i'ikuv^a' pa "axavatcux w, a'ip lYa yiqi'mputs . iva '*'* naqqa'- 
vana*x'ni. qa'tcu, naqqa'variwipantuxwi^'am' w'l'ikuv^a' pa '*- 
xavatcux WA. ma nu'n i njriwi'ar) aR tu'p'^'i'p lYa a'i^juar)' mari'- 
c ampA tiimpa '"n aR piya'i'pt'Ya. iva'qwj'' tiimp^'a'iani, a'ipiYa 
qu'teu'mpi'. i'i'nA, a'ip-iYa yir)i'mputs-. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes All 


After a while Coyote arrived there, and then he said, "The old 
woman, indeed, is wont to have cold water," said he.^^ Having come 
to the old woman's house, (Hawk) said, "What are you doing right 
here, sitting and watching? 'You shall arrive here,' did I say that'/" 
said he. After a while the boy, dragging along a jack-rahbit with its 
hair come loose, arrived. He kept looking angrily at that boy, (Owl's 
son). The (old woman) buried the jack-rabbit in the ashes to roast it, 
and after a while she raked it out with a stick. When she had done so, 
the Hawk (boy), taking the jack-rabbits, disappeared right through 
the smoke. The young woman thought, " In which direction has he 
gone?" In the morning the old woman caused her to go for wood, 
and she gathered wood there at the base of the cliff. And then she 
found Gray Hawk's house. Then she came back to (the old woman's) 
house. At night that young woman reached out her hands and held 
Gray Hawk down forcibly. "Oh!" said Coyote, "my comrade!" as 
he kept shooting up towards the side of the clifT.'^^ In the morning 
Coyote had him engage in a contest with him. Coyote shot at 
(Hawk's) bow several times, and then Coyote stood up his own bow 
and Gray Hawk shot at it. As he did this, it seemed as though it were 
thrown about in different directions. Then mountains went up in 
dust and became level. That mother of his said, " Coyote, my dear, 
has made him angry." And then she said, " Come back, come back!"^^ 

17. Coyote and Porcupine." 

Coyote was always living there. His wife asked him to go for 
squaw-bush twigs (for making baskets). So then Coyote went off 
in yonder direction in order to get squaw-bush twigs, and yonder he 
was gathering them. Porcupine was walking in that direction along 
the river shore. Buffalos were standing across the water. Porcupine 
said to them, "My aunt, ho! Come and carry me on your back." 
"This one?" "No, the other one." "This one?" "No! the other 
one." Speaking in this manner, he went through them all, and then 
only one was left over. "This one?" "Yes!" said Porcupine, and 
the Buffalo cow came up to him and then, "Where shall I carry you?" 
said the Buffalo cow, "here on my back?" "No! I'll fall off when 
you shake yourself." "Where, then? here between my horns?" 
"No! while you keep sliaking your head, I shall drop off" riglit into the 
water," said Porcupine. "Here inside of my ear?" "No! while you 
shake your ears, I shall drop off right into the water." .Ml parts of 
her body were gone through as he spoke — only that mouth of hers 

478 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

458 SAPiR 

ma'u'pa' 'a'xanr/wamikuptYa. a'itcaram u'v^'ai', a'ip't'Y^- yiqi'm- 
puts-. 'ye'n ucu qiqwa '*va 'q ', a'ip iya qu'tcu'mpi'. a'itcaram 
uv'ai'. 'ys'nuc u tox'i'tiraxuava 'q '. a'itcaram uv^'ai'. qii)wa'*va '- 
q', a'ip tya qu'tcu'mpi'. a'itcaram u'v^'ai'. wi^a 'm aq', a'ip tYa. 
qu'tcu'mpi'. a'i:y.uar)' qwA'st'xwi'pap t/aiyaq ' piyi'a i]'. maija'c u 
qa'qtijupcYa. i]ni'r)uqwa r)' marja'c u tiimp^a'upa i)' tA'pu'q wipiya. 
lini'ijuts mava'nt'uYwa I)' pA^qa'rjUpt'Ya. lim'quts , impi'mA'cta- 
Xwan-QA ti 'I'a n ints , a'ivurup iy^ wi-'pu'caxaiya' yir}i'mputs . 
cina'r)wa(j)i m ''a'va nti' si^i'xaxa' nar)qa'p tya ampa'x piA. 'a'ikw, 
puwa'r'uaiyinion t^ain i', a'ip iy^^- pina'r)qwa'q w nar)qa'p tyai'cu'- 
q w. ijnitc a'ip tya, tiv^i'ts- pu'ar'uaiyiruon i:jjain i'. u'v'aiyauq' 
*'a't inaqqap lya'aik w, impt'mA'ciaywan qa ti^a 'n ints , a'intci- 
Xain t 'a'ik'f. 'o'v'^aiyauqu cma'r)wav uma'u'pa'H i' nampu'c ayai'- 
kup tya mar)a'vatcar)wtr)up lya ijnt'rjuts . ignite a'ip iya, qatcu'r'ua- 
qa" ia'v'iiani pjn i'r)W(?''. qm'qufstqwct' ivii 'nti' tA'tcu"par)umpt', 
a'ipYya cma'r)wa(})i. qatcu'a qani pjnt'qwa''. pA^qa'quqwa'airjwa' 
i'mi, ynt'qut'st' a'.i'' wtt'pu'caya.i'. qa'tcu, impt'mA'ctaywangA 
wawa'stvats a'i'an aik^, a'ip tya yjiqi'mputs-. qa'tcu, impt'mA'- 
ctaywan-QA tiya 'n ints- a'i iyir 'aik ', a'ip lya ctna'r)wa(*)i. a'i$ u- 
cuai}', i'i'qa iva'ntuywatca'ani pA^'qa'q'urjW. ijRt'riutsiai) aqa'vatcu- 
Xwa r)A cma'r|\vavi' moi'p tya. 

'u'v^aiyauq u ctna'r)wav a'ip tya, ai)a"va xiai] 'ur)W tA'pu'q wttc'i 
tiv*'t''v''txaiva q', a'ip tya ctna'r)\va(J)i. 'i|'mt\.i", a'ip tya yj'rji'mputs . 
ijnt'quts a'ir)umt its aqa'v'a x i tar)a'roaimar)vva({)aptya. stna'rjwavtai)' 
kiye'qqipiya ynt'^uar)'. ynt'quts ctna'r)Wav arja'v'a x i tA'pa'q wi- 
piya qwaa'quptyaiyar)' yiqi'mputst'. qni'rjUtstai]' tiya'n ip'tyai- 
yar)'. 'u'v^aiyauq- a'ip tya aqa'rux wa yir)i'mputst', u'qwa'p tmsnti 
ya'^xwa'". maqa'c a'ixuaq u'qwa'p tmanti" ya 'vaiytp tya. ijni'ts- 
stna'r)wav a'ip tya, impa'ya veyin'am"* aro"* mt'a 'p tv"utst'ar)\v 
u'qwa'iya *vaiytx u. qima'ruc u ya '*xwa'*, a'ip tya ctna'qwacj)!. 
a'i^uar) ovt'ya *vaiytp tya yirji'mputs . ctna'qwav qmariA pA^qa'qu- 
ptxaiyar)'. 'o'v'^aiyauq' tiya'n tma'qutstai)' m "^'a'vantux w kwi- 
tca'p tya. unt'qumt ts' paiyii'(})i'sia'p utstm' p't^a'p tyaiyaq' ma va"an' 

Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 479 


was left. "Here in my mouth?" said the Buffalo cow. "Yes!" said 

He started to go right through the (water) in yonder direction. 
"Where have we got now?" said Porcupine. "Right here still at 
the shore," said the Buffalo cow. " Where have we got now?" " Here 
still, right in the middle of the (stream)." "Where have we got to 
now?" "At its other shore," said the Buffalo cow. "Where have 
we got to now?" "On its bank," said the Buffalo cow. When she 
said this, he hit her heart with his tail and she made a gasping noise. 
As soon as she did this, that one jumped right through her mouth, 
and then he killed her at that place. Then, " What, I wonder, shall I 
be butchering with?" said Porcupine, as he went here and there look- 
ing for a knife. Coyote, as he was collecting squaw-bush twigs at that 
place, heard someone talking. "Oh! am I, for my part, getting to be 
a medicine man?" said he. After a while he heard it again, and then 
he said, " I, for my part, am getting to be very much of a medicine 
man." And then he heard it clearly, "What, I wonder, shall I be 
butchering with?" was saying, indeed, he who was talking. And 
then Coyote started to look for tracks off yonder and met that one 
then; and then he said, "Did you not see an animal wounded by me? 
Perhaps, then, he fell down dead around here," said Coyote. "I 
did not see him." "Perhaps you have gone and killed him, and 
therefore it is you who are looking for a knife." "No! 'What, I 
wonder, shall I be whittling with for making an arrow foreshaft?' 
that is what I said," said Porcupine, "No! 'What, I wonder, shall 
I be butchering with?' that, indeed, you said," said Coyote. When 
Coyote had said this, (Porcupine said), "Yes! at this place have I 
killed him," and he led Coyote to the (Buffalo cow). 

Thereupon Coyote said, " The one who jumps over her will have the 
hide," said Coyote. "All right," said Porcupine. And then, when 
he had said this, he crawled on his knees in order to climb over her. 
Coyote laughed at him as he did so. And then Coyote jumped over 
her. He won over Porcupine, and then he butchered the (cow). 
Thereupon he said to Porcupine, "Go and fetch some wood." When 
he had said this, that one came with some wood, and then Coyote 
said, "Why is what you bring little in size when you fetch wood? 
Go and fetch another," said Coyote. When he had said this, Porcu- 
pine brought back a stick and Coyote killed him with it. Then, 
having finished butchering the (cow), ibi defaecavit. After he had 
done this, he hung him up on a little long-leafed pine growing along 

480 X Southern Paiute ami Ute 

460 SAPIR 

tu'qo'avt'. qmqu'ts- paYa'in'NU^qwtpiYa. a'ikw, qwiri'kiyi'ai)', 
a'ip tya qwttca'q aina r)'. a'i^uwaq' ccna'qwav a'.upacu paiyii'ijuts- 
*'a'tuinpA''qar)UptYaiyar)'. qm'rjuts- paYa'inNU'^qwtp tYaaic u 

miyD"-''tsi({)a ti'qa'ri'wipliYa ym'r)uts- mari'c- ymc a'irjUptYa, qwiri'- 
k iyiar)'. ctna'r)wa({)i qo 'ni'ptYaic- uv'^a'ntuYwac u. ijin'ijuts- 
pA^qa'p tYai'cuaij' yirji'mputsi'. 'u'v^'aiyauq' paiyi'qw''aip lYa 
tuwa'tscqwjar) aq' panpi'n'''k ai'pt'Yaiyar)' WA^'qi'riki^fuai)'. 

ma ija'c u yjiqii'mputs- qwiri'k-ipiYa. qnits a'ipiYa, pa'iyiv^'impt' 
na n a 'n t''.^^' a'ixuaq' paiyi'v^'tinp aR nan a'p lYa. mar)a'cu 
ccna'r)wa<j)i pt'tctxwa'aits a'ip lYa, i'mi cii'xaxwai'tJuim tntini, a'i- 
p c'Ya pts 'dd 'ts[r)wia(})C pa 'm antca'^qain av'^" axo'rav'^ik axu'q wa'm'. 
'u'v^aiyauq' ctna'qwav a'ip't'Ya, iva'ntuYwatca'^ni pi 'si'avai' 
pA'qa'iju. qnt'ijuts- pcxa'i'yiriw paiyi'c|)rstap cm". tv''''t'rar) yni'rjuts 
u'u'ra' miya'va'. um''a'u'pa'''c o"" pDTo'm'mtap't'Ya m^-mu'cu 
cma'rjwav ai]' pi qwa'qw'aiv 'amu'v^'tnaqqWA'patcuxw mta'ptYa- 
'aim' na ijwa'iyun'nam tap tYa'aim'. mava' (mi'iYw'aip tYa. qni'- 
ijutsi'q w qa'tcu pi'mptn'i'pta'^ uv'^a'^nti' pu'ca'y.aik'AptYa. 
pina'qqw ijntkaYu'c uam' ma qa'c u yjirji'mputs dJ\^'i^2aaC , tina'q- 
qwanfiAcuyaYwon QA pi'n I'kaiquqqu p- amt'qwanti. tiVtc- o"" 
pina'pu'tstr)w ar)' ti''nti' pjnt'k aiquptYa. ma ri'v" aro" i'mpt 
\va '+n- aR to'^'pD'ton'i'kantint'. lint'ijuts- mano'ni' tuYu'ntuxw 
pimpi'n'i'kai'piiYa. m "'aq'a'q', a'ip lYa ctna'qwacj)!. "'o'v^aiyauqu 
ctna'rjwac})!, pa n a'rjqwoaqwcoii saya'v ur wjna'iqqi. v'm^.i', 
a'ip-t'Ya yjiqi'mputs-. mano'n tyaiya q axa' aru'q wa qu 'n'i'ka' 
pariwi'xarux w u'tcu'm'i^'qwavtva'. lini'quts a'i^uai] aru'q wa 
qu'tcu'm'i'qwacjiipt'Ya ma r)a'campA pina'patstrjw ar)' wi'ct'xmtap u- 
n tavipiYa. lint'quts- mfnti'c pt'Ya yiqi'mputsia q ar)' pa n a'q- 
qwaq ai)' wjna'ick". mava'ntu-/wa m ' ma n o'q o n[ '{^ qwtar)' 
wtwt'q avttc'piYa a'ipatst ai)'. 

yni'ijuts aija'c- aru q wa^xeYU ya^a vurup tY^^- '^ i^.ucuai)' yjiijii m- 
puts ar)' pa'ipix^iyar)'. qni'ijutsiaq' tin a'^va ntim anarjqwan taq-' 
nar)qa"t'aip lYa yiv^i'mpi'. ijni'rjuts a'ipats ar) aru'q wanaqqWAptYa 
ar)a'<{) pi'tcr/wa'aip I'Ya mava 'ivu t'l'^cia'piYa- i}nt'i)iits ti 'mp^ n o'- 
'p !Ya iini'r)uts aip'tYa, ^xa'va•ntuYwa'* qwitca'm |A, yiqi'mputai 
aija'rux w. uwa'tux w qwa'.u'^*^ pA'pa'raqqam aiyuaq', a'ipiYa 
aqaruYw a'ip atsi*. aija'c a'i^uaq' qwa.u o'p atuYwap tYa. iva 'n- 
t'uxwa ''. qa'tcu, qwaqwa'ntcux w. iva'ntuxwa '*. qa'tcu. 

Texts of the Kaibah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 481 


the water there on top of the meat in order to return to him later. 
And then he started ott". "Oh! he is getting up," said his excrement. 
As it said so, Coyote, having returned to the same place, killed him 
good and hard, and then he started off again. He got to be but a 
little distance off, and then that (excrement) spoke out in the same 
way, "He is getting up." Coyote turned back again to the same 
place and again killed Porcupine. Thereupon he went back home, 
and his children saw him as he came. 

That Porcupine arose and then he said, " Long-leafed pine growing 
by the water, grow up!" When he had said this, the long-leafed 
pine grew. That Coyote, having arrived home, said, "You who are 
accustomed to have me go to get squaw bush twigs!" said he, while 
his children licked his hands that were covered with blood. And 
then Coyote said, "Right here I have killed an animal, and then I 
hung him up for safe keeping on a long-leafed pine by the water. 
Let us all, then, proceed towards it. So they travelled along in that 
direction. Coyote and his wife proceeded behind the (children) 
and they held their arms around each other's necks as they went 
along. There they arrived. Then they did not see the (game) and 
looked for it at that place. After a while, when they had been doing 
this, that Porcupine thought, "I wish that someone from among 
them would look up this way," and, sure enough, the smallest one 
of all looked up. "What is that way up there like a black round 
thing?" And then they all looked up. " That's the one," said Coyote. 
Thereupon Coyote (said), "Throw me down the backbone!" "All 
right," said Porcupine. "Do you all, then, lie down under the (tree), 
and you shall lie on your backs with your eyes closed." And then, 
when he had said this, they all lay down under it with their eyes 
closed, except the very smallest one who lay with his eyes only half 
closed. And then he turned over to his side in order to dodge as 
Porcupine threw the (backbone) down. There it cut all the boy's 
kinsmen in two. 

And then he went about crying under the tree. As he did this. 
Porcupine called to him and caused the pine tree to have branches 
up from its very bottom. Then the boy climbed up it and came to 
where that one was. There he ate and got exceedingly full, and then 
he said to Porcupine, " Ubi soles defaecare?" " Way off there from one 
of its branches," said he to the boy. W^hen Porcupine had said this, 
he went off along it. "Right here?" "No! a little further on." 
"Right here?" "No! a little further on." So saying, the boy got 

482 X Southern Paiute ami Ute 

462 SAPiR 

qwai]wa'ntcuxw. a'i^raic- a'ip ate ai)' pu^qwt'yam a q ' tiYaTpcya. 
ivji 'nutuywa '*. i'i'r)', ni^a'va ntuxw, a'ipiya. ai)a'c- a'ip ats- 
ma va" p?n t'p lya. qni'^uai)' yini'mputs- ta nj'ntciqii]qiptYaiyaq'. 
qni'ijuqwa I) a'ip ate ar)' tiii)wi"ip iya saxwe'iya q aR pA'ta'q ipiya. 
eu'q uptm aik^, a'ip tya yjqi'mputs-. 

18. Coyote and His Daughters. 

cina'i)wac{)i m a'va' qan t'^aip tya ma n I'^ck u pa teii'qwixai'p't'Ya' 
ym'ijuts- cu 'q ae-u tuwa'tst^ai'piya. ctna'ijwac})! moy^'a 'q an in- 
tcuptya qnite a'ip'tya, iv'''i'ya q ' mjimwi pa teii'ijwtni no vi'kaq' 
ni" aik- ava'r)Wi pjn c'aviva tst'q w Dv*'a'xctca.itei". i}nt'r)uts o"" 
ema'rjwav ava'r)w a vc'p tya mam c'Acuaq' pa teu'r)wta(})t novc'k au- 
X u. ctna'r)wa(})i pa teu'qwtac})^ wiwi'xi' pjn I'avip lya. amii'r)\vant 
yni'ijuts- patcu'i)wta T)' tiv^'i't'c at iijwai'yaqw^*^ wiyi'ijqaip "cya. 
cma'ijwav 'u'v^'aiyauq u naxa'm iijup cya. ijnite a'ip'tya, ya'a'iva - 
niani qatcun- oi't a4>t paxa'in'ntva i)'wain t'. n'i'ni' ya'a'ik am 
qu'tsi'k *kava ni, a'ip'tya. lint'ljuts- qa'tcu pi 'van tkam tava nwsi'* 
qu'tst'k^kaijum't'tstni fi'rjwtn ;' niy'i'm ai]wttux w po ro'q uv'^'a'. 
lint'rjuts- niqw't'nts fina'ijqwant'im anaqqw pt'tctva nt'i qat'cu'urjw 
sa'a'qqiqava r)wji'^. ijnt'r)uts q'ima'ijac u pana'qqWAt'imanaqqw 
pt'tc'ivantuc u qatcu"ur)W sa'a'i)q'iqava-i)wa'aii)W. su ' t 
ina'i}qWA ij'wayaxain t' qatcu"ui]W sa'a'ijq'iqavi^ i)Wc|'*. eu'iYU 
tavamaijwt'e tn am a'naijqWA pi'tciv"ant'i' qnt'ts- to'p uijqu/^'aiva- 
nt'i li'wayac amp uv*ai' sa'a'ijq'iqava', a'ip tya cina'ijwac})!. i|nt'i3uts- 
y a' a'ip tya mava'ntuywa ij' qu'tst'k '^kap tya. yni'ts- t'i'qwtn t 
aqa'x'im arjWituxw poro'q uptya. a'ipats ai]' pi 'vun tk aip tya 
qni'ts a'ip tya, mga'n inte ar)A mompa'q u. 'an t'axai' a'ik 'f, a'ip tya 

fiv^ie- o" a'ip t'a q o 'p ac an t'p tya. paa'iyom un t a'ivap utsti)w 
I't'm'mtip'tya. i^ni'xueampa m' qa'tc am u'RUeu'aik an t'p ta'*. qatc 
't'm 'f sa'a'r)q'iqavai)'waiyam' a'iyuaij iyir 'aik '^ moniQ'aqqm 
t'x'ir um',^^ a'ip tya pivi'a m'. pina'qqWA ta va'i' mj^w't'c tn^** am a'- 
naqqwA pt'te'p'tya to 'q war'im '(" qava '"va'anA. ''i'l) a'i^uai) iy'ir 
'aik', a'ip'tya pivi'am'. qnt'ijuts pa tcu'qw't'a i) am I'n ar'i'iyxy 
a vt'p'tya. ynt'quts t 'teuqu piya 'q a'ip'tya, tV't'aqA moa'i'yam 
uqw qa 'ya'ait iaxaip t'a'aq o 'pa q' moi'n'ni^wa'", a'ip tya. a'i^juaq- 
'aq °'o'x pa'* moi'n'nip t'yaiyaq'. qa tstn'noro'p tya a'ip ate aq'. 
maqa'c u ctna'qwac*)i pA^qf^'qmin tmp't'yai'qw qa'tsi' i^ni'qumiqka- 
'aiqw sa '"ntiq a m tp 'tya. 'aa'ik w, a'ip t'yain t a'ip ats , my-'an in t 
a'iyaq' mta"putstqwt'aeu pA^qa'qum j'. 'ijni'quts 'a'x p't'ni'kaip t- 

Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 483 


to its very end. "Right here?" "Yes! at that place," said he. 
That boy stuck out his buttocks there. When he did this, Porcupine 
shook (the tree) by stamping once. As soon as he did that, the boy 
fell off and his belly burst. " You may say anything."^° 

18. Coyote and His Daughters.*^ 

Coyote was living there. He had five daughters*' and he had one 
son. Coyote built a house of cedar bark, and then he said, " Do you 
all, my daughters, lay the bark on, while I shall lie down in the 
(house) and see the openings."*' And then indeed Coyote lay in it, 
while his daughters covered it with bark. Canis pudenda suarum 
filiarum vidit cum jaceret. Deinde una ejus filiarum vulvam habebat 
pulcherrimam. And then Coyote got sick. Then he said, "I shall 
die, I shall no longer live. When I am dead, you shall all burn me on 
a wood pile," said he. "And then you shall not look back as you 
return but shall start off quickly away from me. And then a person 
will arrive from the west, but you shall not make mush for him. 
And then another one will arrive from the north, but 3'ou shall not 
make mush for him. Still another one (will arrive) from the south, *^ 
but for him too you shall not make mush. Another one will arrive 
from the rising of the sun and he will have a black horse. Only for 
him, then, will you make mush," said Coyote. And then he died and 
they burned him at that place. Then quickly they started off away 
from him. The boy looked back and said, "My father has rolled 
off." "What are you talking about?" said his mother. 

Sure enough, it happened just as he had said. Unmarried men, 
three in number, arrived, but though they came, they paid no atten- 
tion to them. " You shall not make mush for these, as indeed your 
father said," said their mother. After a while there arrived from the 
rising of the sun (one who was seated) on a black horse. " This one, 
as he indeed did say," said their mother. And then he lay between 
her daughters. And then in the morning the (boy's) mother said, 
"Go ahead! go and lead him around yonder to where your father 
used to hunt rats," said she. When she had spoken thus, he led him 
around in yonder direction. The boy poked in holes for rats with his 
stick. That Coyote killed the rat every time, and when he had done 
so, he always ate it raw. "Oh!" thought the boy, "it looks like my 

484 X Southern Pciiiite and Ute 

464 SAPiR 

yaiyar)'. 'ijni'k a q oarj' ctna'ijwav ai]' cja 'tst' pA^'qa'ijuts- tftii'qA- 
piya. 'an t'an 'aik '^. m ija'ni, a'iaii iyi'r 'aik ', a'ip cya. 

ijm'ijuts- 'o"pa'* ({an t'i)Wituywa<[)t toyo'q wiptya. 'ani'an "aik^. 
moan-, a'ian iyir 'aik *, a'ip cya. iint'rjuts piya'q a'ip cya, cv'*c'- 
raqw axi'm aqwtt uxw yo'n'ntr)umpa'. cina'gwavtarariw uqwaro'" 
niari'n'NA''quv''a ntirar)WA. cv'^c'raijw ync'riuts- tuyu'ntuywaq <i- 
unipa'. ijnc'ijuts o'" tuyu'ntuywaq iiumpcya. ava'nti" 'o 'p ac qn c 
a'iva nt'i, aip cya. ccna'i)wav, 'a'ifcanw, aip cyain c'. ijnc'rjuts 
'o'^'pa'* qa nc 'u'ra' NU''qwi'r)qw'aip cya. qni'ijats uv^'a" pc'tciixwa- 
'aip cya naqqa'q aip cya'aikw wa'i^an a'am" qanc'vai]W(YU. ijnc'quts 
uv^'a'ijwituxwpcya qan {". qni'^.uai) uv^i'n aijqwop ai' wa'ix Apt'ya. 
scna'gwav uv'^a" nan t'n'narjWitux w ngn u'qwipiya. ijni'^.uai]' 
pina'putscqw ai) a'ip cyain c', tina'ijqwantiAcuyaxwon qa pjnc'k ai- 
ijuqqup'. a'i^iin cai)' ccna'i)wa(})i tii'nti' pjjnc'k aiijupcya. qni'ts- 
maa'ip cyaiyam' tuyu'ntuywam' po ro'xuam'. ccna'r)wa4>i paijwa'i'- 
pcya a'i^,aic a'ip "cya, m;'ini so n c'arjw'c/aiva ntim'. a'i^iiai]' 
so n c'ai}\varixaii}upcya. maqa'iac- inii'^ain c' ti'RA'ccn'avc^.aiva nt'i 
mjm {'antscyantimpa ivu tA'tco'n'naxa' wa'a'"xwaiva nti. a'i-^.uaij' 
niava 'ai' ccna'ijwacj)! w'a'ux wi^kup "cya tA'tcii'n'naxa'. 

19. The Bird that carried People away. 

m'' a'vayaxwa I) a'ip tits- qayu'ijw'aicl) qan c'^^aip cya. a'ip ate 
ai)' paxa'in'nct iv^'ctcuap "cya. iinc'rjuts- mca"putsc' wana'RU'pcya. 
ync'rjutsc'qw watcc'p cya'aik w qa x^'acji't qatco'am'. ync'riuts 
i 'tcuq u pfnc'k aip "c"y uv'^'a'nti' po"avc^.ain c uv'^a'riwituxwqwa'ik a', 
'a'ik \v, qa 7_u'ni, in aro' i'r)A, a'ip cya. po"an aro", a'ip "cya qaxo'aq". 
ijni'i)iits a'ip ats- inia"ants ava"t i' wana'Ru'pc'xaic u. iini'ijuts- 
t"int"i'axa m a'q w watcc'p cxa'aikw. i'tcuq- uv^'a'nti' p'jn i'k aip "cya 
pu'c'tcatsc^ain c uv''a'r)Wituxwqwa'ik a', qayu'ni, in i'ntc \x\* aro' 
i'i)A. pu'"i'tcatscr)w aro'", a'ip "cya qa x^'ai)'. ijni'i)uts- mca"ants 
ava"at i' wa'n aRu'putscyaic u. u'v'^a'q- uncquts pa^ii"noq wsitcc- 
tccmpa'^*^ watcc'p cya'aikw. i'tcuq- uv^a'ntux-wpcyaic-u uv'^a'- 
i]wt^ain c ava"'*t i' nana'qqavaxanti" qari'p cya. 'u'v'^'aiyauq-' 
ya'q-waip "c"ya'aik-w qa-xu'vatcuxwa4)'t. in aro' i'r)A, qa xu'ni, 
a'ip "cya. icu. qa ts aro" q"i'i'ijqiva r)a'm ini. 

'u'v^'aiyauq ' mam a"c aywoits a'ipatsc u^qwc'yuruqqup-tya. 

Texts of the Kaibah Paiiites and Uintah Utes 485 


father, for he is always kilHng the Httle ones." And then he watched 
him as he lay in hiding. As he did so, Coyote, having killed a rat, ate 
it up. "What did I say? 'My father,' that, indeed, is what I said," 
said he. 

And then he ran in yonder direction towards the house. "What 
did I say? *^Iy father,' that, indeed, is what I said," said he. And 
then his mother said, " Let us all run away from here. It is Coyote 
who will be in pursuit of us. Let us, then, all go up to the sky." 
So then they all went up to the sky. "There will be the same sorts 
of sound here as ordinarily," ^^ said she. Coyote thought, "Where 
has he gone to?" and then over there towards the house he ran along. 
And then he arrived there and heard their talking in the house. 
Then he went into the house, but as he did so they were talking out- 
side. Coyote kept running there back and forth. While he was 
doing this, the youngest child thought, "I wish that he would look 
up here." As soon as he thought this, Coyote looked up and then he 
discovered them travelling along upwards. Coyote yelled and, so 
doing, he said, "You shall be the Dipper!"**^ When he had said this, 
they turned into the Dipper. " You on the other hand will be a 
desert-dog, ^^ scratching around in little hollows of ridges, you will be 
barking!" When she said this, Coyote began to bark at that place, 
scratching around with his claws. 

19. The Bird that carried People away.^* 

There, it is said, lived a boy with his grandmother. The boy 
learned how to walk, and then he made a little net. When he had 
made it, he set it at the head of his grandmother's sleeping place. 
And then in the morning he looked there. Lice, it turned out, had 
got into it. "O my grandmother! what sort of thing is this?" said he. 
"It is my lice," said his grandmother. And then the boy made a 
little larger net and set it at the entrance end of the tent. Early in 
the morning he looked there. Mice, it turned out, had got into it. 
"My grandmother! what sort of thing is this?" "They are mice," 
said his grandmother. And then the boy made another net, a little 
larger. Then there he set it in a smooth path. Early in the morning 
he went up to it. In it, it turned out, sat something that had big 
ears. Then he went and brought it to his grandmother. "What 
sort of thing is this, my grandmother?" said he again. "It is a rat, 
it will bite you, my dear." 

And then the old woman made a bow and arrows for the boy. 

486 X Southern Paiiite ami Lite 

466 SAPiR 

maria'c- a'ipiits 'a in a"aic u wan a'run ac|)t nan a'p tya. "'u'v^'a 'q ' 
wan a'iya({)'i; maa'v'i'axaruxw po'axantinipa' watci'p 'iya. ijnt'r)uts 
i'tcuq- ava'ntuxwqtp tYaicu. ava'ijwi^^ain i" ta vu'ts- qari'p iya. 
ava 'nfuxwa I)" qu'qwt'p tya. iint'i)Utsiai)' pA^qa'qupiyaiyai)' 
qa/u'vatcuxwa i)a(})^^® ya 'q ip'iya. ijni'ts 'u'v"a 'q ' wan a'iya(J) 
wa tc't'p tyaic u sarjwa'vt w'a'xaruxw po 'a xantinipa'. ijnt'i)uts 
i'tcuq- ava'ntuxwqwa'aip'iyaicu ava'i)wi:jiain'.' si'umpuntka- 
rip tyain t' qa'm ar)'- iiv''a'ntuywa i)' qu'qwi'p tyai'cuar) i}nt'r)ut.s- 
pA^qa'rjUptyaiyar)' ya 'q rp'iyaiyar)' qa xu'vatcuywa<J)i. qnt'rjiits 
'u'v^'a 'q ' wan a'iyac}) watct'p tyaaic r tunip"i" tin a '"va'.^*^ i}ni'i)Uts 
i 'tcaq- ava 'ntux W'qtp iya ava'ijwt-^ain t' tu^qu'p uts qa ri'p tya. 
iint'i)Uts!ar) tya'vaxariqaic ampa r)' qu'qwt'p tyaiyat)'. ijnt'qutstai)' 
pA^qa'i^uptyaiyar)'. iini'r)uts qa /u'vatcuxwa r)a<}) ya 'q ip'tya. a'ik \v, 
a'ip tya qaxo'ai)', "'u'n icampa'* wan a'RU pa'a'v'im in' pA''qa'i)qii- 
rjumpa'. a'ixucampa r) a'ip ats- 'o"pa'* wan a'r)wantctxw'aip iya. 
"'u'v*aq' watci'p iya wan a'iyac}). ijnt'r|uts i 'tcuq- ava 'ntax w- 
qcp iya ava'ljwixain t' tiyt'A qarii'p iya. uv^'a 'ntuywa i)' pA^'qa'ijU- 
piyaic u. qni'r)Utsiar)' no 'q wipiyaiyai}" qa ya'vatcuxwacj). ijni'ijuts- 
qa yo'ai)" pu't'c iri'tp iya. 'q'n isampa'* wan 'aijwantc'i, a'ip iya. 
a'ix ucanipa T) 'o" pa'* wan a'rjwantci'xw'aip iya 'u'v'^a q ' wa tci'p iya 
wan a'iyac*). qni'ts a'ip iyain t', in i afo"avi' pu'p am in i'tc'i po 'a- 
Xant aR ma 'viaxanti'. ijni'ijuts i 'tcuq- "ava'ntux wqtpiya tu^qu'- 
m um utst^ain t in"a'i)\vi qari'p iya. 'a'ip atst'r)w uv^a 'ntuxw 
qu'qo'q w'ipiya. ijni'"^.aic 'ui]W pA'^qa'ijupiya. ijnt'i)Utsi'i)W piyo'- 
X qip iya'aiijw qa xu'vatcuxwa(|). qa xo"oi)W ti\''t'ts siri"'pcya. 

'ijni'quts °'o" pa'* wan a'ljwantciywa'aip iyaaicu 'u'v"a (i ' wa- 
n a'iyac}) watcc'p iya. ijnt'r)uts i 'tcuq- ava'ntax Wqtpiya ava'ijwt- 
■^.ain t' qwi'yaxant'i qari'p iya. a'ip ats lya'vayap ixa'aii)W i]ni'-^.ai- 
c anipa'ai)W qu'qu'q wipiya. lint'ijutsl'rjw pA^qa'i)uptya'aii)W. 
ijnt'i)Utsi'i)W piyo'x qwa'aip iya'aii)W qaxu'vatcuxwac}). ira 'i', a'ip i- 
ya qaxo"oi)W. ni'^a'nicainpa' qui. qatcu'rax qa'*'^^ nai)qa'i)w;i' 
a'.ii)(iinani. a'ix team pai)w °'o"pa'* wan a'ljwantcixw'aip iyaaic r. 
ijuiijuts "'u'v*a' wan a'ljwantcip iya. ijnc'i)ut.s i 'tcuq ava 'ntuxvv- 
qip iya ava'i)wixain t i'avtn^u'oet im "^in i a vi'p iya. 'a'ik w, a'ip i- 
yain t a'ip ats- p'l'n i'r)win t-^.a'air)W. i'i'i]ai a'imi'ka' qa xun ur)W 
tya'r'uf^aiarjani, a'ip iyain t". a'i-^.aic ampan ta i)' qu'qu'q W'lpiyai- 
yan' ma n o'n t ijni'^.uai) u-^'qwt'yuai)' tu'p^'i'k uptya. ijnt'ijuts 
atct'm a qac}) tst't'm iixwtp iyaiyai)'^^' tcA'^qi'v'utya ij'. qni'-^uai)' 
qa'tcu yu'mu'x *'Apta'*. 

Texts of the Kaibab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 487 


That boy grew up together with the net which he made. There right 
in the brush at a trail he set his net. And then early in the morning 
he came to it again. In it, it turned out, was sitting a cotton-tailed 
rabbit. He shot there at it and then he killed it. He brought it 
home to his grandmother. And then again he set his net there right 
in the sage-brush at a trail. Then early in the morning he wenc off 
to it again. In it, it turned out, sat a jack-rabbit, looking out of his 
light gray eyes. There again he shot at it, and then he killed it. 
He brought it home with him to his grandmother. And then again 
he set his net there at the base of the clifT. Then early in the morning 
he came to it. In it, it turned out, was sitting a wildcat. Then, 
although he was afraid of it, he shot at it and killed it. Then he 
brought it home to his grandmother. "Oh!" said his grandmother, 
"that's enough of making nets. An animal will kill you, my dear." 
In spite of her saying this the boy went off yonder to set his net again. 
There he set his net. And then in the morning he came to it. In it, 
it turned out, sat a deer. He killed it there and then he carried it 
home to his grandmother. Then his grandmother was surprised. 
"That's enough of setting nets," said she. In spite of her saying this, 
he went off yonder to set his net. There he set his net, and then he 
thought, " What sort of thing, I wonder, is it by which this trail has 
been gone over through the brush?" And then early in the morning 
he came to it. A panther, it turned out, was sitting in it. The boy 
kept shooting there at it, and, so doing, he killed it. And then he came 
home, dragging it along to his grandmother. His grandmother was 
exceedingly surprised. 

Then he went off yonder to set his net again. There he set his net. 
And then early in the morning he came to it. In it, it turned out, was 
sitting a grizzly bear. The boy was afraid of him. In spite of this, 
however, he shot at him and killed him. And then he dragged him 
off to his grandmother. "My!" said his grandmother, "that is 
enough for you. Do you not hear what I say to you?" In spite of 
her speaking thus, he went off again yonder to set his net. And then 
he set his net there. Then early in the morning he came to it. In 
it, it turned out, lay something that was dreadful in appearance. 
"Oh!" thought the boy, while he stood looking at him, "it is this one 
that my grandmother has always been referring to, inspiring me 
with dread for him," thought he. In spite of his thinking thus, he 
shot at him. When he did so, all of his arrows were used up. .\nd 
then he kept poking him with his bow in his testicles. As he did this, 
he (the monster) did not move. 

488 X Southern Paiiite and Vte 

468 SAPiR 

ijni'xucuai)' nir)\vt'n d "(j)! qwii'p i'Y^^iyiii]'- ijni'ijutsiar)' tuyn'm- 
pai aru'qwa XI ya n^vt'in'nuap "lya. "'u'v^a' pa.i ii'a'xav oyo'ii- 
ton o(i\vitci uin a 'r)' ya 'pitcf/wa'aip tya. ijm'ijuts a'ip "tya 
taya'p tanwiav ijmu'rux w, "'ii'v"a ntiyani (litca'ri'map i ya'r)q"i- 
qa(i I. a'iv^in lim/yiiiiui x iti' paya'in'nim inan' paya'in'niviiiysi'. 
"'u'v"a n A'pt'i*/,iin i'l) a'ip ats tsiyii'm'nmyvvtyinl. ijni'ijUtsiaijani 
qitca'ri'inai)qiqaAa ijan i 'tciiq IJ, a'ip tya' njr)wvi'n o^(})l. ijni'ijuts 
i 'tcuq- a'ip atst* ti'ma'q Apiyai^'ai)'. mar)a'c ijni'k ar)uin i q a mV 
mava'iyon t' ti' nava'c u kiya'p tya a'ip ats-. 'ar)- an i'k^ ti'ma'qA- 
qain an tarai) 'uqWA, a'ik^Aptya njjrjwu'nD ""vt" ta^a'p taqw. qni'- 
ijuts- tavaiya'.iKj \va ([ ' n'jtjwu'n d '61 pt'tc'iptya. ijnt'ijuts a'ip "tya, 
.i'v"a ntiyani qitca'ri'niat iv"ttcuq\vain am ya 'rjq'iqaq l. ma m u'c- 
a'ik 'Aptya, unia'i)a'^ ti'nia'(i ayuc ampan tinl na va'c U qwiri'k tni ;'. 

'am- oyo i)qwanri' njiijwu i)\v aniV cu q-uc u yu yu u^wai ptya 
a'a'rjavt'xaip tya co 'v^antim' qa'tcu yuyu'uwaip-ta' *'a'r)avt'aip ta' 
puvu 'iyaip ta'. i|nt'i)ats- maqa'c u ma n-o'q-oam' tiVt'quptya. 
ynt'i)uts am u'ruyw a'ip tya, iv''i"yar)warar)WA pA'pa'q £iumpa r)W. 
iv"t'yaq ' mtni i'r)\vanti tA'st'p Ti4)iJ'caxaik 'f. ijnt'rjuts ora'q ava' 
puv^'a'r)Wituywarai)w UR yo 'n'ntijumpa nA. i^nits o' 'o'p ac- 'an t'- 
k'Apiya a'.in'naijW. tA'st'pt' tA^qt'iiytrjq'iqap-tya qitca'vtna-^ytt-- 
ux w. ijnt'r)Uts:aq ' ti'ma'qAptya. ma ija'c u niqwu'n o '(|)i tA'ct'p - 
aux u pi'tci'xwa'aip tya. qntputs am u'rux w taya'p tczi)wtav a'ip-'tya, 
'ii'v^antiyani qitca'ri'niap i ya 'qqiqaq I. a'iyuaq ai] \iv*a 'ntu- 
ywaqar)' ya 'qq'iqaq ip'tya. maija'c u ti^'qa'p'iya'aik w cu'aijumt'- 
tst'q-w A'pt'ip tya. i^ni'ijuqwa ij' ma m u'c ana '^yttux w po td'- 
quptya ora'q '''qainac}). maijac 'a'v"aiya\iq ' pA'pa'q aiya'aip tya. 
ijnt'ijuts- ma n a'.in t''k up tya qni'ijUqwa ij' qa-ri'r aR nintci'tcu(i u- 
p't'ya. ii\-"a-'ntuywa 1} a'ipats ai)' pA''qa'i)Up'tyaiyai)'. ijnt'ijutstam' 
man o'q- qnt'c qntam' naya'p a ijqit'u'tp tya n'iijwt'axanti'. wi'ct'a - 
xaik ain a-q' paic axa'RUqwap tya. yni'ijuts tiv'^i'p-i uv^'a 'x-itux-w 
ma-vt'i)wan oii]qiq 'ptya. ijnits a'ip ats a'ip tya amu'rux \v, h^i'ya q-' 
ptv*a 'ntim anaqqwaijumi yj"'*t i'ptaijum 'o 'p at ux w mtmt'n'i'- 
cik-wa''' ni" aik- uv^'a 'ntux w nji'nt' ya 'vaiytp-taiyxni paiyi'q w'ai- 
vji ts . unt'ijiits 'ava"a X I po ro'q rptya 'o-'p at ux \v ti'(J)*'ipt- 
ayai'ptac{)t ^^^ mtnrt'n'i'ctk w'aip-iya. 

maija'c a'ipats- qa-/o'av inva"ui-a' paiyt'([ w'aip tya. iiv"a' 
pitct'xw'aip tya qan I'^aip-'ta'ijw qa xo'a(,S. mari'cuxwain c' 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiittes and Uintah Utes 489 


After the boy had done so, the Man-Carrier picked him up and 
carried him along under the sky. There on ii httie knoll covered with 
firs that came right up out of the water he arrived with him. And 
then he said to his servants, "Do you there fetch for me the blood 
roast. ^^ This time I have come back from a little further away than 
I ordinarily go to. While I was sleeping there, this boy was poking 
me. Then you all shall make a blood roast of him for me in the 
morning," said the Man-Carrier. And then in the morning they 
roasted the boy. After they had all done this, the boy played away 
up yonder as though it were nothing. "Who is doing that? It looks 
like the one that we have roasted under the ashes," said the Man- 
Carrier's servants. And then when the sun was going down the 
Man-Carrier came home. Then he said, "Over there do you all 
fetch for me the blood roast that I have asked for." Those said, 
"Though we roast him under the ashes, that one always arises as 
though it were nothing." 

On the fir-covered island the people had one leg or one arm, others 
had no legs or no arms or no eyes. And then that (boy) asked all of 
them, and he said to them, "Let us all kill him. Go ahead, some of 
you, and look for flint. Then we will dig the place into which we 
shall all run." Then, sure enough, they did as he had said. They 
chipped flint into small pieces into the blood that was to be roasted. 
And then they roasted it. That Man-Carrier came home in the 
evening, and then he said to his servants, "Over there do you all 
fetch me the blood roast." When he had said this, they brought it to 
him there, and he ate it. Wlien he had finished eating it, he slept. 
As soon as he did this, those (mutilated captives) all started off into 
the pit that they had dug. Then that one kept groaning with pain 
and started to fidget around. As soon as he did this, the island began 
to shake. There the boy killed him. And then he caused all the 
inhabitants to appear just as they had been before. What had been 
Ins feathers they made into a bridge, and then they scattered dirt 
over it. Then the boy said to them, "Do you all turn back to what- 
ever places you have been brought from, while I will return yonder 
to where I have l)een brougiit from." And then they started off 
over the (bridge) and went off, eacli returning to liis former coimtry. 

That boy went back towards his grandmother. There he arri\-e(l 
at what had been his grandmother's house. It seemed, as it turned 

490 ^ Southern Paiute and Ute 

470 SAPIR 

qa n I'p tn t' naya'(})A''qai'ptYa qa xo'arjaxain t aq' mava'r)Wi 
pa sa'y.wavijmk aip lYaint' qa p[n i'n ai'piYa. imi'ntcu' aik' nj'qwi 
paYa'in'nt^a', a'ip tya qaYo'ai]'. i'l'i)', maa'in tqun o'c^®^ o'", 
a'iyuar) a'ip atsc' qaYo'ai)' maa'in in i''p lYaiyar)'. tiv^'c'cuxwairri' 
qayu't'siriw uru"aptYa. 

Texts of the Kaibah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 491 


out, like an old uninhabited house. His grandmother, as it proved, 
looked watery gray in her eyes^° — she could not see. " Are you a 
person that are making that noise of walking about?" "Yes, touch 
me, then!" When he had said this, his grandmother touched the 
boy. Sure enough, as it turned out, it was her grandson. 

492 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

472 SAPIR 


1. Po 'pa q wa'm' qa'iva-vttcitstr)wa' mama'qo'mi'pr pu'pu'- 

nj'ni a'ip atsi]^a q iini qana'ri uv^a i' ma ma'q o 'mip-i tiya'i'pi:- 
yant'i yiv''a'nar)waimpan a'/axa jnK"i'tu'°'. lint'tstywa'am' c'i'ra- 
tsti)w ain'*^- ci'ra ni anarjqWA^^^ qana'rii uv^'a jm't"''. ni'ywa'* 
ma 'q 'siinanaijqWA^'^ qana'ri uv^'a 'ntux wqwa'ai'. i]nttsfj;wa"an 
uv^a'nt'' qan t'va\ t'v^aiyauq uywai) 'Dq.i' ci'ra y ui)' ma 'vt'r)w 
a'ik- limu'ruxWA qam'yantim''a', to'm- tr) umaq' mama'qo'mi- 
U(})"itui)qiva r)um a'i(})T tA'ci'p aux u, a'ik axwai) 'o^i'. 

um'tstywar) 'o^i' to 'm- uq aivam um u'r)wantir)wa'* w'a'p amanti' 
wi'qa'vitcaq ai'. iint'r)Utsigwax qa'm 'o^i ijm "'a'nti' wa i)wt'£ tk ai'. 
ijm'r)uts qma'nti' wi'a'i3qm'A''qai'. ijnt'k ai)umi tstk^^* um'guts 
ora'q ai\ uv''a"a y ijnt'rjuts pa'iyan t'^^* wawa'tct ora'q aipt'. 
u'v'^aiyauqwa T) 'ijm'quts- ma mpu'tc ui)' ma m a'q d 'miu{{)*i^ui'. 
ma 'm a'otstrjwix 'um- qm'quts- pim I'qwi'ik ai' 'a'ivami ijmu'ijwantr 
ta a'ini'kaqum i'. a'ivam t'x um' ta vi'kam tp i tavi'm intiac})t 
w't'm'mtaq umt'am'. qana'rim a ma'otstgwtx 'um' qatc' wi't'pu tcu- 
tcuxwar)wa'" si'ra m a m a'Dtstqw'iy/a'm- uqwA pu'tcu'tcuywat uyi- 
qwami po 'p a' mam a'qo 'mtqwi'tp i'. ijm'tstxwa i)' to 'm- uqWA 
mampu'tst ui)w ur)wa'vinar)qWA mama'q o 'miu<j)"it'ui'. ni'-/wa' 
^'v^aiyauq' paiyc'qwo'oi' ma 'q s tn ava'ntux WA. i'i'tcta q ' piv^'a'i- 
yauq' qana'ri'tstqw'aq um' ma ma'q o'mi'pc' pupu'tcutcuywapt. 

2. The two Horse-tail Hair Brothers, a Ute War Story. 

niqwi'ntstr) qm^'a'va' qa'ivam' qa nt'-xaiptya qava'uxWA'civaix i 
na va'v[i}w am t'axav'am' qan I'yaip'tya. tina"tux wqan'i'ntcim'^j' 
amu'v^anti" qoyo"'ptaya'i'tuai'. qava'uxWA'civaix i nava'vtqw 
a'ip iya'aim', impu "ru"avi'^^* ntqwt'nts- na qwa'ntux w pa'.i^a 
i]nt'k arim' nfm njriwt'aiyan o 'p a q'. iv'^^in ijnt'r)iits ni" o'p a' 
ant'rjq'tuaxw'oiva'. m *a'upa'* poro'm'mtap'iya qava'uxWA'civaiy 
am' nava'vtrjw uv*a'iy'um' qwoavi'r)Upayu(|) nari'v"'tr)up cya'aim'. 
'i'm an ['a no n o'c cviitc', a'ip t'ya qava'uxWA'civaix i tiv-'^i'i)ui)qwa- 
'aii)W tcA''qa'.itsiacJ)V. ni iyir 'a'iin ;' qa'tcu tump''i'yooA tiqwa'- 
vaxaij'waq iu| w uwa"aiysiY wi'avun'nta'(i w yiju'.'axu qava 'ai' 
piv'V^n am na '"ci wiqqit uau an**' ii\va"ey;i qijwa"axaruxwai)'u- 
r)wa'aq u toy^o'lMU'^taq aij'wtijqvniw (ju'ciwi'tua 13' pA^'qa'tjumpa p I, 
a'. in- iyir 'a'im }', a'ip tya tcA^qa'.i'tstar)*. i'mi toyo'in op ac- 
a'imi'ka', a'ip iya qa\a'uxWA'civaix i. ma m q'riwant a'i(})Aputsti)w'[ 
oa'vanaxptya. ynitci a'ik'Apiya, (iaAtcu"q w a^a'n i-kai'pin t 

Texts of the Kaihab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 493 



1. How THE Kaiuab Paiutes learned the Be.\k Dance. ^^ 

When I was a boy, a bear dance took place at Kanab,^^ when people 
had come back from the fall hunt. Then the Cedar City Indians^' 
arrived at Kanab from Cedar City. I went to Kanab from Moccasin 
Springs, then I stayed there at the camp. And then the Cedar City 
chief said to those who were camping, " Tom here will sing the bear 
dance songs for you this evening," that is what he said. 

Then Tom together with some of the young men cut down cedar 
branches, and then they stood some of them up and cut notches 
into them.^"* After they had done that, they then dug a hole. They 
then placed a pan over the hole that had been dug,^* and then Mam- 
puts^^ sang the bear dance songs. Then the women danced back and 
forth, and some of the young men they kept hitting with pebbles 
that they threw at them. The young men that were hit would com- 
mence to dance along with those who were hitting. The Kanab 
women did not know how to dance, so the Cedar City women taught 
them how the bear dance was performed. Then Tom sang the bear 
dance songs after Mamputs. After that I went back to Moccasin 
Springs. This is the time when the Kanab Indians learned the bear 

2. The two Horse-tail Hair Brothers, a Ute War Story. 

The Indians were living there on the mountain and the two Horse- 
tail Hair brothers were living among them. Some of those who were 
out hunting were killed by some people. The two brothers said, 
"Claiming what for themselves^^ might be the persons who act in 
that way to my people? Let me, then, go off yonder to engage with 
them." The two Horse-tail Hair brothers started off and travelled 
along in that direction. At yonder place where they were camping 
over night they asked each other, "What have you ever dreamt?"^* 
said Horse-tail Hair, questioning his younger brother. "I, indeed, 
am wont to dream that when guns are fired and bullets drop down 
just like mud, bullets do not go through the horse that I am riding, 
but if anyone shoots him right on the forehead he will be killed. 
That, indeed, is what I am wont to dream," said his younger brother. 
"You have always been dreaming just like myself," said Horse-tail 
Hair. Some of the young men returned from spying. Then they 

494 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

474 SAPiR 

naia'vai}wa'" qan /ayant UR, a'ik 'Apiya. qwitcu'vatsttcima q' 
qan I'ayanti a 'yap jn cyuywip cya fiv'^'ttc o"" qani'aYant aYa'ni*- 
kai'tsnm' naiya'(})A*qaip ta'* parjwa'^van'noayantii uv'^a'riwitux w 
to'ca'iyuaYai'piyaini'. qan t qnt'ijuts 4im"63itsi(l) mta"ants 

tuywa'r'uiriqw'aij u a'niA co 'pa yaip CYa. ijnt'quts- qani'a- 
Yanti 'a"imkw'''air)Uqwaq- 'a'xavatcux w poro'q upiYa. qava 'qw 
ta'pi**tcaqaiptYa qan i i^n a'"q wa ma mu'c 'um t t'i'ti'punaq '*- 
qaptya qwttcu'vatsitcii ama'm' tA'ta'p I'tcaq'ptYa. qava'qwj 
am' pim a 'm' ta'p i^tcaq '''qain' t'l'ca'vi' ts ka'p tn'naqamimm- 
piYa. ma m u'c u sua'pitclq 'ptYa am u'rjwanti qa ni'^anfim "'('. 
cu'yucu yu't-^nifr)wtr)W{ a m t'qwanfi qa nc' t ira'^uava' piya'ij'wi- 
ptYa. ynt'quts o'iqwantstYanti ava'n'NO''q''om'MitstYaipanti'aqw 
ora'p tYa uv^aqw i^nt'ijuts- NA'co'xu'map lYa. tu^wa'n amt'gwanti 
yu'tstqw}' m"5mi'n'i'ctkw''oipiYa. ma mu'c u nava'vcqwV we 'tc'- 
qo'om' tavt'ntmpuruatsamcV})'^' maya'x'aiya qqits amt'axava- 
fcuywam' tarj'wa'c ur)up iya'aim' qwaia'qqwA'pa m I'm' na va'c-U 
ts ka'natstm' w'a'tctYiqupiYa. tina'rjqw'am' m'^a"axaroxwa'm' 
tu'pa'q I'kip t'Yai'co'm' ava"am' na '"q wirjqitiuap lYa'aim'. tcA*- 
qa'.itsta I) aq' puqqu'A pA''qa'r)UptaYai'fuai\ maqa'cu pavi'aq ai) 
aqa'upa'* taq'wa'c uqup tYa. iini'r)Uqwa q' tcA^qa'.itstai) aqa'vt- 
naqqwA'patci' tavt'p tYa. maru'qWAtuYw'otm DYo'Dqaritsitci t'i'i)- 
qw'aip tYa'aim'. 

man ('yiyi^t avam ant'am' na'uqwtr)qii^uap tYa'aim' puqqu'am- 
ar)' na "vt'n aqqWA pA'^qjj.'iiminimpiYai'tuai'. d 'vis a'm aq antint 
ani'kaip'iYa pa ''n'oaxant' niijwu'ntstriwii am' qo'in'i'kain am', 
qo'o'it i rim j" pa 'ir) warn ar o'iqwaYanti uv^'a'qwitux w N'^'qwt'- 
ptYa. ma qa'c u qa nt't iraxuava' NA'so'xo'ma^vip tYa' tixii''ya'*'- 
p iya qnt'avt^a' man t'^tyut uxwan g'. tcA^'qa'.itstar) aq' qava'u- 
xWA'ctvaixi' pA^qa'qut'i'ptYa tA'ct'aqqwa'aixu. unt'qats- qava'u- 
xwA'civaix aq' tava'i^ maq'wi'c tk 'u pA^qa'quti'ptYaic u ma no'qo 
qava 'q\v} tu'p^i'k uqwa m V. mam a"m' qwitcu'v^ari' nava'4)itstqw 
qari'p tYa'aim' pt^'a-'mt nava'viqw;' pA^qa'quti 'rim f. pavt'tsaq^^^ 
aq a'iptya, a'ifcia'q w w'a'qtnam- ur 'a'.i'niqucampA ta mt'ntcu' 
qni'quts i'va 'm qmu'v'^tnaqqwop a pa ya'in'ntva 'mi limt'ac- o '- 
pa'm' ma n t'k w'aiquti 'q w, a'ip lYa. puqqu'tsiam- aq' qWA'ct'- 
m antuywan ta(}) pi'fka'waYaip lYa uqwa'v'antuxwa'am' na qwa"aim' 
ts pi'qupiya'aim'. i'm u'^qwai iqwi't u x \v qu'qwi'p Apayaimpa'. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 495 


said, " The camp does not look as though it could be easily handled," 
said they. On a knoll they sat and watched the camp from their 
hiding place, and really the camp did not look as though it could be 
easily handled. It looked like a plain dotted with white^^ passing 
through the meadow valley. And at a little distance from the camp 
there was a small knoll covered with firs. 

When it commenced to get dark, (the Utes) were assembled to- 
gether on it. And then, as soon as everything became quiet, they 
started off right into the camp. Horses were tied to each of the tents 
and those (Utes) led them off one by one and tied each of them on 
the little knoll. They always cut through the ropes with which the 
horses had been tied. Some of those who were living in the camp 
awoke. One from among the Ute Indians was left behind in the center 
of the camp. Then he dug a hole in the shaded bend of a little wash.^™" 
And then he covered himself with earth in it. During the night 
some of the Utes turned back home. In the morning those two 
brothers, having hung their hatchets through string loops tied to 
their wrists, galloped their horses right into the (enemy) and, having 
come out beyond them, they whooped as though it were nothing at 
all. Turning up again (towards the knoll), they came right through 
there, and at that place the two of them engaged in battle. Someone 
killed his younger brother's horse. That elder brother of his charged 
right past him, and when he did so, his younger brother lit right be- 
hind him. They went up into that little fir-covered knoll (in order to 
get a fresh horse). 

For five days the two of them engaged in battle, and their horses 
were killed one after another. As though covered with timber laid 
low was the open valley with people lying slain. The blood of those 
who were killed was streaming in the wash. That one (who had 
hidden himself) lay covered with earth in the center of the camp. 
He was hungry while he lay in this condition for five nights. Horse- 
tail Hair's younger brother was killed as dawn was approaching. 
Then Horse-tail Hair was also killed when the sun was up, after all 
the horses had been used up. On that knoll two brothers were sitting, 
kinsmen of the two brothers who were killed. The elder brother 
said, " Now their whooping has ceased, but shall we two then continue 
to walk about here^"^ after they (have died), when those have had 
that happen to them?" said he. Their horse had a sore back clear 
down to his tail, and both of them got on top of him. " You, indeed, 
shall shoot in the opposite direction as we move along." So then 

496 X Southern Poiute and Ute 

476 SAPiR 

ynt'quts'.'m o' am I'axavatcuxw'am' pciijqu'tscainicj) kwi'papApa'xi- 
p'tYa. na ni'n'naq Dvatciamt({) qu'qwt'pApax ipcya nava'c'um' 
tspt'k w'aiqupcYa'aim'. 

maT)a'c u NA'co'xD'ma^vttc ai)' tu ywa'n" qwiri'q ipiya. ijni'rjuts- 
mar)wa'(j)A''piYa qa'm^"^ u'a'xaruxw. qni'^uai) ar|a'vat!sai)\v 
qa 'm'nuap tyai't'iiai'. maqa'cu tiimp^t' ava'^ruqwaip a'qw 
a 'y^-'intc i'k aip iya. mama'c- aqa'upa'* qa 'm'nitap iya to'tsi'- 
yaik ain am' nava'vii]vv{' tstsar)ki'aq a'm'mtaxa'. maija'c u ma'up a'" 
paiyi'kipiYa tiv''i'ptaiav 'u'ra'. pavt'tstai], tvVijwani p;nt'- 
i}WinQ nuqwi^w'aiva'ar)W, a'ip tYa. unt'ijuts °'o'''pam'miapiYa 
mr)wt'ntstYain t' pao'wi'pantuxw ya'uq wa p tYa- ma qa'cu tiv^a" 
tarja'xw'aip tya. ma ija'cu tiv*a" ta ija'xw'aip lYa mai)a'c-U 
qava 'ai A'po'n ait ir)wavaxai)kt:)fuai) a tci'acj) \va vu'n'i'ptYa. ni'- 
c amp a n i'k , a'ip iya pa^vi'tstar)', pu'ca'xai^ai'mi. uv^a'yu'm' 
nai)wa"aimt paiyt'q w'oiptYa. 

3. Mampu'ts' Style of Beginning a Speech. 

"i'v'^'ta-q ' ma 'n ont nana'qq'^qa' m "a'ntstqwini^"' piya'tstqwtni 
pavt'tsti)wtni patsi'tsiqw't'ni tOY^'tsirjwtni qa Yu'tstqwtni ivatci t r" 
pt'no- tarj'wa'avit ai ampa ya'nA. 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 497 


they whipped their horse riglit into them. They shot in both direc- 
tions as they moved on and came out clear beyond as though it were 
nothing at all. 

That one who lay covered with earth got up at night. Then he 
crawled on his hands and knees through the camp. As he did so, 
people were dancing along singing (the scalp dance) to meet him. 
That (Ute Indian) was in hiding in the shadow of a rock. Those 
people were moving along singing past him as they carried the two 
brothers' heads on poles. That one turned home in yonder direction 
towards his country. The elder brother said, "Let me go to stand 
around and look for him." And then he went along in yonder 
direction. A person, it seemed, went down into the creek. That one 
galloped down while the one (who had come back), as the noise of 
horse's hoofs was heard, got his bow ready for shooting. " It is only 
I," said his elder brother, "hunting for you." From there both of 
them went back home. 

3. Mamputs' Style of Beginning a Speech.^°2 

Do you all hear, my dear fathers, my dear mothers, my dear 
older brothers, my dear older sisters, my dear grandfathers, my dear 
grandmothers, the words of the chief at Los Pinos,'"^ way up from 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 



1 . Eagle's Myth Recitative.^"' 



pi - ya 

p't - tst 

i - v"'i - tcan u - qwa - ya 

^^ -'^i rH 

ti - 'in - tu-gwan-tim - pan 

qa"niin avcya 'ti 'q av'aiva '[vi ] 

o - qwa - ya 

t v^'^tqw an o- i vasampa [vr 

qa- ri mr a ywa n lo qwa yaj. 
si'viintiv'^'i 'p-i'v'^'an- [oqw] ai'k-' 
u'v^a'anilvi'] qa'minav'tya'tP"* 
qa'mtn'avtya 't i 'qaxw'aiva'tst. 
i'va'a [vi'] qa'riv^a [oq-wa'ya] 
nia'va'a[vi'] qa'ni 'ara'mi-, 
ma'i'an- [oqw] a'iqa'fviczni'na'], 
qa'rim'avaa' qa'ni 'ara'mi.^*'^ 

2. Sparrow Hawk's Myth Recitative. 2°* 

a - ya - n i-k'a-va - a-tst-ijurjwl'ai-kai urj- wai' m'*;- 

min-tcu - 'a-i) a 


sapi'gak'a'vaa 'tsiqw' a'ik aiy'i'[vii']. 
tiv''i'tstsa'mpaa'i) uij 'ura"aiyi'[vi'J 
qwii'qwai'i'naa 'i) uq 'uru'aiyii'[vi']. 
uqwa'vatco 'qwa a 'qwai'iva'n ixa 'a'.^"* 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 499 



1. Eagle's Myth Recitative. 

My dear mother, let me 

Go to the east;'"^ 

I shall eat jack-rabbits that I have killed myself.'"* 

Do you, however, here 

Remain, indeed. 

In the country of the Sibit Indians, say I, 

Am I there 

About to go to eat jack-rabbits that I have killed myself. 

Here you shall stay, 

There at our house. 

That is what I say, 

Stay there at our house. 

2. Sparrow-Hawk's Myth Recitative. 

Doing what will you all, as you say, 

You him 

Overcome, as you say? 

Truly he is 

The one that has taken her away. 

To him, then, let me go. 


X Southern Paiute and Ute 

480 SAPIR 

3. Rattlesnake's Myth Recitativf..^"^ 




-•: — s*- 

cc-naq-wa-vt ct-nar)-\vacj)i mai-va-tci-cam- pa 

ti -v^t-t nntlai-va - tci ct-narj-wa-vt cc - naq-wacj)! ^^° 

ni'c itca i)wax'a' non'ni 'jca non'mxa '. 
ni'aq- [oqwaiyaa'] wa'ntstv'uqqo ai) ur)wa ' 
pa'qai)umpa'antii}wa', ma'iyan ['oqw] aik a ', 
cc'naqwav t ctnar)wa'(J)i ct'narjwavt cmaqwa 'cj)i.^'^ 

4. Iron-Clothes' Myth Recitative.^^^ 
> > 

- a - ri - a - ni 

iii-kain' a - a - ri - a - ni a-ni-kain' 

nia'iyan ['o 'qw] a'i'tga '[vi']. i'mintco 'a[\ i'] unia'ncnii ' 
i'migwa '[vi'ivi'ni'] ci'naqwa'vt'y u'qw'aya' 
o'n tto 'ika"aqo'i)wa' ma'ntga'[ivi'ani'na"]. 
u'qwas'o '[v]'] wants! 'vuqqu'n u'qwa ni'ntya'a[vi'n '."] 
qa'qe'r)uqwa'nti[vi 'ni'] qa'tci ' mji'.im iqwa'iti". 
i'mintco ' uv*a'i unia'n cmi' tu'cuini 'ya[tv'^t'n']. 
o'ari'ani' ma'ik a'qu'qwa a'n ika'a[vi'n'] 
u'qwaya's uqwa' stna'qwavt' ma'ntto 'ika'aqo 'ijwa' 
to'c oo'v"'a' nia'ik a'qo 'r)\va a'n i^ja' imi ".^'* 

5. Coyote's Lament.^'^ 

o - yo-yo-yo 

o - yo - yo - yo o - yo - yo - yo o - 

Texts of the Kaihah Paiutes and Uintah Utes 501 

texts of the kaibab paiutes and uintah utes 481 

3. Rattlesnake's Myth Recitative. 

O Coyote, Coyote! though wont to speak so, 

As though wont to speak truly, O Coyote, Coyote! 

Teasing people, carry me, then, on your back! carry me, then, 

on your back! 
It is I who the Antelope 
Will kill, that is what I say, 
O Coyote, Coyote, Coyote, Coyote! 

4. Iron-Clothes' Myth Recitative. 

That it has been done by one who spies on me, that it has been 

done by one who spies on me. 
That is what I say. You are not wont to act in that way, 
You, then, as Coyote 

Has caused you to act thus, doing these things. 
That antelope of mine 
Has made a raucous sound, though he is not wont to make that 

kind of noise. 
You, then, are you wont to do that, are you wont to grind seeds? 
As one who is spying on me has told you, so you do. 
As that Coyote has caused you to do. 
Saying, 'You shall grind seeds,' doing that are you. 

5. Coyote's Lament. 
Oyoyoyo, oyoyoyo, oyoyoyo, oyoyoyo, oyoyoyo! 

502 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

482 SAPiR 

-• — *-^jt ^ ^ V ^ — *~^ 

yo-yo-yo o -yo -yo -yo.^'^ 

iva'n-i- una'v'r/a- ava '[vi'], oyo'yoyo oyo'yoyo. 
aya'ntga'i- ixwa'nt" 'a'iviui)wa'cu[v''i], oyo'yoyo 
itci'ani- tya'nti- tu'i'ijqigai- tya'q ani-, oyo'yoyo.''^ 

6. Red Ant's Myth Regit ativ?:."^ 

i.y Ig , 

"^ 3 -•- S- -•- -*- -*■ 3 -•- 3 ' * U '^ 

na-ri-v*t-yan' 'a-ro-v'^'a- 'a-ro-'a- va- a-tcc-vi 

IV— J"^— 3— -— -N— -4— -K 
P f.3-#- -^ -0- -»- 

CO - q u - camp ui) - wa - \ i ^' ' 

o 'tstga'ii'vatci' nj"i(vi 'n i'n an i 'na] ct'narjwavi ' i'ini[vi'] 
ni" [uqwa "a'yavi'] co'q uca 'inp u'r)\va[vi' '] o 'tstga'ii'vatci'. 

ni'nia 'y.wa'/ain i' qwa'iit UYwa'"a'ro [v*i'] pi'mptna"a'y i[vi'] 
ni'nia 'xwa'xain i' wa'cjit iiY>va"a'co [v*i'n i] ij'ni yi 'i''[vin i"]. 

c'v^tyaya'pi' [v'cn t] ta'nwaya'a '10 'wa'iyi n'.'i]\vuruq\va 'tii'ywana'- 
a 'q ana 'ca'nipararjwa ' ni'qwiruqwa 'tii'ywana 'camp a 'raiiu' 

a'ro vva'iYi. 
c'v^'tyaYa 'p*'[u'qwaiya'] t'v^ntcani 'i'ga[vi'n t] \i\" umpi 'ca'campa' 
a'muv^'atci' to'rjwaqt'rn'.^^" 

7. A Myth Song. 

qa'pc aiy a'ikamip i nv^'a 'i tiywi 'n a/a qa 'p i ai' (jaya 'v'o- 
q-wan^^^ uqwai'. 

imi + ya' imi'ya' 

ta'vatsiva na'ijwacj wa ta 'vi 'n i* 

i + yayama tcctco ma'.^^^ 

Texts of the Kaibcih Paiutes and Uintah Utes 503 


Here shall I put away my quiver, oyoyoyo oyoyoyol 
Why did that one say that to me, oyoyoyol 
Warning me of this? oyoyoyo! 

fi. Red Ant's Myth Recitative. 

It is my custom always but one 
Little arrow to have, O you Coyote! 

I am the one that is wont to have but one little arrow. 

It was my lot too, facing about the other way, to keep bending 

down with buttocks stuck out. 
It was my lot too, facing this way, to do thus. 

Alas that it is we, as it seems, who are beaten. 
That it is we who are beaten! 
Alas! let me, then, merely for fun, 
Shoot at them. 

7. A Myth^ 

What people always say was sung at that point, when telling the 
story. Let me, then, sing that which was sung: 
Of you, of you 
The leg bone, make I a rattling noise with, while the sun is shining. 

504 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

484 SAPiR 

1. Porcupine tricks Coyote. 

yaqa'mbits u'pAptga. u v ura'^ ku'dju'm u'p a" poro'p tga. 
qwas u'V^aiyauq- u 'p'pcga na ndt'n"bu5a'm". u 'va ira' suwa'- 
axpiga'^ gwitca'p'ti) u 'va gari'ptga. ywac- u"v*aiyauq' tt v'^t ''pugai- 
k I. n{' ara'" we 'ts ti]" gwtdjap". u'wac- u 'v'^aiyauq o 'p'^puga 
yaria'mbits o 'p^'pugaic. ij'v ura ' gwtdjap'tr)' gari'p tgaic. qwac- 
u"v*aiyauq ' ttv''[ "pugaic'^tq'. y'wac- u'v'^'aiyauq- o 'p'pugaic. 
u'vand ura ' tjv'^i'q'pugaic. a'v"e'am 'ir)gi' e ''pa' poro''', ma'ip tg 
lira' qwudjun \\m^'{' gwtdja'p'. t^'was- u"v^aiyauq- o 'p'^pugaic. 
u"vai ira' nf^ wa"m u'r cu"axptga u"v*ai. i^wac u "v^'aiyauq 
o'p'ptgaic. u'V'^ai ura' cu"ax ptga. u'was- u"gwandi' ttv^'t'^AX- 
ptga. a'v'^'idjam' t"vai poru'qu, maip tg ura '. ijwac- ur o'p'ptga. 

u"vai ira' a Aa'n'nu'^gwtnt ura"p iga. ijmuc u"v^aiyauq ' 
gwe e'ndux t^uwc'p iga.^ i^wac u'V^'aiyauq', no'YWtn', ma'ip tga 
yarja'mbidj u'q'. n;* a'", ga'tc', ma'ipug ur ywa'c. qwa'c u 'v^'ai- 
yauq' ma'ipugaic. n;' a'", ma'ip tg ura' co'int'. ka'tc', ina'ipug 
qwa'c. m^'yan a'ik-'. i^wac u'v^'aiyauq', ka'tc', ma'ip ugaic. 
iimuc lira' qu'^djum- li" pa'manun t tu''b''i'p"tga. st'is ura' 
pi ya'u'wixptga. ur)' ura' a'tu'Ywav'tm ura'p'tga. uwac u 'v^ai- 
yauq ', no 'ywcn', ma'iptga. nj' a'" ma'ipug ur i^wa'c. o 'v'^'ai*, 
ma'ip ug ur q'^'ac yarja'mbidj \\'\ uwac- ura' uxga'ipiga qa'vadjux 
paYa'va' tsibi'^'puga. 

niv''a"na" kari'Vii'A, ma'ip ug ur liwa'c. i^wac- u'V^'aiyauq-', 
kate', ma'ip uga. ya 'vayaitn', ma'ipug ur ywa'c wi'i'vtdju'Ywavan' 
pa'vautnt ux. qwac- u"v"aiyauq', a'p igani nart'ava' kari"wi'A, 
ma'ip tga. qwac u"v"aiyauq', kate', ma'ipugaic. wi'i'vtdju'ywa- 
vani. ya'vaYaim', ma'ip tgaic u'V^aiyauq' i]wa'c. pa 'manuq^- 
du'wac'tr)' tu'p^'i'p'iga. ijwac ur u'^^'aiyauq' ma'ip tgaic gut c ij", 
(m^i'' gu'c nj 'nai< movo't'o'pa' kari'Viavant. ka'tc', ma'ipug ur 
ijwa'c iar)a'mbidj y". ya-'vayaitn', ma'ip tga. pa 'vaui"tugwan' 
wt'i'vtdju'Ywavani soya'kuik'^a'm'. ywac- u'^'^aiyauq ', nfpa' a' 
toY^o"'. u'4-v"ai u-'+v^ai, ma'ip tg ur ywa'c. aya'n '' ura ' n}"pa" 
^iga'vani. n{ gu'c ma'nai'am tntce ya'vaYai'. qwac u 'v^aiyauq', 
ga'tc', ma'iptga. nj' ara'" mant'umbanti u'N^'^aiyauq ara'" gatct'"- 
m" pi'ka'k uv^'auaj't'. ywac- u"v*aiyauq-, tv'^t'c*' o'({)i, ma'ip tga. 
ijwac- u'S'^aiyauq ' liwa'nax- ytga'p tga. 

ijwac- u"v*aiyauq' gu 'dj ij" paya'a^'gwip tga pa-'wauintuy uru". 
ijwac- u"v"aiyauq' t^v'^t'^'ptgai'ti)". ijwac- u'^'^aiyauq', ka'tc' 
pa 'dtruvwavactram' am'k a'. ijwac- u'^-^aiyauq' ma'iptgaic 

CiiAKiJi': Mack, Uintah Vite Indian, Whitk Kocks, I'lAit 
(Taken by J. A. Mason) 

7<?.\7.v of the Kaibab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 505 



1. Porcupine tricks CoyoTE.\ 

Porcupine was going there. Right there were buffaloes, they were 
moving on in yonder direction. He thereupon went off yonder, 
tracked them. Now there (one buffalo's) dung was quite fresh, it 
was lying" there. Then he asked it (how long it had been lying there). 
"I am his dung for some time."^ Thereupon he went on, Porcupine 
went on again. And there another's dung was lying. Then he asked 
it again, and again went off yonder. When over there, he asked 
again. "Just now, indeed, have they moved on through here," 
said then the buffaloes' dung. . And then he went on again in yonder 
direction. Now there the tracks of them were quite fresh. Then 
he went on again; there, now, they were quite fresh. Right there 
he asked (some dung). "Just now they have set off from here," it 
then said. So he went on in that direction. 

There, then, was a large stream. And those (buffaloes) were lying 
on the other side. Then said Porcupine, "Come and carry mel" 
"I?" (said one of them). "No!" said he then. And then again he 
said, ("Come and carry mel") "I?" said one of them then. "No!" 
said he, it was that (Porcupine) that spoke. He said "No!" again. 
Thus those buffaloes were all gone through one after another till just 
one was left. He, then, was the best one of them. That (Porcupine) 
said, "Come and carry mel" "IV said he then. "Yesl" said he, 
the Porcupine. That one came to him, he crossed over the water. 
"Ride on top of me," said he then. And then that one said, "No! 
I am afraid," he said, " I shall fall down into the water." Thereupon 
the (buffalo) said, "Ride between my horns." Then he, again, said, 
"No! I shall fall down. I am afraid," said he again. Everything 
that belonged to him was gone through. And then that buffalo said 
again, " You, indeed, shall sit in my nose." " No!" said then the Por- 
cupine. "I am afraid," said he. "I shall fall into the water when 
you breathe." And he then, " (Is it) all right inside of me?"^ "Yes, 
yes," said that (Porcupine) then. "But how will you enter inside of 
me? Indeed I am afraid of these quills of yours." And he then said, 
" No! I shall be doing it so as not to be hurting you." So the (Buffalo) 
said, "Go ahead, then!" and that one entered inside of him. 

And then the buffalo started to go off into the water. Then the 
(Porcupine) asked him (if they had arrived on the other side), but 
he (said), "No, we are still in the middle of the water." And then 

506 X Southern Paiute and Ute 

486 SAPiR 

tjv''|"^pugaic'ii)'. a 'vidjaraml pago'ava t'qa'wi', ma'ipug ur ywa'c. 
ijwac u'S'^aiyauq' pim't u'x tc'pi'^'puga. 'i\^'ic o'<|)i ts'bi " o(})i. 
ka'tc', nia'ip ug ur i]wa'c, ma va'nduk o'a* met'tox. qwac u"v"'ai- 
yauq' ni;' t'qa"wi'p"cga. iv'"tc' o'cj)!, nia'ip uga. qwac u"v*aiyauq' 
pi 'q'nar)^ uru" kwAci 'uxbap uga.^ i]vvac u"v'*'aiyauq' b6n'djt"na - 
puga. liwac ur u 'v^andux kwi'pa'mbtdji'^wapuga. i^wac u 'v*ai- 
yauq' ku^djiim 'u'r) lia'vatcux ijnj'uxpuga uv'^'a'ndu^va' u'. u "v^'ai- 
yauq- a'k u^gwip'gap uga''tr) u'v'^andux. uwac- u "v^aiyauq' 
ptg\va"yaiq ''upuga pa 'ma nuq-'^up'. ijwac ur u"v'''aiyauqu 
tci'bc'p'tga yai]a'mbidj 4". qwac u 'v^'aiyauq' ptyt'Rsav 6"ai 
y'na XI kari'puga. qmuc u"v"'aiyauq' gatc£"ti}' pa 'k'pigai''. 

liwac u'v^aiyauq ' tci'bi'p uga. uwac u 'v*aiyauq- u "va wjni'- 
puga ka'p ig ura '. ombu'MAsin ttva'n tn t", ka'Y oru" ma'ipcga. 
pa ' 'auR nu^gwt'p tga tsaya't cima'na x yoyD'v^udj ura' u"v*a 
paYa'n^^pt'ga. mqga'k wptga u'^'^aiyauq' 6mbt"masin ttya'nmt', 
ma'ipug ura ' uwac niqga'k wpugaik i yoyo'v^udj 11" ijwac u'v'^'ai- 
yauq uv^a'ndugap iga. qwac u 'v^'aiyauq' ytr)i'mbidj i|" u"va pa- 
ya'tt^'^piga. ijwac u'v^'aiyauq' ttv^^j'^pugai'tr)'. om ant'ak', ina'ip i- 
ga. qwac u'v^aiyauq', gatci'n ani'ar)Wa'. 6mbu''""sin' siY'i'runt'l 
ma'ika'n irik't". qwac u 'v^'aiyauq', kats', ma'ip iga. ombu'mAstn' 
tiya'ntni', ma'ik- ir)gi o'm', a't'mqgaq aiyaq a'r\ tqgt". uv'^a'iis 
uva'am' ma'ip iga na'nauwttuywa'm' ma'ip iga. ka'tc iqkt '6m 
ma'iiqwa'. ijwac u 'v^aiyauq' yaria'mbidj u", o'wai', ma'ip'iga. 
n; gt ma 'vandux ku''dju'n' pA^'ga'i', ma'ipug u"v"'aiyauq- ijwa'c 
iaqa'mbidj 11". uv^'a'ik a '' anta'na'ika,* 

ijmuc u"v''aiyauq- ij'wa'vanduywap igaim". uwac u'v*aiyauq ' 
ma'ip-iga, ma'v'ay 14" wj^ "imt' tiya'ntvantfi'. ijwac u 'v^'aiyauq' 
kA'ga'Rpiga ij'wa'v'a x qwa'iyai)^batcuwq' \va'ij'"'puga. qwac 
u 'v^'aiyauq- taija'mbidj 14" toyo'q'piga. wji"iixpug ura' tvii'ndiywac 
^va't ambu' ba'a'ntugwaci'ir)' wji"ijxpuga. ijwac u'v^aiyauq' 
yoyo'v^udj 14" tiya'ny'p'iga'ir)'. qwac u'v^aiyauq' yoyo'v^udj 
q" pago'avandux kwidja'vtyii'piga ttya'ny'pugaic''ir) u"v*aiyauq". 
u'v^'aiyauq- qni'ts sA'pu'v*i'ar)" tA'dji'piqgup'iga. ijwac u 'v"ai- 
yauq', ma 'noqu sA'pu'v'^ta'i)' pan'yujgwDiyaq ''. kadj uru" 
mama'ndt' t'ka'n oapai'. qwac u 'v^aiyauq ' yauwi'kwpugaik-' 
pa 'vanduy uru" uv^a'k' pah'x p'iga. qm'^a'nt u'S'^aiyauq' kA'ba'- 
q'piya mi'puwuts yuu'(})i. ijwac u'v^aiyauq ' gwii'pugaik' 
tPdi'k'pigaik I. o'tcayatctvetc ana'mbayap iga, mama'ndiyetca i]' 
tPdt'q ', ma'iypiga kany'^'aittmbanti. qwac u'v^aiyauq' ciri'- 
'apiga. liwac u'v^aiyauq- i4wa'vatcuifwaii''piga. ma'id'tn* 
gwa'i a'ik '.® gadj uru" mama'ndi' t'ka'n oapai'. uv^a'nduywac'ii)" 

Texts of the Kaibab Paiutes and Uintah Utes 507 


the (Porcupine) spoke again, asked him again. "Now we have come 
to be near the shore," said that one then. And then he came out 
on to land. "Now, then, get out!" "No!" said then the (Porcupine), 
"further off yonder." So he got some distance further. "Go ahead, 
now!" said (the buffalo). And then that one hit his heart with his 
tail, whereupon he scurried off, startled. Then he fell down over 
there. And then the bufTaloes came up to him at that place and 
gored him there with their horns, and they ripped him open all over. 
He, then, came out, the Porcupine. He had been sitting inside of 
his hip bone, so they did not kill him. 

And so he came out, and there he was standing and singing. " With 
what, pray, shall I be butchering?" said he as he sang. The water was 
flowing a little distance along from there, and Coyote was walking 
about there. He heard then, "With what, pray, shall I be butcher- 
ing?" as (Porcupine) spoke; Coyote heard it. And then he went 
right up to there. There was Porcupine walking about. And then 
he asked him, "What did you say?" said he. And then (Porcupine 
said), "I did not say anything. 'W'ith what, pray, shall I be scraping 
off willow-bark?' that, indeed, is what I said." And then, "No!" 
said (Coyote). " 'With what, pray, shall I be butchering?' that, 
indeed, is what you said. Indeed I heard it plainly." There they were 
saying the same thing over and over again, they kept answering each 
other. "You did not indeed say so." And then Porcupine said, 
"Yes." But then that Porcupine said, "I did kill a buffalo right 
there." "Yes, my friend!" (said Coyote). 

Then they went up to the (buffalo). And then (Coyote) said, 
"The one that jumps over him shall butcher him," So he ran and 
jumped over him, to the other side of him. Then Porcupine ran but 
jumped only as far as here, right on his rib he jumped. So then 
Coyote butchered the (buffalo). Deinde Canis secundum flumen 
defaeeavit, and then he butchered the (buffalo) again. And then, 
so doing, he took out all of his paunch. And then he (said to Porcu- 
pine), "Go and wash out all of his paunch. Do not eat anything of 
it." So he carried it off to the water and washed it there. Out of 
it, then, a bit of fat broke off. Then he took it and began to eat it, 
when somebody a slight distance away was heard talking.^ "He 
is beginning to eat from it," exclaimed he who was not present. 
And then (Porcupine) was scared, while that (Coyote) went right up 
to him. "That is not what I said. You are not to eat any of that." 
Going right there, he knocked him dead with a stick. And then he 

508 ^ Southern Paiiite and Ute 

488 SAPIR 

''wi'tl'ravtp tgai'iT]'. qwac u 'v'^aiyauq- laqa'mbidj ijwa'i' piga'p t- 
gai''i)' n^ wa'iku piga'p igai'm'. VDyD'v'^udj u" pai'k WAipiga. 

ijwac u'v'^'aiyauq- tai)a'inbidj ij" soya'pttsptga. yiv^'imp' na'na- 
ytm', ma'ip iga. ytv^'tnip' nana'kwpiga. t'qu'av ur uma'ndux 
ytv"'i'mb uru" djadja'u'wmap tga ma nu'q u. uric u'v'^aiyauq' 
ycv^i'mb ur nana'k wp'iga. uri's- u"v"'aiyauq' ma 'va t i yiv^'t'mbum 
tm'kaiptga t'qo'av u'r. yoti) a'mbidj umA gari'p iga ytv^i'mbum 
ina 'nun t t'qo'av u'r. ijwac u 'v'^aiyauq ' yoyo'v^'udj u" pi'djtgwa'- 
piga ka nt'vav uri". piss'renta'puga u'v'^aiyauq ', ku'^dju'na'n u)ki' 
pA-^ga'i", ma'iptg u'^^'aiyauq '. lai) a'mb'idja'n ii)gt' pA'^ga'ics. 
nj' p't'ga'i'tm'. o'wai, ma'ik 'Apiga dowa't ctw^'l. ma'nunt u'v^'ai- 
yauq" uv^a'ndux uni'ii^p'tga. u va' wa'ikwptga. ka ya'nup'tga. 
ijmuc u"v''aiyauq "^ waxga'ik'Eptga. pma'say"'ats puni'k aip tga. 
ywac u'vwaiyauq- tar) a'mbidj n", tma'rjkwtiasay'^Dn t punt'k aigup', 
ma'ip t laqa'mbidj u'13'. ijwac u'v'^aiyauq ' punt'k aip tga. 
0'+', ma'ip tga tint'a'ptga. ijm'^u'c u'V^'aiyauq' pumbu'n^'^^kaip tga. 
yoti] a'mbidj ma 'va tt tjart'p tga ytv*t'mbum', t'qu'avtmais. ywac 
u 'v'^aiyauq" yoyo'v^'udj \\'\ mama'nti pana'ijkw w;na'il tcE^'qa'i- 
tctwt'am' ma mu'ruxWA. o'wai', ma'ip tga tar) a'mbidj ij". mint' 
guc manu'ntak' mama'ntcaaqk'kaivan'. maijaiarss mtn' qt'mava 
waua'tcuvant^" m{'. i'v^^'ty o'^\ mama'ntca r)qayaq', yoyo'v*udj 
i|" ma'iptga. kura'tctvtsampu pana'nkw. qwac u'v'^'aiyauq' 
wjna'ipugaik ' pana'ijkw. pa 'manoq'^'om" q'^Dyt''p'tga kura'v ur. 

livvac u'v'^aiyauq' ptna'ijq^'wttmwa ma'ik endiam .?''''^ q^'t'wttp t- 
gai''*'^. qwac u 'v^'aiyauq' qidja'vt'a maya'p'igai'l. iiwac u 'v^'ai- 
yauq' pono'M p tga sA'pu''i]' u'r po'd6"na p tga. kwtdja'vantsn'. 
u"\vai, ma'ip t'g uwac yai] a'mbidj i}". ijwac o 'p a' pa 'xgwt'tp tga 
a'ipadji]". tvt'sndug a"', ka'tc' mana'i}kwbatcux. ttdju'ant ara" 
q^wa na'R gwtdja'pi. kwtdja"o'van', ma'ip tga. ijwac ur u"v''ai- 
yauq' yaqa'mbidj ij" nai)a'i'aip tga. u 'v*aiyaixq- qwa'c ta nt'n- 
tc'ktqq'pugaikl. u'v^•\iyau(l ur uwa'c ijna'p aij' wi't'vtdju'gwa- 
p iga t'puru'q'puga. 

u'RU.sambak' pise'rsntsn an'. 

2. Coyote deprives himself of his Eyes. 

qwac u"v''aiyaiiq ' yoyo